From: Dennison, R. D., Rosselli, J., & Dempsey, A. (2015). Evaluation beyond exams in nursing education. Designing assignments and evaluating with rubrics. New York: Springer Publishing Company.
Week 2 Assignment Rubric Criterion
(points possible) Does not meet expectation
Nearly meets expectations
Meets expectations Exceeds expectations
Score and comments
<7 7 8.5 10
APA (10)
Title page
Headings
Citations (if
references
required)
Reference page
Font, layout,
margins
Major problems with
implementation of
APA in title page,
headings, citations,
and/or reference
page. Font, layout,
and/or margins do
not adhere to APA
format, which affect
overall flow and
readability of the
paper
Several errors in title
page, headings,
citations, reference
page, font, layout,
and/or margins that
are minimal distracts
but does not affect
overall flow and
readability of the
paper.
Minimal APA errors in
title page, headings,
citations, reference
page, font, layout,
and/or margins that
do not distract from
the content or
readability of the
paper.
Consistent
adherence to APA
criteria in title page,
headings, citations,
and/or reference
page. Font, layout,
and/or margins
adhere to APA
format.
<3.0 3.5 4 5
Introduction
(5)
Incomplete or
unfocused purpose
statement. There is
The introduction is
convoluted and not
engaging. The
The introduction
states the paper’s
purpose but it fails to
The introduction
clearly and concisely
states the paper’s
From: Dennison, R. D., Rosselli, J., & Dempsey, A. (2015). Evaluation beyond exams in nursing education. Designing assignments and evaluating with rubrics. New York: Springer Publishing Company.
no clear introduction
of main topic and/or
the structure of the
paper is missing.
introduction does not
clearly state the topic
or preview the
structure and content
of the paper.
be engaging. The
introduction states
the main topic but
does not adequately
preview the structure
of the paper.
purpose and is
thought-provoking.
The introduction is
clearly states the
main topic and
previews the
structure and content
of the paper.
<3.5 3.5 4 5
Organization/
Structure (5)
No evidence of
structure or
organization.
Ideas are not fully
developed. Minimal
use of transitions
throughout the paper.
Logical organization;
but some ideas are
not fully or
consistently
developed.
Transitions are
awkward at times but
the flow is adequately
maintained.
Writer demonstrates
logical sequencing of
ideas through well-
developed
paragraphs;
transitions are
typically used to
enhance
organization.
Writer demonstrates
logical and subtle
sequencing of ideas
through well-
developed
paragraphs;
transitions are used
to enhance
organization.
<39 40 51 55
From: Dennison, R. D., Rosselli, J., & Dempsey, A. (2015). Evaluation beyond exams in nursing education. Designing assignments and evaluating with rubrics. New York: Springer Publishing Company.
Body of Paper:
Required content
includes an
analysis and
description of
personal ethical
beliefs and values
and associated
strengths,
weaknesses and
opportunities, and a
detailed personal
ethical philosophy
(55)
Much of required
content is not
developed and a
majority of the
assignment
requirements are not
addressed.
Most required content
is developed with
background is
addressed. Some of
the components of
the assignment are
not addressed.
Required content is
thoughtfully and
systematically
developed and
relevant. An
analysis and
description of
personal ethical
beliefs and values is
provided along with a
strengths,
weaknesses, and
opportunities. A
personal ethical
philosophy is
provided.
All required content is
thoughtfully and
systematically
developed and
relevant. A detailed
analysis and
description of
personal ethical
beliefs and values is
provided along with a
detailed strengths,
weaknesses, and
opportunities. A
detailed personal
ethical philosophy is
provided.
<3 3.5 4 5
Conclusion (5) There is no clear
conclusion of main
The conclusion
summarizes the
Clearly and concisely
states the paper’s
Clearly and concisely
states the paper’s
From: Dennison, R. D., Rosselli, J., & Dempsey, A. (2015). Evaluation beyond exams in nursing education. Designing assignments and evaluating with rubrics. New York: Springer Publishing Company.
topic. contents of the paper. purpose in a
paragraph that is
engaging.
purpose in a single
sentence that is
engaging and thought
provoking. Reviews
the main topics
presented, clearly
and effectively
summarizes
significant
conclusions.
<7 7 8.5 10
References
(10)
Based on less than 2
references; liberal
use of .com websites
and other non-
scholarly sources
Based on at least 2
references with less
than 3 peer-reviewed
sources and/or use of
some .com websites
and other non-
scholarly sources
Based on 2-3
references with at
least 2 peer-reviewed
sources; only
websites used were
.gov, .edu, or .org.
Based on >3
references with at
least 3 peer-reviewed
sources; only
websites used were
.gov, .edu, or .org.
From: Dennison, R. D., Rosselli, J., & Dempsey, A. (2015). Evaluation beyond exams in nursing education. Designing assignments and evaluating with rubrics. New York: Springer Publishing Company.
<7 7 8.5 10
Mechanics/
Usage (10)
Numerous and errors
in punctuation,
capitalization,
spelling, sentence
structure, or word
usage with significant
impact on the content
and detracts from the
paper.
Several errors in
punctuation,
capitalization,
spelling, sentence
structure, or word
usage with minimal
impact on or
distraction from the
content of the paper.
Few errors in
punctuation,
capitalization,
spelling, sentence
structure or word
usage which do not
impact or distract
from the content of
the paper.
No errors in
punctuation,
capitalization or
spelling. No errors in
sentence structure or
word usage.
Total Points:
Possible: 100
Score and summary comments:
35
Equidad Desarro. ISSN 1692-7311 • N.º 34: 35-56 • julio-diciembre de 2019
https://doi.org/10.19052/eq.vol1.iss34.2
Poverty and the Democratization Crisis in Nigeria: A Failure of the Social Contract Joseph O. Jiboku*
Peace A. Jiboku**
Recieved: February 8th, 2019. Acepted: May 15tth, 2019. Online First version: September 11th, 2019. Final Publication: October 15th, 2019
* Department of Sociology, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago Iwoye, Ogun State, Nigeria. [email protected]. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6603-8202
** Department of Political Science, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago Iwoye, Ogun State, Ni- geria. [email protected]. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6531-3142
How to cite this article: Jiboku, J. O., & Jiboku, P. A. (2019). Poverty and the democratization crisis in Nigeria: a failure of the social contract. Equidad y Desarrollo, (34), 35-56. https://doi.org/10.19052/ eq.vol1.iss34.2
Social problem, social contract, poverty, democracy and development
I38, O20, J18
JEL Codes
Keywords
Abstract From the time of philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, it has been made explicit that the state and civil society exist under a mutual-reciprocal relationship. The state exists to serve several purposes in the interest of society, while the civil society is ex- pected to fulfill its obligations to the state for the benefit of all. However, the civil society in Nigeria has not had a good bargain with the state as poverty pervades the land with dire consequenc- es on the entire fabrics of society. The state seems to have failed in promoting the interests of its civil society and most citizens have lost interest in participating in the activities of government. Thus, during most elections, Nigeria has witnessed various forms of electoral malpractices and even post-election violence as expe- rienced in different parts of the country. This paper is a desktop research incorporating secondary data from relevant institutions and agencies. Its concern is to examine how the failure of the social contract has led to poverty, which has affected Nigeria’s democratization process. The paper suggests that addressing the issue of poverty will go a long way in ensuring peaceful, free, and fair democratization of political structures that will be of benefit to all, with applause from the international community.
Equidad Desarro. N.º 34 • julio-diciembre de 2019
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Pobreza y la crisis de la democratización en Nigeria: un fracaso del contrato social
Resumen Desde la época de filósofos como Thomas Hobbes, se ha hecho explícito que el Estado y la sociedad civil existen bajo una re- lación recíproca y mutua. El Estado existe para servir a varios propósitos en interés de la sociedad, mientras que se espera que la sociedad civil cumpla con sus obligaciones con el Estado en beneficio de todos. No obstante, la sociedad civil en Nigeria no ha tenido una buena correspondencia con el Estado, ya que la pobreza invade la tierra con graves consecuencias en todo el te- jido de la sociedad. El Estado parece haber fallado en promover los intereses de su sociedad civil y la mayoría de los ciudadanos han perdido interés en participar en las actividades del gobierno. Por lo tanto, durante la mayoría de las elecciones, Nigeria ha sido testigo de diversas formas de malas prácticas electorales e, inclu- so, de violencia poselectoral, tal como muestra la experiencia en diferentes partes del país. Este artículo es una investigación de escritorio que incorpora datos secundarios de las instituciones y agencias relevantes. Su objetivo es examinar cómo el fracaso del contrato social ha llevado a la pobreza, lo que ha afectado el proceso de democratización en Nigeria. El artículo sugiere que abordar el tema de la pobreza contribuirá en gran medida a garantizar una democratización pacífica, libre y justa de las es- tructuras políticas, lo cual será de beneficio para todos, con el aplauso de la comunidad internacional.
Pobreza e democratização da crise na Nigéria: um fracasso do contrato social
Resumo Desde a época de filósofos como Thomas Hobbes, ficou explícito que o estado e a sociedade civil existem sob um relacionamento recíproco mútuo. O estado existe para server propósitos múltiplos no interesse da sociedade, enquanto espera-se que a sociedade civil cumpra suas obrigações para com o estado em benefício de todos. No entanto, a sociedade civil na Nigéria não teve uma boa barganha com o Estado, pois a pobreza permeia a terra, com con- sequências terríveis em todos os tecidos da sociedade. O estado parece ter falhado na promoção dos interesses da sua sociedade civil e a maioria dos cidadãos perdeu o interesse em participar
Problema social, contrato social, pobreza, democracia y desarrollo
Palabras clave
Equidad Desarro. N.º 34 • julio-diciembre de 2019
Poverty and the Democratization Crisis in Nigeria: A Failure of the Social Contract
37
das atividades do governo. Assim, durante a maioria das eleições, a Nigéria testemunhou várias formas de más práticas eleitorais e até de violência pós-eleitoral, como experimentado em diferentes partes do país. Este artigo é uma pesquisa de oficina que incor- pora dados secundários de instituições e agências relevantes. Sua preocupação é examinar como o fracasso do contrato social levou à pobreza, o que afetou o processo de democratização da Nigéria. O artigo sugere que abordar a questão da pobreza ajudará muito a garantir a democratização pacífica, livre e justa das estruturas políticas que serão benéficas para todos, com aplausos da comu- nidade internacional.
Problema social, contrato social, pobreza, democracia, desenvolvimento
Palavras chave
Introduction
From time immemorial, man has been in a quest for order and peace as a vehicle for the socio-economic transformation of his society. The emergence of the state as an institution for the coordination of the affairs of men for collective benefits and welfare has also helped in strengthening the quest for order.
The enlightenment philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, J.J. Rousseau, Mon- tesquieu and others helped to concretize the relationship between the state and the civil society under the notion of “social contract” (Appadorai, 1975; Laskar, 2013; Mukherjee & Ramaswamy, 2007; Sabine & Thorson, 1973). The social contract theory, as read from the works of Plamenatz (1966), was based on the notion that men had originally created the state by means of a social contract to which each individual had consented. The state, according to the social contract theory, was created by a number of individuals who voluntarily entered into a contract, the terms of which provided a political authority. As a voluntary association, however, it differed from any other because it provided for the exercise of sovereignty, the su- preme power to control by coercive means, if need be, the conduct of its members. The political obligation to submit to that authority is binding upon the individuals for the very reason that they voluntarily accepted it (Deng 2010; Laskar, 2013; Nbete, 2012).
The idea of a “social contract” presupposes a situation whereby the state and the civil society have a “mutual” and “reciprocal” relationship. The civil society submits their individual freedom and liberty to the state, while the state offers
Equidad Desarro. N.º 34 • julio-diciembre de 2019
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protection. Essentially, as long as the civil society remains committed to the state, the state offers protection from every form of arbitrariness. This mutual respect for the roles of each other helps in sustaining the contract.
In modern society, the idea of contractual relationship can be subsumed under the wellbeing of the state and welfare of the citizenry (Nbete, 2012). Smith (as cited in Appadorai, 1975), identifies three purposes of the state as follows: the duty of protecting society from the violence and invasion of other independent societies; the duty of protecting subjects from injustice, that is, the duty of enabling a system of justice; and the duty of erecting and maintaining certain public works and pub- lic institutions (Turan, 2010). Laski (1967) sees the state not as an end itself, but merely as the means to an end. It exists to enable the majority of men to realize social good on the largest possible scale. The state is a means to the enrichment of individual personality. It exists to enable men, at least, to realize the best in themselves. According to Laski (1967), therefore, men can be enabled to realize the best in themselves only if the state provides rights, such as the right to work, to education, to basic freedoms –speech, press, association, and religion– to vote, and to stand as candidate for election.
The implication of the assertions above, therefore, is that all states are expected to perform said functions, and to the extent that a state does not effectively carry out the expected functions, that state is seen as having failed in its own part of the social contract. As such, the citizens have a moral right to withdraw their loyalty to the dictates of the social contract. To what extent, therefore, is the social contract valid in Nigeria? Is the Nigerian state not failing in performing its own part of the contract? How has this situation affected the democratization process in Nigeria? Do the Nigerian people even see themselves as part of the state? Do they see the state as their own? These are the questions begging for answers in this paper. Above all, the issue of poverty is viewed by the authors as a fallout of the social contract between state and society and, therefore, constitutes an impediment to Nigeria’s democratization project.
In order to achieve the objectives set for this paper, we advance the discourse that democracy is a system of government that exists in line with the dictates of the social contract between state and society. However, we argue that the apparent collapse of the contractual relationship between the state and society in Nigeria is what has led to different vices experienced within the polity, which has impeded the democratization process and these unfavorable tendencies do not promote sustainable development in Nigeria. Addressing the issue of the social contract
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Poverty and the Democratization Crisis in Nigeria: A Failure of the Social Contract
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between state and society in Nigeria will go a long way in re-enacting the values and demands of the contract in the minds of Nigerians for them to work towards the wellbeing of the state and their own welfare.
Democracy and the social contract: The synergy
Democracy does not lend itself to a universal definition. It is a broad concept used generally to refer to particular ways in which relations are organized between those who govern and those who are being governed (Diamond, 1990; Schmidt, 2002, p. 147; Schmitter & Karl, 1991, p. 4). The mark of democratic regimes is “government of the people, by the people (or elected representatives of the peo- ple), and for the people” (Lincoln, 1958). Democracy is a system of government that promotes majority rule; one in which citizens determine, through elections, who become their leaders.
Barry (1981) opined that the term democracy has been used in a variety of contexts and this is why people talk about “liberal democracy,” “social democra- cy,” “totalitarian democracy,” and “industrial democracy” in an attempt to express a favorable attitude towards a political regime or to highlight certain features of that regime, which are considered to be virtuous. One of such important fea- tures of democratic rule, which makes it to be considered ideal, is that individuals are allowed to participate in government in the way they contribute to public affairs, hold political offices, criticize government actions, and influence the de- cision-making process of government. This is why every government wants to be called democratic and countries want to be seen as practicing a democratic system of government. For instance, the adjective “liberal” is added to show the emphasis of democracy on social justice, political liberties, and popular or public partici- pation in governmental affairs (Bollen, 1993; Venter, 2009, p. 28). The elements of liberal democracy can be enumerated, but essentially a liberal democracy does not entail only elections at particular intervals but also the rule of law, individual rights and freedoms, constitutional checks and balances, and transparency and accountability of political officials (Leon, 2010, p. 5).
On the other hand, Omitola (2003) views democracy as a system of government that possesses an internal mechanism through which differences and conflicts among individuals and groups are resolved without degenerating into violent cri- ses. It is argued that in a truly democratic society, government holds power in
Equidad Desarro. N.º 34 • julio-diciembre de 2019
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confidence for the people (Diamond, 1990). Democracy in Shively’s (1997) terms is a two-way traffic. Hence, the citizens must be given the political opportunities to exercise their authority over the government while the government must also be accessible to them through their representatives. This is the situation in a truly democratic state, and a state where this is not obtainable is not truly democratic. For the people to participate meaningfully in a democratic government, they must be well informed or carried along by the government. Instructively, therefore, the ideas enunciated by the social contract theory are implied in democracy (Osaghae, 1998; Osaghae 2006). A common feature of a truly democratic society, as observed from the above explanations, is popular participation of the people in the conduct of public affairs. Such participation ensures that the state is effective and functional, since it evolved from within the society and derives its existence and legitimacy from society (Osaghae, 2006). Social contract connotes a form of “reciprocal” relationship between the state and society (Deng, 2010, pp. 1-7; Steward, 2002, pp. 342-345). Society sees itself as part of the state and this creates in citizens a sense of ownership, belonging, and commitment towards participating in the affairs of the state and con- tributing to its transformation and development.
The idea of social contract is as old as man. From the account of the biblical Garden of Eden, God had a contractual relationship with man, as Adam and Eve were expected to take care of the garden from where they were fed. However, the contractual relationship broke down as Adam and Eve ate the forbidden fruit with punitive measures against man (Genesis, chapters 2 and 3, Holy Bible, Revised Standard Version, 1971). In a similar vein, Thomas Hobbes, Jean Jacques Rous- seau, Montesquieu, and others referred to as theorists of the enlightenment, also emphasized in their works that the emergence of the state could be linked to the establishment of the social contract between the state and the people, with duties and obligations bestowed on both parties. This contract was entered into by men who, before this time lived in a state of nature (Mukherjee & Ramaswamy, 2007; Nbete, 2012).
In the state of nature, individuals enjoyed complete liberty, including a natural right to everything even to one another’s bodies. The natural laws, considered as treaties of peace, were dictates of reason. Since the first law of nature enjoined individuals to seek peace, the only way to attain it was through a covenant leading to the establishment of a state. Individuals surrendered all their powers through a contract to a third party, who was not a party to the contract but nevertheless received all the powers that were surrendered. Each individual, by consenting to a
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set of rules, guaranteed basic equality with every other member, meaning that no one possessed more rights than another. The sovereign must treat all the individ- uals equally in matters of justice and levying taxes (Appadorai, 1975; Laskar, 2013; Mukherjee & Ramaswamy, 2007; Sabine & Thorson, 1973).
Locke (as cited in Mukherjee & Ramaswamy, 2007), adopting the technique of social contract, explained that legitimate political authority was derived from the consent of the people, which could be withdrawn when the freedom of the individual was violated or curtailed. Describing the characteristics of a good state, Locke said that the state existed for the people who formed it and not vice versa. It had to be based on the consent of the people subject to the constitution and the rule of law. It would be limited, since its powers were derived from the people and were held in trust. The state, by virtue of this social contract, is responsible for the safety and security of its citizens. The state is to promote happy and virtuous life for the citizenry, and if the state fails to provide these values, in line with the social contract, it does not deserve the loyalty and commitment of the people (Laskar, 2013, pp. 6-7). The above scenario presents the social contract as one of mutual respect and reciprocal benefits.
The Nigerian state and the social contract
The ideas of the social contract (as enunciated in the previous section) can be applied in explaining the nature, workings, and problems of the Nigerian state. First, a point of agreement among scholars when discussing issues about the Ni- gerian state is that the state is a colonial creation, an imported state which did not evolve from civil society (Adefulu, 2001; Ake, 1996; Olaitan, 2001; Osaghae, 1998). It emerged in 1914 with the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates by Frederick John Dealtry Lugard. The illegitimate nature of the colonial state did not result from the fact that it did not evolve historically and log- ically from the civil society on which it foisted, but from the fact that its creation was for the domination of society. There are scholars like Oyovbaire (1984) who is not even sure that that there is really a good usage of the concept of the Nigerian state. This scholar is of the view that the concept is one that is yet to be developed and appropriately characterized.
Instructively, different terms used to describe a state in Africa such as Nigeria include: colonial state (Mamdani, 2002, p. 506); soft and ineffective (Osaghae,
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2006); illegitimate (Akokpari, 2008, p. 90); facade states (Mehler, 2005, p. 12); weak (Jackson, 2002, p. 38); underdeveloped (Sørensen, 1997, p. 260); imported (Kawaba- ta, 2006, p. 2); failed (Akokpari, 2008, p. 90), among others. These negative words are often used regarding discourses relating to the origin, nature, character, and more importantly, the workings of the state and its political and socio-economic challenges. Osaghae (1998) observes that the very existence of the African state has been questioned, as it is said to be fictitious and more recently, described as failed or collapsed.
The Nigerian state has failed to approximate what Young (1994) refers to as the “behavioral imperatives of a state” such as hegemony, autonomy, security, le- gitimation, revenue, and accumulation. The 1979 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (which has been subsequently reviewed) in its second chapter –Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy– made it clear that “… sovereignty belongs to the people from who [sic] government derives its powers.” It went further to emphasize that “… the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government and that powers [sic] shall be exercised in the interest and welfare of the majority.” The question to ask however is, to what extent has the welfare of the people been promoted? Despite annual budgetary allocations, education for all people has remained elusive (Leke et al., 2014). Healthcare facilities are out of reach for the majority in terms of cost and availability, and quality housing is a far cry from the desire of many (APRM, 2008, pp. 274-318); there are food shortages and unemployment is prevalent across the nation (Trading Economics, 2015). The culmination of all these factors is poverty, which has become the lot of the vast majority of Nigerians (Jiboku & Jiboku, 2009) despite the country’s vast natural and material resources and its economic growth rates over the years.
Nigeria’s economic growth rate was “8% from 1999 through 2003 and 7% from 2004 to 2009, respectively” (Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), & Mitsubishi UFJ Research and Consulting Co. Ltd., 2011, p. 2). Its steady growth rates have not translated into improved socio-economic conditions for the people. The poverty rate in Nigeria, which currently is above 80%, compared to previous rates, shows that poverty reduction has remained a challenge. Table 1 and figure 1 reflect data obtained from a General Household Survey (GHS) and those of the Harmonized Nigerian Living Standard Survey (HNLSS).
Table 1 and figure 1 reveal regional disparities and higher levels of poverty in the north compared to the south. In essence, the contract between the state
Equidad Desarro. N.º 34 • julio-diciembre de 2019
Poverty and the Democratization Crisis in Nigeria: A Failure of the Social Contract
43 Ta
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Equidad Desarro. N.º 34 • julio-diciembre de 2019
Joseph O. Jiboku • Peace A. Jiboku
44
Figure 1. Number of people who live in poverty - Nigeria
and the people has turned out to be an unjust one. While those in governmental authority and power enjoy affluence and have remained indifferent to provision of social amenities, the majority of the people have remained poor with continual deprivation of quality of life. In the main instance, basic needs of life are taken out of reach for most people under the guise of privatization. The effect is the loss of interest by the people in the affairs of the state. The argument in this paper is that poverty is a salient issue that affects the democratization process in Nigeria. It has remained persistent despite different policy measures embarked upon by successive Nigerian governments.
Source: Adapted from World Bank, IBRD-IDA 2014. Nigeria Economic Report No. 2. July 2014. 18.
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20,000
0
00 0
In di
vi du
al s
00 0
In di
vi du
al s
Number of poor in thousand individuals
National by Zones
2010/2011 2012/2013
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Democracy and poverty in Nigeria: A failure of the social contract?
The story of democracy in Nigeria is a sad one, as democratic experiments in the first and second republics ended eventually in coup d’états. The attempted third republic equally collapsed under invidious forces that surrounded the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election in Nigeria (Tobi, 2001). Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999 with the swearing in of the Olusegun Obasanjo ad- ministration after several years of military rule. This act marked the beginning of democratization as people saw the reality of democracy, which had eluded the country for a long time (APRM, 2008). With this newfound freedom, different groups such as the Odua People’s Congress (OPC), the Egbesu, Bakassi Boys, Arewa People’s Congress, and several groups from the Niger Delta started alleging one form or another of marginalization with a clamor for redress. This cry of mar- ginalization, parochial sentiments, and polemic responses and agitations all stem from the collapse or failure of the social contract with the people and the endemic poverty in the country in the midst of vast resources and wealth. While Nigeria is confronted with the Niger Delta crisis; inequality (the widening gap between the rich and the poor); the issue of providing for the needs of its growing population and addressing socio-economic challenges such as unemployment and poverty; lack of infrastructures, among other issues (APRM, 2008), the argument in this paper is that poverty has affected Nigeria’s democratization process.
In Nigeria, the mass poverty of the people, according to Mamman (2002), can be associated with social, economic, political, ecological, and cultural policies and processes all of which have interlinks. Ravellion and Bidani (1994) look at poverty as the inability to have command over basic needs of life such as clothing, food, shelter, among other things. It should be noted that the inability of individ- uals to access these basic needs has negative consequences on their physical and socio-psychological wellbeing. Jhingan (2002), on his own part, describes poverty with examples. He illustrates his argument with the inability of a boy longing for education but unable to get it because his parents cannot pay for it; the grief of par- ents who watch a child die of preventable childhood diseases because they cannot afford medical care. The United Nations sees poverty from the perspective of peo- ple living on less than one dollar ($1) per day (UNESCO, 2017). Poverty is a form of powerlessness that touches the social, political, and psychological well-being of individuals. Socially, people who live in poverty lack access to resources than can
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empower them for good livelihood; politically, they lack understanding of the political system and thus do not see themselves in the process as a stakehold- er; psychologically, the individuals’ self-worth and ability to have standpoint to assess social situations is lost so that they become passive and submissive. People who live in poverty are withdrawn and lack the self-esteem necessary to analyze and evaluate issues (World Development Report, 2000/1). By in- ternational standards, more than 50% of Nigerians live in poverty (United Nations Development Pro- gramme, 1998) and the situation has degenerated to a precarious level rather than improving as the National Bureau of Statistics computation of hu- man development indices for the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Nigeria Human Development Report 2016 indicated that 53.7% of the population live in poverty (NBS, 2018). Nigeria
has been regrettably described as the poverty capital of the world with an estimated population of 87 million people in extreme poverty (Nigeria overtakes India, 2018).
Among several reasons adduced for poverty are an exorbitant cost of living as a result of inflation, high rate of unemployment, government’s failure to provide basic social amenities, ill-health, illiteracy, and low level of education (Abimbola, Orembi & Adekeye, 2005; Ajakaiye & Olomola, 2003; Obadan, 1997; Odumosu et al., 2003). From these explanations, it is instructive that poverty deprives people from the basic needs of life and the results are high level of illiteracy, malnour- ishment, hunger, poor health, among others. People in conditions of poverty also live in environmentally degraded areas. The consequences of this, is socio-political and economic marginalization with direct consequences for democratization and development, bearing in mind the discourse that about 67 million of Nigeria’s population, as reported in 1996, live below the poverty line (Mamman, 2002). The situation has degenerated to an estimated 87% of the population, making Nigeria the poverty capital of the world (Nigeria overtakes India, 2018). Thus, this paper argues that poverty is one of the main impediments to democratization in Nigeria.
Democracy has been defined in the previous sections of this paper as “govern- ment of the people, by the people, and for the people” (Abraham Lincoln, cited
“People in conditions of poverty also live in environmentally degraded areas. The consequences of this, is socio- political and economic marginalization with direct consequences for democratization and development”.
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in Ake, 1992). It is a type of government that recognizes that human beings rep- resent the foundation for the development of any society. Then, how can a high proportion of people who live in poverty, socially ill-equipped, politically and eco- nomically displaced, be in the forefront of attempts at democratization in Nigeria? The Nigerian state, which ideally should provide the basic facilities for quality of life of its citizens and the enabling environment for the realization of individuals’ potentials, is weak in performing its responsibilities. For instance, social security to ameliorate the problems associated with poverty as a result of unemployment is nonexistent (APRM, 2008). Gratuity and pension are not paid to those who have spent active part of their working lives in serving the nation. These people have been frustrated and have retrogressed into penury and need, with some reported dead while on queues to collect such stipends (Adeniji, Akinnusi, Falola & Ohu- nakin, 2017).
In the face of all these persisting challenges, in 1988, the state nevertheless em- barked on the policy of privatization and commercialization of public utilities and companies with an adverse effect on labor, compounding the unemployment prob- lem and poverty (Onuoha 2003, pp. 16-17). The attempt to attain basic livelihood in the face of these daunting problems have led individuals to devise different means for survival. The concern is that people who live in poverty need food, shelter, and clothing, among other things, which have to be procured at the expense of the larger society. Another point, which needs to be stressed, is that the extended family sys- tem in Africa increases the dependency ratio. On the average, an employed person is not only responsible for his immediate family; he also has his aged parents and extended family members to cater for from the same salary he receives (National Research Council, 2006). This takes the person to the poverty level. If the state lived up to its task of providing for the welfare of all citizens, the dependency ratio and its multiplier effect on poverty would have been reduced. Therefore, poverty is one of the major retrogressing factors for development in Nigeria.
Considering the situation of the people who live in poverty in Nigeria and the different dimensions of their poverty, the authors argue that these people do not see themselves as part of the democratization process in the country. The social contract that would have given them a sense of belonging in the state has failed. Therefore, how would the democratization process in Nigeria be genuine, free, and fair? Among the reasons cited by Ojofeitimi (1992) for the failure of democra- cy in Nigeria is the attitudinal disposition of Nigerians, that is, a general lack of commitment and political will to nurture a democratic culture. A synthesis of the
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previous reasons clearly explains the rigging of elections, opposition thuggery, co- rruption, victimization, and other violent acts, which characterized Nigeria’s first, second, and third republics. In addition, the dismal performance of the Nigerian economy manifested in the high rate of unemployment, high external debt, high cost of living, and poverty, has not allowed democracy to flourish in Nigeria. The real issue is that democracy cannot thrive in a situation where most citizens lack the basic needs of life.
Ogunsanwo (1994) also identifies the level of political awareness as a major factor explaining the failure of democracy in Nigeria. Low level of political aware- ness in Nigeria is a product of many variables such as despondency emanating from disillusionment arising from the dismal performance of previous regimes, low literacy level, and poverty. This low level of political awareness in the words of Ogunsanwo (1994) undermines democratic rule as the enthronement of ethnic particularism and chauvinism and the considerations of crass material benefit tend to derail values like accountability, merit, and dedicated hard work on the part
of political leaders. These would otherwise have sharpened the democratic ethos. For instance, the polemic responses of some segments of the Nigeri- an society to the health and death of late president Umaru Musa Yar’Adua would not have come up if basic needs were available to all. The issue, about the then vice president Goodluck Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan could only act “for” and not “as,” (Dai- ly Post Editorial, 13 December, 2011) would have been meaningless if not for poverty and the belief that a president from a particular area would pro- tect the interest of the people better. Likewise, the agitations by different militia groups threatening Nigeria with internal terrorism would not have been experienced if basic needs of life were within the reach of many Nigerians. The post-election vi- olence witnessed in parts of Nigeria, particularly in the northern area, which resulted in the killing of young people and especially of members of the Na- tional Youth Service Corps, was partly borne out of the feeling that these youths helped in prolonging
“The dismal performance of the Nigerian economy manifested in the high rate of unemployment, high external debt, high cost of living, and poverty, has not allowed democracy to flourish in Nigeria. The real issue is that democracy cannot thrive in a situation where most citizens lack the basic needs of life”.
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the people’s poverty conditions as the winners, particularly for the office of the pres- ident did not emerge from within the northern zones. Also, two more noteworthy issues are the terrorist activities of the Boko Haram Sect and the kidnappings in the Niger Delta, especially of expatriates. In the first case, the issue of concern is that if the youth were to be gainfully employed, they would be less prone to taking actions that could destabilize Nigeria’s democratization process. In the second case, the people kidnapped work in the oil sector in Nigeria and the demand for ransom has become a big business in the region. This is an indictment on Nigerian democracy within the international community and has negative consequences on the inflow of investments needed for development.
Essentially, it is the poor in the society that are manipulated, induced, and used by the elites for all forms of electoral malpractices and riggings during elections as well as the post-electoral violence witnessed in parts of the country. People who live in poverty become withdrawn and passive and lack the self-esteem necessary to an- alyze and evaluate issues (UNESCO, 2017). This makes them likely to accept the status-quo and hardly question the position of those in authority. The April 2007 gubernatorial and state houses of assembly elections represent good cases to cite in this direction. Most of the people who live in poverty and are illiterate are easily deceived by politicians. As such, the result is that the wrong candidates who do not have the interests of the masses in mind are elected into public offices and embark on self-centered programs to the detriment of society. In recent time, politicians are rife with involvement in vote-buying allegations among people, who find it difficult to resist being induced with small measures of rice, household utilities, and money because of the high level of poverty. The outcomes of all these is bad governance; corruption; embezzlement of public funds; negation of development programs on education, health, housing; creation of employment that will positively touch the lives of people living in poverty being pursued without vigor, among others. The ideals of democracy are hereafter defeated.
The way forward
Nigeria’s democratization process is facing many problems: polemic responses to national issues, ethnic militia, ethno-religious upsurges, land and border crises, kidnappings, and more recently, internal terrorism. These problems are not insur- mountable when there is the willpower to tackle them from the roots rather than
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beating around the bush. One way to achieve this is to address the issue of poverty. That is, urgently implementing programs and policies aimed at poverty allevia- tion. Nigeria is not lacking in terms of policy frameworks aimed at eradicating poverty, the challenge lies on the implementation of such policies. For instance, while development programs are formulated, the government fails to demonstrate the necessary political will to commit resources towards implementation (APRM, 2008, pp. 258-259). Thus, the various poverty alleviation measures put in place by successive governments in Nigeria need to be strengthened to tackle the menace of poverty. According to Ajakaiye and Olomola (2003), the Human Development Index (HDI) for Nigeria in 1998 was 0.391, which ranked it 142 out of the 174 countries surveyed. In addition, in the year 2000, the HDI score for Nigeria was 0.439, which ranked the country at 154 out of the 174 countries surveyed. The situation has not significantly changed as the HDI report of 2016 was 0.530 and for 2017, the HDI report was 0.532. Overall, Nigeria’s ranking did not change from position 157 out of the 189 countries sampled. In addition, table 1 and figure 1 presented in the previous section show that, as of 2014, the poverty rate in Nigeria had increased to 60% and in 2018, it increased to 87% of the population, thus making Nigeria the poverty capital of the world (Nigeria overtakes India, 2018). These data reveal that rather than abating, poverty is on the increase.
The efforts of successive Nigerian governments aimed at eradicating poverty, which was the goal of the 1995 Copenhagen Denmark World Summit for Social Development and in which Nigeria participated, are commendable especially the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS). This was to be pursued through:
a) Youth Empowerment Scheme (YES) b) Rural Infrastructure Development Scheme (RIDS) c) Social Welfare Services Scheme (SOWESS), and d) Natural Resources Development and Conservation Scheme (NRDCS)
a) The YES incorporates manpower training and development of capacity; man- datory internship (industrial training or practical industrial training as part of skill acquisition); and provision of credit lifeline for graduates to take off their businesses. These measures, the program envisages, would propel entrepreneu- rial development of the youth to be self-employed rather than seeking for jobs (Ewemade & Joy, 2015; McDonald, Iloanya & Okoye-Nebo, 2014; Ugwu, 2012).
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b) The RIDS is designed to tackle rural energy and power supply, portable water and irrigation as well as rural and urban transportation and communication. The idea is that the development of these infrastructures, particularly in rural areas, will reduce the rate of rural-urban migration and make rural areas more attractive (McDonald et al., 2014; Ugwu, 2012).
c) The SOWESS is intended to facilitate empowerment of farmers and the pro- vision of credit facilities for increased agricultural output and by extension improve the quality of life of farmers and rural dwellers.
d) The NRDCS is a scheme geared towards harnessing of agricultural, water, and mineral resources as well as conservation of land to make agriculture more re- sult oriented and attractive despite the threat of global warming (Ugwu, 2012).
In the same dimension, the current Administration is also not taking the issue of poverty alleviation with levity, as existing measures on poverty reduction are being remodeled with more financial vigor under the National Social Investment Programmes (NSIP) such as the N-Power programs. These programs are geared towards skill and vocational trainings of the Nigerian youth. The government is of the view that the youth are the future of the nation. Therefore, their skills and knowledge need to be developed to make them the drivers of economic growth and social development that will be sustainable. Through the N-Power Volun- teer Corp, it is projected that unemployment and by extension poverty will be reduced with a massive deployment of 500,000 trained graduates who will assist to improve the inadequacies in public services such as education, health sector, among others.
The non-graduate empowerment aspect of N-Power includes N-Build, which is meant to train artisans for three months in different aspects of vocational work which includes building services, construction, built environment services, util- ities, and automotive. With the acquisition of such skills, those trained could become self-employed and also train others under the form of the apprenticeship system. It is anticipated that the N-Power build of accelerated skill acquisition and certification will provide employment for 75,000 youth.
In addition to the N-Power initiative, the micro-credit scheme known as Tra- der-Moni is also another avenue for alleviating poverty through the provision of credits to petty traders through their associations without collateral. It is projected that two million small-scale traders will be empowered though the scheme and it also allows for increases in the credit accessible to each trader on established
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proof of profitable use of the money demonstrated by regular re-payment (Federal Government of Nigeria, n.d.).
These policy measures along with the Amnesty Program, through which youth from the Niger Delta are being empowered with relevant skills in order to stop vandalism of oil facilities and installations in the area, should be re-invigorated with more funding to help ensure the objective of poverty eradication. With sin- cere efforts at poverty alleviation and empowerment of the youth, there will be a reduced number of people available for use to foment trouble and create crises within the polity body. Tackling head on the issue of poverty will go a long way in re-enacting the validity of the social contract in the minds of men, thereby making the democratization process an institution for all devoid of skepticism, doubts, and the mutual suspicion that hitherto have devastated the state and civil society rela- tionship. Thus, the consolidation of Nigeria’s democracy will lead to establishment of institutions and structures that are sustainable and devoid of crises.
Conclusion
From the different dimensions of poverty has been defined through, we see it is a vicious circle that keeps people living in such condition in a state of destitution and disillusionment. Poverty affects many aspects of human conditions, which definitely include individuals’ participation and contribution to governance and democratiza- tion in any polity. The western world has been able to make so much advancement in economic, social, and political terms because poverty has been ameliorated to a very low level as a result of the adoption of several policies, which are non-existent in most developing countries, particularly Nigeria. The precarious situation in Nigeria calls for concerted efforts aimed at redressing this detrimental trend. The previous efforts of government at poverty alleviation, as enumerated earlier, are commend- able and should be strengthened. In addition to the various programs put in place, the government should target the implementation of the United Nation’s Sustain- able Development Goals regarding poverty reduction in Nigeria.
Examining the various issues discussed in this paper, it is possible to identify that events that are possible in a political system explain the character of that system. Many of the unfavorable trends occurring in Nigeria’s body polity are the result of the failure of the social contract between the state and society. It is therefore possible to make inferences about the future of the Nigerian state, which
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is failing to function adequately as a modern state and not implementing policies that are in line with the needs of its citizenry. Despite its “illegitimate” nature, successive Nigerian governments have not yet been able to bridge the wide gap between the state and society and achieve national integration. Rather, the state has been indifferent to social welfare and rights of the citizenry. The citizens, in the face of all these issues, have withdrawn their loyalty to the state and this has adversely affected the democratization process in Nigeria.
There is a need to pay serious attention to the issue of nation building and re-conceptualizing the role of the civil society towards achieving this objective. The political leadership should be committed to the implementation of policies, espe- cially as it affects the well-being of the majority of the people. On the other hand, the citizenry should be responsive and there should be conscious change in attitudes. These will go a long way towards enhancing democratic consolidation in Nigeria.
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Visions of political philosophy 97
Visions of polit ical ph i losophy i n t h e ‘Commentary on Ar istot le’s
Polit ics’ by Michael of Eph esus
Ilias Vavouras D o c t o r o f P h i l o s o p h y ,
A r i s t o t l e U n i v e r s i t y o f T h e s s a l o n i k i
If we want to deal with political philosophy in Byzantium, and specifically with
Aristotelian political philosophy, we cannot ignore the fragmentary commentary on
Aristotle’s Politics by Michael of Ephesus (1059–1129). In this study, the Byzantine
thinker addressed the basic problems of Aristotelian thought and political philo-
sophy in general, attempting to interpret basic directions of Aristotelian political
philosophy, but also to integrate them into the political model of the Byzantine
Empire.
The ruler as a simulation of the divine mind
A structural parameter of Michael’s thought is the perception of political gov-
ernance as a simulation of divine dominance in the universe. This idea is not
new but is inherited from the ancient Greek tradition and specifically from the
Pythagoreans. According to the Pythagoreans, the communication between the
parties of a political community must be modelled on the communication between
the different parts of the universe. The universe, however, was not created acciden-
I l i a s Vav o u r a s98
tally, but it was a product of rational design. The divine creator constructed the
world and used its parts in order and rationality to achieve harmonious arrangement
and seemliness. The creator and ruler of the universe is the rational god, who excels
in his creation; having full knowledge of its essence and purpose, he is the cause and
purpose of everything. In an absolute analogy, the political governor—since he first
imitates the creator himself and establishes order and harmony within his individual
nature, having attained self-knowledge of the essence and purpose of the man and
becoming virtuous himself among the other political parts of the political entity—
must properly assemble the political whole to give it a seemliness1 and harmonious
arrangement that is analogous to the universe.2 This image of the political governor
as an imitator of the divine ruler of the universe is used by Michael to establish the
superiority of the emperor in virtue in relation to his own citizens, thus linking
political and ecclesiastical power. However, Michael’s interpretation attempts to rely
on an Aristotelian basis,3 as it adopts Aristotle’s interpretation of the natural sover-
eignty of the rational part over the irrational.4 Michael carries this interpretation
into the political field by identifying the governor with the rational part.
The concept of natural slavery
Paradoxically, the notion of political sovereignty as an imitation of the divine
ruler is founded in Aristotle’s well-known view of natural slavery. The expression
slave by nature (φύσει δοῦλον) is a conspicuous Aristotelian assumption of natural
slavery based on the difference in natural abilities between human beings and in
the political union of people into the background of natural bliss-integration.5 The
relationship between their sovereignty and the subordination of the other which
1 C.f., Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, 293 (Aristotelis Politica, ed. Otto Immisch [Leipzig, 1929], 293–327), (Aristotle, Politics, 1252b, 6).
2 C.f., Joannes Stobaeus, Anthology, Ὑποθῆκαι Περὶ βασιλείας ΜΗ΄, 61–66, Διωτογένεος Πυθαγορείου ἐκ τοῦ Περὶ βασιλείας (περ. 400 π.Χ.): βασιλέως ὥσπερ θεῶ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ὧ ἁγεμών τε καὶ προστάτας ἐντί͵ ξυνᾷ μὲν τὸ ποτὶ μίαν ἀρχάν τε καὶ ἁγεμονίαν τὸ ὅλον ξυναρμόσθαι͵ καθ΄ ἕκαστον δὲ τὸ καὶ τὰ κατὰ μέρος ποττὰν αὐτὰν ἁρμονίαν τε καὶ ἁγεμονίαν συναρμόζεσθαι.
3 C.f., Aristotle, Politics, 1284a. 9–15: Ἀδικήσονται γὰρ ἀξιούμενοι τῶν ἴσων͵ ἄνισοι τοσοῦτον κατ΄ ἀρετὴν ὄντες καὶ τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν· ὥσπερ γὰρ θεὸν ἐν ἀνθρώποις εἰκὸς εἶναι τὸν τοιοῦτον. Ὅθεν δῆλον ὅτι καὶ τὴν νομοθεσίαν ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι περὶ τοὺς ἴσους καὶ τῷ γένει καὶ τῇ δυνάμει͵ κατὰ δὲ τῶν τοιούτων οὐκ ἔστι νόμος· αὐτοὶ γάρ εἰσι νόμος. Καὶ γὰρ γελοῖος ἂν εἴη νομοθετεῖν τις πειρώμενος κατ΄ αὐτῶν.
4 Aristotle, Politics, 1252a: τὸ μὲν γὰρ δυνάμενον τῇ διανοίᾳ προορᾶν ἄρχον φύσει καὶ δεσπόζον φύσει͵ τὸ δὲ δυνάμενον [ταῦτα] τῷ σώματι πονεῖν ἀρχόμενον καὶ φύσει δοῦλον. ‘For that which can foresee by the exercise of mind is by nature intended to be lord and master, and that which can with its body give effect to such foresight is a subject, and by nature a slave’. C.f., Joannes Stobaeus, Anthology, Περὶ Πολιτείας, Ἀρχύτα Πυθαγορείου ἐκ τοῦ Περὶ νόμου καὶ δικαιοσύνης, ΜΓ΄, 132. 22: συνείρονται μὲν γὰρ ταὶ πράξιες ἐκ τοῦ ἄρχειν καὶ τοῦ ἄρχεσθαι καὶ τρί τον ἐκ τοῦ κρατεῖν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν ἄρχεν τῶ κρείσσονος οἰκῇον͵ τὸ δ΄ ἄρχεσθαι τῶ χερῄονος͵ τὸ δὲ κρατὲν ἀμφοτέρων· ἄρχει μὲν γὰρ τὸ λόγον ἔχον τᾶς ψυχᾶς͵ ἄρχεται δὲ τὸ ἄλογον͵ κρατοῦντι δὲ τῶν παθέων ἀμφότερα. Γίνεται γὰρ ἐκ τᾶς ἑκατέρων συναρμογᾶς ἀρετά. C.f. Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, 293 (Aristotelis Politica, ed. Otto Immisch [Leipzig, 1929], 293–327), (Aristotle, Politics, 1252b, 6): τὸ φύσει ἄρχον ἤτοι τὸν νοῦν.
5 Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1177a.8.
Visions of political philosophy 99
takes place in the context of civil society is seen by Aristotle as evident and non-ne-
gotiable; there can be no political entity without the relations of sovereignty and
subordination that underpin the concept of justice,6 which is the cornerstone, the
foundation of the human political road towards natural bliss.
Michael uses the Aristotelian terms tool and acquirement (ὄργανον-κτῆμα) to
establish his position on power relations within the political community. The tool
is considered as a means of producing other things and is defined as a creative tool
(ποιητικὸν ὄργανον), while the acquirement is a simple tool and defined as a practical
tool (πρακτικόν ὄργανον).7 The slave by nature is also a practical and creative tool in
his relationship with his master.8 When subordinate to the master in a direct way,
he is a practical tool. This domination resembles the dominance of the soul over the
body. Just as the soul does what it wants to the body, so the master does whatever he
wants to the slave. The soul uses the body as a tool and an acquirement. The body as
an acquirement is nothing but a tool of the soul. On the contrary, when a slave is a
creative tool, he serves the master by executing orders or creating something without
the ability of mental processing.9 It could be said that the relationship between the
governor and the subject parallels for Michael the relationship between master and
slave with the Aristotelian justification of the natural superiority of the rational over
the irrational part. From this point of view, the subjugated, either as a slave or as a
subject, is a living acquirement of the mentally superior governor-master. Indeed,
the relationship of sovereignty and subordination is inevitable by nature because
there cannot be a political society consisting only of sovereigns or only of subjects.
The necessity of nature is inevitable.
Here, Michael, in order to be understood, uses another Aristotelian distinction
between mind (νοῦς) and appetition (ὄρεξις). Appetition is presented in three forms:
as thymic, as desire, and as will.10 Appetition as a desire for pleasure is an irrational
urge of the soul inherent in all living beings. The thymic, also inherent in all living
beings, is an instinctive urge to punish another being for something evil that has
come from it. On the contrary, appetition as will exists only in man. The appetition of
a virtuous man with the function of rational judgment, with the function of mind, is
transformed to will.11 This ability of the mind to dominate the appetition defines the
6 Aristotle, Politics, 1253a.37. 7 Σωτηρία Τριαντάρη, Οι πολιτικές αντιλήψεις των Βυζαντινών διανοητών (Αθήνα: Ηρόδοτος, 2002),
61. 8 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics (1254a), 293–94: ὀ δοῦλος ποτὲ μὲν πρακτικὸν
ὄργανον ῥηθήσεται, óτὲ δὲ ποιητικόν. 9 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics (1254a), 294: Φύσει δοῦλος ἐστιν ὁ μὴ διορατικὸς
τῶν πρακτέων δι’ ἀφυΐαν ἀλλ’ ὑπηρετικός. 10 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics (1254b), 294: Ἥ ὄρεξις ἀναιρεῖται εἰς θυμὸν
καὶ ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ βούλησιν. 11 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics (1254b), 294: Τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὀρεξις μετὰ κρίσεως
γινομένη βουλὴ καλεῖται.
I l i a s Vav o u r a s100
will and, by extension, the ability to engage in political or royal science.12 It is worth
noting that Michael argues that not all people can attain the right will, an essential
requirement for political science. Not everyone can impose the dominance of ra-
tionalism on the desperate appetition of desires. This parameter also separates the
majority decisions of the parliament from the decisions of a real political scientist.
The parliament or the people decide and do anything they like with everything they
please, while the political scientist decides and acts in accordance with the correct-
ness that stems from the absolute dominance of rationalism over irrational impulses.
The political scientist and the mind can make good use of the will, while the parlia-
ment or the people cannot, and this is a fundamental difference (in the good use of
the will by the political scientist and by the parliament) in Michael’s thought.13
The sovereign and the subjects
Thus, Michael provides four arguments detailing the difference between the
sovereign and the subjects:
1) In nature there are relations of sovereignty and subordination. This re-
lationship validates the view of natural slavery; there are masters by nature
and slaves by nature. The slaves by nature have the function of a living tool
(ἐμψυχον ὄργανον) for their masters. The difference between sovereign and
subject, master and slave, is not conventional or arbitrary, but is based on the
difference in the rational ability of every human being.
2) The organic use of the slave by the master or of the subject by the sovereign
resembles the sovereignty of the soul over the body. The slave-subject is
either a means of producing other things (creative tool)—for example, the
hands construct/create something by obedience to cognitive commands
without themselves having the ability to think—or a simple utilitarian tool
(practical tool)—such as a hammer. The same is true in the case of civil gov-
ernance, in which the rationalists have a commander position, while those
who cannot adequately develop their rational ability are utilitarian tools of
the government authority.
3) Within the human organism, there are the appetition and the mind. The
blind sovereignty of the appetition to the mind is an animal process rather
than a human process. Those who can impose the rationality of sovereignty
on the irrational appetition of desires are proclaimed by Michael as sover-
eigns, while those who are driven by their desires through neglecting their
12 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics (1254b), 294: ἄρχει ὁ νοῦς τῆς ὀρέξεως βασιλικὴν καὶ πολιτικήν. C.f., Katerina Ierodiakonou, ‘Some Observations on Michael of Ephesus’ Com- ments on Nicomachean Ethics X’, in Medieval Greek Commentaries on the Nicomachean Ethics, eds Charles Barber and David Jenkins (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 185–202.
13 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics (1254b), 294: Διαφέρει δὲ ὅτι ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς καὶ ὁ νοῦς δύνανται βουλεύεσθαι ἐκεῖνα δὲ οὒ.
Visions of political philosophy 101
rational ability are subjects. Indeed, Michael defines political science as the
sovereignty of rationality over appetition within the human soul. The real
possibility of the will belongs to the rationalist man. Michael expresses his
reservations about whether it is possible to have proper consultation in a
democratic assembly, considering that political science can only be found in
very few individuals.
4) Michael then draws another argument, this time not from Aristotelian
but from Platonic philosophy (which Aristotle14 also attempts to overturn).
He refers to the argument of social mobility in Plato’s Republic to prove that
the city is not a single entity but is divided into subjects by the sovereigns
because of their difference in virtue. According to the Platonic argument,
the class of guardians must communicate with the class of creators so that
there is unity in the city. If there was no communication between the social
classes, we could not talk about a city but about two or more. The argument
of social mobility validates, according to Plato, this position of political unity
through the demotion to the class of creators those of the guardians’ children
who do not respond adequately to educational processes. On the contrary,
the children of creators demonstrating remarkable skills in educational
processes are promoted to the upper class of guardians, where there is also
a reproductive community (the erotic companions of the guardians in the
Platonic State are determined by the dominant class of philosophers-kings
at a directed festival. The choice of erotic companions is based on the in-
dividual nature of the guardians). This mobility among members of civil
society maintains its unity and certifies that it is a common political organ-
isation. The whole city is common to Plato, whether we refer to guards or
creators, the whole city is governed by unity, the city is a common natural
and political organisation. However, Michael disputes the unity of the city as
portrayed in the Platonic view. In fact, he notes that there are two opposing
political parties within the city. The separation of the city into two parts is
ratified by the enforcement of justice only in one place and not in both. The
class of creators is subject to a justice process for the injustices committed
by its members among themselves. On the other hand, there are no judicial
proceedings in the class of the guardians because its members excel in virtue
and rationality. There is no need for law enforcement in people who excel
in virtue and have settled inside their souls through rationality the idea of
justice, and thus never commit injustices.15 Consequently, civil society is not
14 Aristotle, Politics, 1261a–b. 15 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1261a) 297: κοινωνεῖν δὲ ἀλλήλοις ἀναγκαῖον
δι’ ἕν μέν, ὅτι δεῖ μίαν εἶναι τὴν πόλιν […]. Εἰ γὰρ τοῖς γεωργοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἅλλοις ὑπάρχειν ἀνάγκη δίκας καὶ ἐγκλήματα κατ’ ἀλλήλων, τοῖς δὲ φύλαξι διὰ τὴν παιδείαν μηδὲν τούτων, πῶς οὐχ ὑπενάντιοι; ἐνάντιοι γάρ πως οἱ δικαζόμενοι καὶ ἀπαίδευτοι τῶν μη δικαζομένων καὶ παιπεδευμένων.
I l i a s Vav o u r a s102
unified but consists of sovereigns and subjects according to the difference
they have in virtue.16
Citizen and statesman
Aristotle states that the intellectual virtue of prudence (φρόνησις) as a structur-
al catalyst of knowledge and the practice of political science is the property of the
superior political man only, who is a political governor in the principles of natural
right (i.e., the natural justice-order governing human nature and the political
community. According to Aristotle, the distinctive feature of the mind is the point
of differentiation between man and the other animals, but also between men as
citizens or statesmen). The subjects do not have the virtue of prudence, but they
participate in it through their consensual or coercive agreement on legal provisions,
which are not active agents of prudence, but the reflection of supreme governmen-
tal prudence as a true opinion (δόξα ἀληθής).17 True opinion (δόξα ἀληθής) is not
a political science that can rationally prove its principles and steadfastly direct the
will of the state towards the good human purpose of bliss,18 but a declaration of faith
without reason in the blissful political venture of the ruling prudence. This is the
essential difference between the concept of citizen and the concept of the political
man-statesman,19 while prudence is the virtue that differentiates the political man
from the ordinary citizen.20 The real political man differs from the common citizen
in that he possesses the virtue of prudence, which thus becomes the hallmark of the
political man. A real political man,21 through the virtue of prudence, defines scienti-
fically rational rules of political virtue, in which ordinary citizens voluntarily submit
to obedience to legal provisions by their uniform adherence to the true political
opinion, which is not a rational prudence, but a mimetic reflection of it.
Also, following the Aristotelian vision, Michael differentiates the virtue of the
citizen from the virtue of the virtuous man, who is essentially identified with the
political man. The virtuous or political man is the only one who can rule—because
of the virtue of prudence, as Aristotle has told us—while the virtuous citizen can
16 C.f., George Arabatzis, ‘Michael of Ephesus on the Empirical Man, the Scientist and the Educated Man (In Ethica Nicomachea X and In de Partibus Animalium I)’, in Medieval Greek Commentaries on the Nicomachean Ethics, eds Charles Barber and David Jenkins (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 163–184.
17 Aristotle, Politics, 1277b.25–29: Ἡ δὲ φρόνησις ἄρχοντος ἴδιος ἀρετὴ μόνη. τὰς γὰρ ἄλλας ἔοικεν ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι κοινὰς καὶ τῶν ἀρχομένων καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων͵ ἀρχομένου δέ γε οὐκ ἔστιν ἀρετὴ φρόνησις͵ ἀλλὰ δόξα ἀληθής.
18 Charles H. Kahn, ‘The Normative Structure of Aristotle’s Politics’, in Günther Patzig, ed., Aristoteles’ ‘Politik’ (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1990), 369–384.
19 Aristotle, Politics, 1275a.23: Πολίτης δ΄ ἁπλῶς οὐδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὁρίζεται μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ μετέχειν κρίσεως καὶ ἀρχῆς.
20 ἡ δὲ φρόνησις ἄρχοντος ἴδιος ἀρετὴ μόνη. 21 Terence H. Irwin, ‘Moral Science and Political Theory in Aristotle’, History of Political Thought 6
(1985): 150–68.
Visions of political philosophy 103
lead and follow22 by participating in the governmental and judicial processes of civil
society. In addition, Michael points out that the differentiation of politicians and
citizens is not just about governance and subordination, but also about the issue of
virtues. For example, the virtue of bravery exists both to the ruler and to the ruled,
but in a different way.23
The virtue of justice
Michael attributes an important role to the virtue of justice for the function-
ing of the city as well as for the formation of the individual’s moral identity and
of the political man. At this point, a connection between Platonic and Aristotelian
thought is attempted. From the beginning, Michael notes that justice and the just
man are the greatest goods of the city,24 the prerequisite, coherent ties to the political
edifice. Also, the commentator of the text states that justice is part of the sphere of
political science; justice is a predominantly political thing.25 Then justice is defined
as a permanent mood of the souls of people who cohabit and form a political society.
Michael is completely clear that without justice, there can be neither cohabitation
nor a political community.26 In fact, it includes not only the political actors (i.e.,
rulers and ruled) but also those who live only within the city boundaries, such
as the inhabitants,27 thus recognizing the important role that they can play in the
pursuit of politics. Then, Michael ends up defining justice as an order of political
society, as an organisation that governs the political whole from one side to the
other and determines its quality and stability.28 The political nature of justice is once
again highlighted. Here, Michael also mentions the justice that exists within the
human soul by defining it as universal justice. Indeed, the existence of this universal
justice guarantees the existence of the other three virtues of bravery, prudence, and
saneness (ἄνδρεία, φρόνησις, σωφροσύνη).29 Even here, Platonic influence is obvious.
22 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1277b) 303: οἱ δὲ πολῖται διάφοροι […] δῆλον, ὡς καὶ αἱ τούτων ἀρεταί […] ὅστις πολιτικός εὐδαίμων καὶ ἄρχειν μόνον δύναται, οὐ μὴν καὶ ἄρχεσθαι μέχρις ἂν εὐδαιμονήσειε […]. Διαφέρει δὲ ὁ ἀγαθὸς ἀνὴρ τοῦ σπουδαίου πολίτου, ὅτι ὁ μὲν σπουδαῖος πολίτης δύναται καὶ ἄρχειν καὶ ἄρχεσθαι, ὁ δὲ ἀγαθὸς ἄρχειν μόνον.
23 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1277a) 303: Ἄνδρεῖος καὶ ὁ ἄρχων καὶ ὁ ἀρχόμενος, ἀλλ’ ἕτερον εἶδος ἀνδρείας […]. Ὥστε οὐ ταυτόν ἐστιν ἡ ἀνδρεία τοῦ ἄρχοντος τῇ τοῦ ἀρχομένου ἀνδρείᾳ.
24 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1253a) 293: ὁ δίκαιος καὶ ἡ δικαιοσύνη μέγιστα ἀγαθὰ τυγχάνουσιν.
25 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1253a) 293: ἔστι δὲ ἡ δικαιοσύνη πολιτικόν. 26 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1253a) 293: ἡ δικαιοσύνη ἔξις τῶν συζώντων
καὶ συμπολιτευομένων. 27 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1253a) 293: συμπολιτεύονται καὶ οἱ ἐν πόλει
οἰκοῦντες. 28 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1253a) 293: Ἡ δικαιοσύνη ἔτι τάξις ἐστὶ
πολιτική. 29 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1253b) 293: ἡ καθόλου δικαιοσύνη διαιρεῖται
εἰς τὴν ἀντιδιῃρημένην δικαιοσύνην τῇ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ φρόνησει καὶ σωφροσύνη.
I l i a s Vav o u r a s104
Universal justice is contradicted by the four virtues: justice (in its individual form),
bravery, prudence and saneness. (It is important to demonstrate the two-way course
from universal justice to the four virtues, but also from the four virtues to universal
justice. Universal justice is defined by the four virtues). It is particularly important
that Michael does not restrict the functioning of justice to the political man but
extends it to every citizen individually, recognizing in the virtue of justice respect
for citizens in the political order of the system and the implementation of laws.30
Justice justifies the orderly and correct functioning of the political system, which
stems from the permanent mood of the soul in the virtue of justice in the souls of
all members of the political community. In this respect, political justice is a function
of the individual ethics of citizens. Citizens obey the laws, but they do so voluntari-
ly, provided they have a permanent mood of virtue of justice within them without
having to enforce the order of law.
Moreover, Michael notes that the law itself is not wrong, but the people who
enact the laws are enslaved to their passions. That is why a real political man would
be an exemplary form of expression of the private and public application of the
virtue of justice. Subjects or citizens, imitating the justice inherent in the form of the
true political man or the laws that are his creation, will be able to acquire more easily
in their soul a permanent mood and a choice of the virtue of justice.31
The constitutions
Michael then approaches the issue of the distinction and comparison of the con-
stitutions. Its purpose is to highlight the qualitative superiority of the royal consti-
tution by strengthening the existing state of the Byzantine Empire. The king, having
established justice through the justice in his soul and becoming a virtuous, true
political man, must be able to apply law to the state, as God rules in the universe.
However, Michael does not leave the subject with a superficial interpretation but
tries to justify why a king is necessary if there is a law that is universal for every
political member. The weakness of the law lies precisely in its universality.32 The law,
being universal, cannot intervene in the individual circumstances. While the king as
a supreme legislator holds the rationality behind the legislative system, he can also
intervene in individual circumstances to be more flexible or more objective in the
administration of justice.33 The same issue was raised by Plato in the Statesman, who
wanted to demonstrate the rigidity of the law. Plato likens the law to a trainer giving
universal/identical commands to a group of athletes, although each needs a different
30 Τριαντάρη, Οι πολιτικές αντιλήψεις των Βυζαντινών διανοητών, 64–66. 31 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1281a) 306. 32 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1286a) 307–308: ὁ νόμος τὸ καθόλου διορίζει. 33 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1286a) 307–308: Οὐδὲν γὰρ διαφέρει τὸν
νόμον λέγειν ἄρχειν ἢ τὸν θέντα τὸν νόμον.
Visions of political philosophy 105
kind of training. He also likens the law to a doctor who leaves for a business trip and
leaves his orders in written text. But the doctor’s orders relate to a specific phase of
the illness of sick people and if the illness or the conditions vary, the written advice
will be useless, and the result could prove fatal. The doctor must intervene to change
the form of therapy through knowledge of medical science. But the doctor is absent,
and people have to interpret his advice.34 However, Michael stresses the need for the
enforcement of universal law. Without it, political men could not intervene in in-
dividual cases of justice. Actually, Michael proposes that the law should co-operate
with the political man, so that universal justice is imposed on political situations.35
Michael then analyses the Aristotelian division of the constitutions and high-
lights the difference between the perfect constitution of the Republic and the other
six.36 The excellent constitution is structured by a mixture of elements of other con-
stitutions and aims at the equality of citizens.37 Also, the preservation of the form
of an excellent constitution is the consensus of the people in the exercise of power.
This last parameter is used by Michael to support the royal constitution. Using the
Aristotelian distinction between tyranny and reign, it concludes that tyranny aims
at the prosperity of the tyrant and succeeds in doing this through the violent sub-
ordination and coercion of members of the political community. On the contrary,
the royal constitution is based on the consensus of the political body in the rule of
the king; the king desires to be honoured by his people and does not desire their op-
pression. In this sense, the kingdom is a kind of agreement-consensus between the
governor and the political body and is not based on the arbitrariness of power, such
as tyranny.38 The royal constitution is based on the legitimacy resulting from the
consensus of the citizens to the exercise of power by the king. Therefore, the aim of
34 Plato, Statesman, 295b–c. 35 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1286a) 307–308: κρεῖσσον τὸν νόμον ἄρχειν,
οὗ χωρὶς ἀδυνατοῦσιν οἱ ἄρχοντες τὰ καθέκαστα πράττειν. 36 C.f., Arist., Pol. 1279a.20–1279b.10:
Correct constitutions Incorrect constitutions Monarchy One Ruler Aim is the common good
Tyranny One Ruler Aim is the good of the Tyrant
Aristocracy Few Rulers Aim is the common good
Oligarchy Few Rulers Aim is the good of the few - wealthy
Republic Many Rulers - the people Aim is the common good
Democracy Many Rulers - the people Aim is the good of the many - poor
37 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1293a–1293b) 312, (1294a) 313. 38 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1311a) 321: Ὁ πλεονεκτῶν εἰς χρήματα
τύραννος, ὁ δὲ εἰς τιμὴν βασιλεύς. Ὁ πλεονεκτῶν εἰς χρήματα καὶ τοῦτο σκοπῶν, λέγω δὴ τὸ πτωχίζειν τοὺς πολίτας , τύραννος, ὁ δὲ τιμῆς μόνης ἐφιέμενος βασιλεύς […]. Ἡ δε βασιλεία καὶ ἡ ἀριστοκρατία ἐναντιοῦνται τῇ τυραννίδι ὡς τὰ ἐναντία καὶ βουλόμενοι καὶ πράττοντες. C.f., Τριαντάρη, Οι πολιτικές αντιλήψεις των Βυζαντινών διανοητών, 70–71.
I l i a s Vav o u r a s106
the reign is the common good, the pursuit of benefit for the entire political body and
not just for the political governor. Just as God would not have created the world if
he had only thought of himself,39 so the king is not a real king if he does not care for
the good of the political society that he has in his care but only for his self-interest.
Michael’s goal, ultimately, is the emergence of royal power, established in the king’s
superiority in virtue.
39 Michael of Ephesus, Commentary on Aristotle Politics, (1325b) 324.
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Course Objectives:
· CLO #1: Assess elements of contemporary leadership theories and models.
· CLO #2: Analyze qualities and skills of a highly effective, ethical leader.
Assignment Prompt:
1. Take both the American College of Healthcare Executives (ACHE) Ethics Self Assessment and the Project Management Institute (PMI) Ethics Self-Assessment .
2. Watch the MindTools video on Values .
Instructions:
Conduct an analysis of your personal ethical beliefs and values. Use the ethics self-assessments to help determine your strengths, weaknesses, and opportunities. Develop a 3-4 page essay that discusses the results of those assessments, your personal ethical beliefs and values, and your own personal philosophy of ethical leadership. Your essay must be supported by at least 2-3 scholarly sources.
Your paper should include a title page, introduction, body, conclusion, and reference page, per 6th edition of the APA Publication Manual.
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