COLLEGE LITERATURE: A JOURNAL OF CRITICAL LITERARY STUDIES 44.4 Fall 2017 Print ISSN 0093-3139 E-ISSN 1542-4286 © Johns Hopkins University Press and West Chester University 2017

TRANSNATIONALISM AND ANTI-GLOBALISM

JOHANNES VOELZ

The recent resurgence of nationalism in the United States finds expression in a whole vocabulary, made up of slogans, rallying cries, and buzzwords. Most prominent among them may be “Make America Great Again” and “America First,” but there is another buzzword—anti-globalism—which is particularly suggestive of the conundrum transnationalism faces in the Age of Trump. The term anti-globalism results from an act of rhetorical appropriation and resignification, and as I want to suggest, the idea of transnationalism plays an important role in this repackaging effort.

Anti-globalism recalls the anti-globalization movement of the 1990s and early 2000s, but this resonance brings out the differences rather than similarities between the two: where anti-globalization was concerned with a critique of the economic system, anti-global- ism attacks what is perceived as a larger ideology of globalism that allegedly promotes free trade as well as cultural and racial mixing. From the view of the leftist anti-globalization movement, globaliza- tion was driven by the institutions that backed the Washington Con- sensus (such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the US Treasury), global corporations that exploited the waning sovereignty of nation-states, and national governments that colluded with the forces of global capital, for instance by entering into inter- national free trade agreements, such as the North American Free

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Trade Agreement. The targets of that earlier movement were there- fore the profiteers and structures of economic globalization.

This economic understanding of globalization opened up a space for alternative conceptions of globalization that could compete with the economic version. It is no coincidence, therefore, that it was also in the late 1990s and early 2000s that the academic field of Amer- ican Studies turned to the transnational as an emerging paradigm.

American Studies entered its transnational phase by engaging in profound soul-searching about the possibilities of altering the object of study seemingly prescribed by the field’s name (see, for instance, Janice Radway’s 1998 Presidential Address at the American Studies Association, titled “What’s in a Name?”). Although rather diverse manifestos appeared in quick succession, there emerged a consensus that sticking to the nation form was a sign of ideological backward- ness, whereas transcending the nation held out the potential for pro- gressive change. From the get-go, transnational American Studies aimed to transcend the nation on two different conceptual planes: first, on the level of methodology, where transnationalism in essence meant adopting a particular perspective; second, on the level of the object of study, where transnationalism referred to phenomena that went beyond the limits of the nation. This blending of method and object of study meant in effect that the transnational wasn’t some- thing one could neutrally observe, describe, and chart. Rather, studying the transnational meant affirming the transnational. This is because the approval for the new method jumped over, as it were, to an approval of the phenomena studied. If, in other words, the transnational perspective of scholars was greeted as the successful overcoming of critical parochialism, then phenomena embodying the transnational were themselves to be commended. This valua- tion guided the choice of what was to be studied: Preferred objects included oppositional social movements that traversed national boundaries, aesthetic forms that traveled beyond the confines of the nation, and ideas that circulated in similarly unbounded ways (clearly, this list is not meant to be comprehensive). In short, transnational American Studies provided the opportunity to salvage a “globaliza- tion from below” (to use a phrase popular with the anti-globalization movement), and to favorably contrast it to both nationalism and eco- nomic globalization (or “globalization from above”).

One of the problems faced—but rarely addressed—by propo- nents of transnationalism emerged from this differentiation of eco- nomic and cultural globalization. Did the idea that these two forms of globalization are principally different really hold up? Didn’t both

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visions of globalization rely on some of the very same images: flows (of goods, people, ideas) as something natural, borders and bound- aries as artificial? Wasn’t there, in fact, a deep affinity between the longing for cultural transnationalism and the ideology of economic globalization, despite the political differences that seemed to keep them both neatly separated? I have argued elsewhere that conceptu- ally (though not politically) transnational American Studies is indeed indebted to economic globalization, and that it is nonetheless advis- able to pursue the project of transnationalism, albeit in a self-re- flexive manner (Voelz 2011). But rather than revisiting this debate at this point, suffice it to say that the question of transnationalism’s oppositional purity emerged from the somewhat tenuous conceptual framework shared by the anti-globalization movement and transna- tional Americanists: globalization, according to this framework, had an economic and a cultural aspect, which were to be seen as opposed to one another.

Quite some time has passed since the early 2000s. By now, aca- demic transnationalism in American literary and cultural stud- ies has been solidly institutionalized. Think only of the Journal of Transnational American Studies, the recent Cambridge Companion to Transnational American Literature, edited by Yogita Goyal (2017), or the founding of the “Obama Institute for Transnational American Studies” at the University of Mainz, Germany. Meanwhile, pre- dictably, the hype that initially attended the “transnational turn” has faded rather quickly. The anti-globalization movement, on the other hand, has largely run out steam, mostly because center-left parties across North America and Europe failed to support it; they embraced neoliberal reforms instead, a decision which has cost many of them a good share of their votes. (One could add that the move- ment only petered out after the demise of Occupy, or that, in fact, it has survived in places like Spain, where Podemos has managed to transform the protest against neoliberal globalization into party politics—but these are nuances that don’t change the big picture.) Along with the overall decline of anti-globalization came the rise of anti-globalism (itself a movement of transnational scope), and thus the seemingly miraculous transformation of a left-wing into a right- wing movement.

How in the world could that happen? In moving the critique of globalization across the political spectrum, anti-globalists have rejected the foundational premise of anti-globalization and academic transnationalism: they refuse to differentiate between two differ- ent kinds of globalization, be they “from below and from above,”

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“cultural and economic,” or simply “good and bad.” As London-based blogger Jacob Stringer has aptly summarized it on opendemocracy. net: “[Anti-]Globalisation refers to certain processes in the interests of corporate trade. [Anti-]Globalism refers to a global outlook, bor- ders too open, a feared mingling of cultures, implied dangerous liai- sons with aliens” (March 26, 2017). Anti-globalists, in other words, have tied the critique of economic globalization to xenophobia, rac- ism, and a disdain for global elites, and have thus conceptualized economic and cultural globalization as hanging together.

Anti-globalists’ longing for cultural isolationism, it must be admitted, has rendered the economic dimension of anti-globalism strikingly toothless. It is as if they offered cultural anti-globalism as a solution to the problems caused by global capitalism: their implied economic platform seems to be limited to the call for protectionism (the economic dimension of “America First!”) and the hope for more high-paying manufacturing jobs. In Strangers in Their Own Land, sociologist Arlie Russell Hochschild (2016) has recently shown just how deeply the Tea Party members and Trump supporters she inter- viewed in Louisiana are invested in the free market, and how much they detest the welfare state. Their critique of economic globaliza- tion spares multinational corporations (even if these corporations, like the petrochemical companies in Louisiana, ruin the environ- ment and cause a virtual cancer epidemic) because they are seen as the older siblings of small businesses run by local entrepreneurs.

Though the anti-globalists’ mix of economic and cultural anti-glo- balism may be rife with logical faults and moral deficiencies, their triumph should not be simply dismissed as racist and xenophobic (though it is that, too). Instead, their rise should prompt scholars of transnationalism to reflect on the involvement of the idea of the transnational in the political struggle that divides the United States and, increasingly, other countries in which right-wing populism has taken hold. In this context, it becomes newly significant that transnational Americanists have tended to politically identify with the transnational formations they study and that they have thus, as described earlier, conflated method and object of study. As a result of this conflation, academic transnationalism has come to embody the idea of globalism targeted by the anti-globalist agenda. Econom- ically, transnationalism encapsulates the privileged status of a global elite (here, transnationalism refers to the scholars) and culturally, it raises fears of migration, hybridity, and the demise of white hege- mony (here, transnationalism refers to the phenomena studied). Seen in this light, the idea of globalism embodied by transnational

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American Studies becomes a tailor-made point of attack for what John Judis, in The Populist Explosion (2016), has described as the tri- angular scapegoating of right-wing populism. Right-wing populism is triangular in that it claims to defend “the people” against two per- ceived enemies: the elites (situated above) and undeserving “others” (situated below).

The challenge of anti-globalism, then, is not only that it rejects transnationalism’s starting premise of the two kinds of globaliza- tion, but, more crucially, that it brings to light the degree to which transnationalism is itself involved in the divisive struggle currently rocking the United States. This challenge, I think, can be seen as a welcome opportunity to generate a new kind of knowledge from within transnational American Studies. It calls for an approach that is more self-reflexive than the identificatory stance taken by many scholars of transnationalism so far. Rather than starting from the presumption that studying transnational formations means helping to fight the good fight, transnational American Studies could begin to chart how the transnational itself has become a currency, or capital, in the struggle for symbolic advantages in a starkly divided society.

This isn’t to devalue the study of transnational formations, but rather to come to realize that embracing and valuing the transna- tional is a maneuver that helps secure symbolically advantageous positions. This is the case both in the academic field of American Studies, which has long been organized around a moral economy of political engagement, and in the larger public sphere of the United States. The idea (taken from Bourdieu) is not that we consciously try to amass as much symbolic capital as possible—as if we were rational-choice actors in the field of symbolic capital—but instead that trying to carve out for ourselves a recognized position in the field of transnational American Studies is what it means to “have an investment in the game” (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992, 98). The same goes for the other side of the divide: the embrace of anti-globalism speaks to the specific value of the ideas and princi- ples captured by the term transnationalism in the broader political discourse of the United States. Here, too, the currency of the idea of transnationalism has a particular valuation. The fact that we may think of this value as “negative” when used by anti-globalists begins to suggest that taking stock of transnationalism as a currency helps us capture its political existence. I am suggesting, in other words, to incorporate a self-reflexive and relational sociology of the trans- national into the program of transnational American literary and cultural studies.

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One of the welcome ramifications of such an extension of Amer- icanist transnationalism, it seems to me, would be to overcome the harmful dualism of nation and trans-nation. Ultimately, this dualism suggests that by turning to the transnational, we will have to learn to stop worrying about the nation-state. But Trump’s rise to power should make it apparent that American Studies needs to be able to provide explanations of what goes on inside the United States. The truly surprising suggestion to be taken away from the rise of anti-globalism is this: a self-reflexively and relationally revamped transnational American Studies may provide a necessary tool for coming to terms with the nationalist resurgence.

WORKS CITED

Bourdieu, Pierre, and Loïc Wacquant. 1992. An Invitation to Reflexive Sociol- ogy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Goyal, Yogita, ed. 2017. The Cambridge Companion to Transnational American Literature. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Hochschild, Arlie Russell. 2016. Strangers in their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right. New York: The New Press.

Judis, John. 2016. The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics. New York: Columbia Global Reports. Ebook.

Radway, Janice. 1999. “What’s in a Name? Presidential Address to the American Studies Association, 20 November, 1998.” American Quarterly 51.1: 1–32.

Stringer, Jacob. “Why did anti-globalisation fail and anti-globalism suc- ceed?” Open Democracy. March 26, 2017. Opendemocracy.net. Last vis- ited: May 28, 2017.

Voelz, Johannes. 2011. “Utopias of Transnationalism and the Neoliberal State.” In Re-Framing the Transnational Turn in American Studies, edited by Winfried Fluck, Donald E. Pease, and John Carlos Rowe. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England.

JOHANNES VOELZ is Heisenberg-Professor of American Studies, Democracy, and Aesthetics at Goethe-University Frankfurt, Ger- many. He is the author of Transcendental Resistance: The New Amer- icanists and Emerson’s Challenge (UP New England, 2010) and The Poetics of Insecurity: American Fiction and the Uses of Threat (Cambridge UP, forthcoming 2017).

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Plum Print The assumption of this article is that the "second great

transformation" proposed by global actors parallels the one advanced by those who resisted laissezțfaire capitalism in the 19th century. Both dispute the unilateral imposition of a new planetary order and endeavor to modify the rhythm and direction of economic processes presented as either fact or fate. In doing so, they effectively place the question of the political institution of this order on the agenda. I look briefly at the familiar underside of globalism and then move on to develop a tentative typology of initiatives that set the tone for a politics of globalization. These include radical and viral direct action, the improvement of the terms of exchange between industrialized and developing countries, the expansion of the public sphere outside national borders through global networks, the accountability of multilateral organizations, and the advancement of democracy at a supranational level. Participants in these initiatives take politics beyond the liberalțdemocratic format of elections and partisan competition within the nationțstate. They exercise an informal supranational citizenship that reclaims—and at the same time reformulates—the banners of social justice, solidarity, and internationalism as part of the public agenda.

Ever since the market ceased to be a taboo and globalization became a dominant cognitive framework, the Left seems to have confined itself to a principled commitment toward the dispossessed and a continual call for measures to ameliorate inequality. Outside the mainstream, globaliphobic groups—an expression I use as shorthand to designate the naysayer as well as Beck's "black," "green," and "red"

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protectionists[ 1]—offer more militant, yet scarcely innovative responses. They conceive globalization as a purely negative phenomenon, little more than old capitalism dressed in new clothes. For them, especially the red and black globaliphobes, the assault on sovereignty spearheaded by governments and multilateral agencies in the name of international trade strengthens the hand of the business and financial community, compromises the autonomy of domestic political decisions, and reinforces the submissive status of less developed countries to the dictates of the major industrial nations. Globaliphobes are quite right about this, but they also think about the phenomenon from a reductionist perspective that confuses globalization with what Beck calls "globalism," that is, "the ideology of rule by the world market, the ideology of neoliberalism."[ 3] In doing so, they neglect the range of contending forces set into motion by the process of globalization itself. The paradoxical effect of this confusion is that their diagnostic converges with that of the neoliberal right: both conceive globalization as a victory of liberalism, except that each assigns opposite values to it.

Yet the hegemony of the market and free trade is not quite the same as the victory of liberalism tout court. When one looks at the efforts to recast the rules and the institutional design of the international order that has been emerging from the ruins of the Berlin wall, the thesis of a liberal end of history proves to be somewhat premature. Globalism undermines Westphalian sovereignty and deepens inequality, but also has at least a potential for political innovation as the resistance to globalism opens the doors for an expansion of collective action beyond its conventional enclosure within national borders. Notwithstanding the unipolarity of the international order, the wide array of new global warriors that rally around the banner of the World

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Social Forum—"another world is possible"—are assembling a politics that seeks to move the current setting beyond mere globalism. This intervention examines some of the symptoms of this move.

Every age of great changes brings along an underside. Nineteenthț century industrialization unleashed a productive power on a scale unknown before while it simultaneously destroyed traditional communities, virtually wiped out the cottage industry of artisan production, and created a new urban underclass. Industrial society also saw the emergence of efforts to resist and modify the capitalist reorganization of the world. Globalization, with its remarkable time– space compression and its impact on our perception of distance,[ 4] presents us with an underside too. It has three salient aspects: the deepening gap between rich and poor countries, the creation of a mobile elite and an increasingly confined mass, and the resurrection of more rigid and less liberal models of identity as a defensive reaction to the dislocations brought upon by globalization under the guise of globalism.

The first point has been discussed profusely.[ 5] For the purpose of our argument, it suffices to point out that one does not need to be an orthodox communist or a Rousseauțstyle egalitarian to understand that a minimum threshold of equality is required to shore up governance and level the field for participants in the public sphere. The second aspect addresses a sociological issue. While moral indignation in the face of human suffering is not enough to reorient the global patterns of development towards greater social justice and solidarity, the persistence of exclusion confirms the coexistence of two worlds or lifețexperiences concerning globalization. These typically show themselves, and converge, in one place, border crossings, and

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around one issue, mobility. Advocates of globalism extol the virtues of the free transit of capitals, goods, services, and people. Without it, globalization faces a real and perhaps unsurpassable limit. That is why the World Trade Organization (WTO) insists on this free passage. However, migratory controls to stop the entry of those fleeing from poverty or persecution multiply. The freedom of the market, say Zincone and Agnew, entails a schizophrenic logic—positive for capital and negative for labor.[ 6] The UN reports something similar: "The collapse of space, time and borders may be creating a global village, but not everyone can be a citizen. The global professional elite now face low borders, but billions of others find borders as high as ever."[ 7] Bauman builds on this to identify a novel socioțpolitical division developing in the global order. If distance has ceased to be an obstacle only for the rich—since for the poor it never was more than a shackle—this creates a new type of division between the haves and the haves not. The former are tourists who travel because they can and want to do so, while the latter are vagabonds, people who move because the world around them is unbearable, more of a prison than a home.[ 8] While the vagabond is the nightmare of the tourist, he says, they share something in that they are both "radicalized" consumers— they are embarked in a continual pursuit of satisfaction fueled by desire rather than by the object of desire—only that the former is a "defective" one. Thus, they are not mutually exclusive categories, both because tourists might become vagabonds and because one might occupy the position of the tourist in some domains and of the vagabond in others.

The third salient aspect of globalization arises from the exponential increase in the pace of political, technological, economic, or cultural change. Its impact is undecidable. It can be lived as an opening up of

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possibilities for emancipatory projects or as a threat to identity and to the certainties of a more familiar world. When the latter gains the upper hand, people might turn to aggressive forms of nationalism, religious orthodoxy, tribalism, or messianic leaders—none of which are likely to enhance toleration—with the expectation of restoring certainty. This is not entirely new. The industrial revolution also undermined the referents of everyday life without offering cultural responses, at least not at the beginning. Marx and Engels describe the distinctive traits of the dislocations brought upon by capitalism in a wellțknown passage of the Manifesto. They say:

Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fastțfrozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all newțformed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned.

Nationalism helped to counteract this "uninterrupted disturbance" that undermined identities and governmentality. Kahler argues that in the 19th century, especially after the expansion of the franchise, the emergence of mass nationalism had a political function, for it enabled states to forge strong links with the citizenry and to ensure their loyalty in an age of democracy. Later, anticommunism and the promise of economic prosperity replaced nationalism as a political programmed.[ 9] Globalism has nothing comparable to offer, or rather, as Debray remarks, it seems to offer no other mystique than the prospect of economic growth.[10] The latter is certainly desirable, at least if one expects some form of income distribution as its side effect, but it is

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probably not enough to sway those whose livelihood and identity are threatened by the rapid reorganization of labor markets and trade patterns. As suggested, the danger here is the possible appeal of projects that offer certainty at the expense of toleration. The strong and often violent revival of nationalism and the aggressive affirmation of ethnic identities illustrate an uncanny hardening of territorial and cultural frontiers in a global setting where the role of borders is supposed to have waned. This is complicated further by the rise of religious radicalism and by the religious coding of the global terrorism that became notorious after the events of 9/11. Since then, those hitherto known as freedom fighters became the security nightmare of the West. Much to the chagrin of those advocating the end of history in the aftermath of the Cold War, the enduring presence of such radicalism shows that the liberal worldțview is not without rivals. Interestingly, Debray describes religious radicalism—but not religious terrorism—as a defensive response to the loss of a sense of belonging, or better still, to the dislocation of cultural referents in the wake of globalism. He argues that when people feel lost the list of "believers" usually grows. That is why he says that sometimes religion (but we could also say "nationalism" or "ethnic intolerance," which are similar in this respect) turns out to be not the opium of the people but the vitamin of the weak.[11]

Globalism therefore revolutionizes the certainties of the past and inserts entire populations into a more open, changing and diverse world, often enhancing the array of options of how and where to live their lives. Bauman's tourists embody this freedom of choice and movement, so dear to liberal thought. Yet it also reminds us of a possible trade off between these new possibilities and the relative security that accompanied identities in a more parochial world.

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Bauman captures this disorientation when he speaks of globalization as the perception of "things getting out of hand."[12] The question here is not simply the fear of turning into vagabonds or remaining trapped forever in that position; it refers instead to the demand for certainty, a desire for more rigid codes that function as navigational maps for living in a world in constant flux. This is what Debray had in mind when he described religion as a vitamin of the weak. This vitamin, however, is not sought by the casualties of globalism alone, but also by the champions of globalism who must now face the flip side of cheap airfares, cheap weapons, and cheap digital communications being available to its opponents too. In an international scene dominated by a neoțHobbesian concern for security—terrorism, AIDS, drugs or immigration—the trade off between a rapidly changing world and the demand for certainty—both in the center and in the periphery of global capitalism—reinforces our suspicion about a facile endorsement of a liberal telos of history. It does so if only because it reveals that not everyone sees capitalism— which Milton Friedman famously characterized as a general freedom to choose—and political liberalism as universally valid goods, and because sometimes the very advocates of those values easily override them by imposing illegal tariffs on imports or by engaging in wars of aggression in the name of prosperity and security.

Yet to accept this underside as a necessary consequence of globalization is to submit to the naturalist fallacy of globalism, which presents the unilateral imposition of a world order modeled around the Washington Consensus as our destiny instead of as an act of political institution. Arguably, one could say that the war on terrorism unleashed after 9/11 reactivates its political origin. It is the true index of globalization, or if one prefers, an implicit acknowledgement that

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globalism seeks to hegemonize globalization but can neither control nor exhaust it. However, it is the disagreement with and resistance to the current state of things that reactivates it explicitly.

What type of resistance? Another parallel with the 19th century can help to clarify this. Simplifying things a bit, the range of responses of those excluded from the benefits of the industrial revolution oscillated between two perspectives. One was the destruction of machines advocated by the Luddites in the revolts of the 1810s and 1820s in the North of England—mainly the Midlands, Yorkshire, and Lancashire. Theirs was a mode of direct action motivated by near starvation and the desperation stemming from it, but also by a desire to restore the working conditions of earlier times, which presupposed that a return to the prețindustrial economy of smallțscale producers and artisans was a viable alternative. Marx and the International Working Men's Association or First International exemplified the other position. For them there was little or no room for nostalgia since capitalism was here to stay, so the political task of the day was not to destroy machines but to organize the resistance of the dispossessed through trade unions and other movements. Their aim was to transform capitalism from within in order to build a more just and fraternal society. In the celebrated opening lines of the Manifesto, their socialist and internationalist project was the specter haunting Europe—or rather, the European ruling classes. Polanyi sees the alternative in similar, yet less revolutionary terms, as he claims that by the 1830s " [E]ither machines had to be demolished, as the Luddites had tried to do, or a regular labor market had to be created. Thus was mankind forced into the paths of a utopian experiment."[13]

Today we face a similar challenge and a new specter, one haunting the

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neoliberal efforts to reduce globalization to globalism. While globaliphobes—in many ways the latterțday Luddites—see globalization as the ruse of capitalism and call for a return to the stateț centered and protectionist policies of the past, others have chosen to become global warriors to transform the current state of affairs. Like their socialist predecessors in the industrial age, the more lucid critics of the global condition are not against globalization or trade per se. Just like those who opposed Gulf War II were not always pacifists, in the sense that many did not pose a moral injunction to war as such but only to a war that lacked the moral and political legitimacy of a UN resolution, these critics are not necessarily opposed to globalization but rather to globalism.[14] They do not stand in awe for the momentum it has gathered nor delude themselves about the eventual disappearance of its negative effects either. They partake in the global fray to modify the course of globalization from within. Global warriors aim to bring about what Zincone and Agnew, in a felicitous play of words with the title of Polanyi's celebrated study of industrialization, call the political phase of the "second great transformation."[15]

We can read the latter as a move from globalism to globalization, which amounts to an effort to politicize economic processes currently mystified as either fact or fate. I propose a tentative typology of the initiatives undertaken by globalțminded actors. It functions as a provisional guideline to differentiate forms of collective action that seek to modify the course of globalization. Their common trait is the resistance to the Washington Consensus of the 1990s—captured in ATTAC's slogan "The World is not for Sale"—in order to transform globalism from within and below. Their actions extend the political field —and by implication, the scope of citizenship—beyond the enclosure of the nationțstate. As in any classification, the boundaries between

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the various groupings are somewhat porous, as initiatives tend to overlap and to appear conjointly. I will distinguish six types, the first two being common to political activism more generally.

The lingering perception of the antițglobalization (i.e. antiț globalism) movement consists of a string of cities—Seattle, Prague, Gothenburg, Genoa—accompanied by images of sitțins, smashed windows, street violence, police barricades, and people being arrested. It also includes iconic referents like the destruction of a McDonald's restaurant in France led by José Bové and the Confédération Paysanne to protest against the use of genetically modified foods. This imagery is prevalent partly because streetțbased politics tends to be more salient and thus the media picks on it as newsworthy. They are also the ones that instill most fear in the hearts of governments, business leaders, and multilateral agencies more accustomed to the logic of expert committees than to mass mobilizations, although at times they embarrass and even undermine the strategic planning of other global protesters too. That is why some might argue that many activist groups lack a strategic political compass. This is correct, but it is not the full story, as they range from strict globaliphobes to those with a clearer agenda for transforming globalism. Examples of those who do have such an agenda are those who participate in the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, in the more recent European Social Forum, which gathered nearly 60,000 people when launched in Florence in November 2002, as well in other initiatives I will mention shortly.[16] Leading organizations associated with direct action include the Ruckus Society, Global Exchange, and an array of anarchist groups like the Black Bloc.[17] One could also mention the "glocal" dimension of resistance, like the international support for local struggles against privatized utility companies in Third World countries. Here one can

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think of solidarity campaigns for the Bolivian Water Wars of 2000 against a subsidiary of Bechtel Corporation in Cochabamba, or for the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee set up to resist rate increases of privatized state utilities in South Africa.[18]

Advocates of direct action—who can be violent or nonțviolent in their expression of discontent with the order of things—are the generic equivalent of the "dangerous classes" of 19thțcentury conservative discourse. Yet most movements and protests have a radical wing or radical strands among their ranks. Luddites shunned negotiation or accommodation within the system, and promoted the destruction of machines instead of proposing an alternative to the brutal exploitation of early capitalism. They ultimately failed, but theirs proved to be a productive failure, for cotton merchants and politicians got the message about the perils of excessive greed. New social movements have been perhaps less destructive of private property, although the cathartic dimension of destruction should not be overlooked in mass protests. Yet they also appealed to radical direct action to advance their cause—the antinuclear protests in Germany during the 1970s and the guerrilla tactics of Greenpeace are typical examples. One can agree or not with these "hot" actions, which are often accompanied by more protests and slogans than by strategic proposals, but they play an important role. They provide an initial momentum for resistances to globalism and for the globalization of resistances, and therefore contribute to give visibility to the political phase of the "second great transformation." As Wallach says, sometimes direct action helps to cut through the arrogance of the international bureaucracy.[19] Experts of multilateral agencies often refuse to give any serious thought to proposals of advocacy groups or stall them in the paper chase of countless committees. As theorists of realpolitik have shown, a

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capacity for disruption—which is a de facto veto power—serves as a bargaining tool, in this case helping global warriors to get their case heard.

The analogical model of these initiatives is the propagation of digital viruses over the Web: once they start to circulate, whoever created them loses track of how they propagate and cannot control who will get infected or when they will be contained. Chain letters are a less damaging example of such dissemination. Terrorist cells are a more threatening illustration. Viral action coincides with what Deleuze and Guattari designate as a "rhizome," a mode of organization that lacks an "arborescent" or treețlike central structure connecting and directing its parts.[20] A rhizome links people and individuals, and facilitates further links—independent initiatives generated by other groups and individuals—without the usual hierarchies or infrastructure of more conventional social and political organizations. The range of viral actions is quite broad. While it is not confined to the "cool" medium of cyberspace, the latter provides interesting examples. Some consist of gathering funds for relief operations or clicking on websites like The Hunger Site (www.thehungersite.org) to donate a cup of food, a percentage of a mammogram, or to save a square foot of rainforest— all of this free of cost for those who do so. Others include organizing independent boycotts of firms employing child labor or sharing information and other resources for sponsoring initiatives or organizing protests. Among the latter, one could mention the efforts of MoveOn (www.moveon.org, which has an ețmail list with 1.8 million members) to organize an internet protest against the war on Iraq, or to disseminate information linking the war with the "Project for a New American Century" and its goal of positioning the US as the unconditioned pole of the new world order.[21]

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The strategic matrix for this mode of action in cyberspace is electronic civil disobedience (ECD). It was posed in the midț1990s by the Critical Art Ensemble as a way to match the dețcentralized and deț territorialized nature of contemporary capitalism, particularly financial capital. Like all forms of radical direct action, it eschews electoral and/or party politics. If the streets were the privileged sites of traditional civil disobedience, the nonțphysical cyberspace is the milieu where ECD takes place. The rhizomatic structure of viral direct action is clearly at work here, for instead of aiming for a mass movement of public objectors, it favors a dețcentralized flow of particularized microțorganizations. "Hacktivism," the recombinant encounter of technologyțsavvy hackers and traditional political activists, is one of its modalities. In December 1997, the Anonymous Digital Coalition called people to block access to websites of Mexican financial institutions by repeatedly reloading them to protest the massacre of indigenous people in Acteal, Chiapas, by proțgovernment paramilitary groups. The Electronic Disturbance Theatre, a proț Zapatista group, developed the FloodNet software to engage in acts of ECD: in 1998, they flooded the then President Ernesto Zedillo's webpage with the list of people killed in Acteal. In December 2000, the Electrohippies group organized a virtual "sitțin" of some 450,000 people to overload the WTO servers, and more recently, Our World Our Say staged a 30,000 person virtual march on the US Embassy in London to protest George W. Bush's visit to the United Kingdom in November 2003.[22]

In addition to the obvious difficulty to measure their degree of success, whether in the "cool" medium of cyberspace or as "hot" spaces of street actions, a possible disadvantage of this type of initiatives is their inbuilt difficulty to generate consensus or to develop

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and pursue what Gramsci would call a "counterțhegemonic project." However, this might not be such a bad thing. Viral direct action can function both as an obstacle for largețscale institutional transformations and as an alternative to resourcețheavy projects. Instead of aiming to articulate a wide array of forces to reinstitute the political order or communal space as a whole, the rhizome setup of viral action connects a myriad of local and global initiatives—in cyber or physical space—without a master plan or a central command structure. Groups and individuals can participate and share resources on their own terms quickly, visibly, and costțeffectively by setting up transient virtual communities of action that provide adțhoc modes of participation for people who are neither militants nor committed activists. It is a postțhegemony mode of political action, or at least a mode of intervention that does not fit strictly within the logic of hegemony.

This is precisely what makes viral initiatives so useful. Despite appearances to the contrary, those who stay away from politics are not necessarily apolitical. Many still want to change the world, but not all the time, for they do not conform to Rousseau's idealized image of virtuous citizens who rush to assemblies when called. They might be unhappy with the available political options yet lack the time, the resources, or the inclination to build institutional alternatives. This is not so much a proof of depoliticization as it is an indication that dispersed people or loosely organized groups rarely count as political stakeholders. In a way, they live citizenship as functional denizens. The rhizomețstructure of viral direct action can contribute to counteract this experience of disenfranchisement. Signing a petition over the web, refusing to buy tuna cans that lack the dolphințfriendly label, participating in boycotts of products imported from countries with

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repressive regimes, joining a virtual sitțin, or taking to the streets to join forces with those who oppose wars of aggression, enables people to support a cause and intervene in the public sphere without the usual risks and the costs—not to mention the complex logistics— associated with collective action. Here "the public sphere" might be a misnomer, for viral action is often a crossover between the public and the private. It engenders fleeting, adțhoc publics that appear whenever and wherever private individuals decide to act, even if they only connect with others in the virtual communities resulting from the circulation of a pamphlet or forwarded ețmails for a particular action.

More institutionalțoriented interventions include the campaigns to condone the debt of poor countries or to allocate 0.7% of the GDP of developed countries to international aid. One of the more ambitious initiative to foster equality is the Tobin Tax Initiative (www.tobintax.org) supported by a wide array of networks and organizations such as ATTAC, Global Exchange, the AFLțCIO, or DebtChannel.org. The Tobin tax, named after the Nobel laureate economist who first suggested it, aims to discourage the ubiquitous crossțborder financial flows carried out by currency speculators—estimated at 1.8 trillion US dollars daily —by imposing a sales tax of 0.1 to 0.3% on each trade. Such a tax would generate estimated revenues ranging from $100 to $300 billion yearly. As the main financial markets are located in industrialized countries, this would amount to a net transfer of resources to the developing world. These funds could be earmarked for poverty eradication, disease prevention, and environmental programs. This is a farțreaching initiative and its advocates are aware of the obstacles that stand in the way of its implementation. It requires extensive lobbying and political mobilization, both to persuade legislatures and multilateral agencies to support it and to overcome the strong

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opposition of currency traders and the USțled efforts to peg bilateral trade agreements to the elimination of capital controls. It also has to sort out operational issues concerning the collection and enforcement of the taxes.

TransFair USA, a nonțprofit organization that certifies products that comply with the Fair Trade criterion, launched a more modest but currently more successful initiative. It aims to improve the income of direct producers of coffee, tea and bananas by lobbying mayor buyers to purchase them directly from small agricultural cooperatives in Latin American, African and Asian countries instead of ordering them through intermediaries. Coffee is the first item licensed through this program. There are currently some 500,000 producers organized in small and mediumțsized democratically run cooperatives over an estimated four million coffee growers worldwide. The average price they obtained in 2000 was under $1.10 dollars per pound FOB, whereas by eliminating intermediaries, the amount went up to $2.77. [23] With the subsequent collapse of coffee prices in the international markets, the Fair Trade price guarantees that direct producers will receive $1.26 per pound FOB.[24] In exchange, Starbucks, Safeways and other participating companies are licensed to use the "Fair Trade Certified" label on the coffee bags they sell to consumers worldwide.

One of the problems faced by TransFair is checking compliance, although it is less daunting than in the case of, say, campaigns to eradicate child labor, which require a continuous (and costly) monitoring of small shops and enterprises scattered across the globe. Moreover, the volume of trade handled by TransFair is a relatively low at $400 million per year, yet its effects are broader than the figures involved, if only because it has a visible impact on direct producers

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living on or below the poverty line. Like all campaigns around social labels, it serves to exert moral pressure on business conglomerates to adjust their commercial practices to ethical codes of conduct, and to foster a semblance of moral conscience among consumers whose overriding preoccupation with maximizing benefits is a strong disincentive for spontaneous altruistic behavior.

There are many indicators of the growth of supranational initiatives and arenas. Keohane and Nye speak of complex interdependence in the global age, in the sense that we are witnessing the multiplication of the channels between societies, and of the number and the diversity of issues and participants in global networks. They point out that the number of international NGOs increased from 6000 at the beginning of the 1990s to 26,000 by the end of the decade.[25] Other indicators are multilateral financial institutions, transnational professional associations, drug cartels, scientific and religious communities, loose coalitions of those sharing lifestyles or cultural consumption, and so on.[26] In a setting of complex interdependence, the initiatives of NGOs, social movements, and international advocacy networks also contribute to transform global politics from the standpoint of civil society.[27] They organize campaigns to stop torture and other human rights abuses, lobby governments to introduce stricter environmental regulations and ratify the Kyoto protocol on gas emissions or to suspend military aid to repressive regimes, and struggle to open up the projects of multilateral lending institutions to public scrutiny. Organizations like Médecins sans Frontièrs, Amnesty International, Greenpeace, ATTAC, the Bretton Woods Project, and Public Citizen are good examples. All this runs counter to the idea that politics is enclosed within the nationțstate or that whatever takes place abroad must fall under the heading of foreign affairs.

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In a way, these networks of nonțtraditional players bear a family relation with viral direct action, at least in the sense that they have low levels of formalization, membership is based on normative and strategic trust, exchange information, have fairly open mechanisms of entry and exit, and set up joint initiatives. They are, then, imaginary communities of people who want to change the world. On the one hand, they seek to modify the public agenda and influence political outcomes, but more importantly, they contribute to change the terms and the nature of the debate and to shape the political arenas in which they intervene.[28] On the other hand, they presuppose a global public and aim to expand its role. Their initiatives spread through the printed or electronic media of countries where they act, but also through global information networks like CNN, and now the Internet, used so effectively by the Zapatista guerrillas in Mexico at least since 1996 to build international support for their cause and disseminate information about human rights abuses in indigenous communities. We have already seen some examples. Networks also take advantage of the new technologies of communications and the aforementioned fall in the cost of air travel to get together, organize protests, engage in lobbying, or set up other domestic or international networks. This facilitates the tasks of activists like those who coordinated the 1999 campaign against the WTO in Seattle, but also of militants from a host of international terrorist organizations.

The combination of a physical presence as pressure groups (acting on their governments, on other governments, or on multilateral agencies) and a virtual presence in the media contributes to create a global public opinion. Like any public opinion, it gives visibility to issues that are overlooked or ignored by decisionțmakers. It serves as a moral counterweight for the actions of governments and multilateral

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organizations, and as an informational input to foster deliberation among citizens and modify their cognitive maps. Its "moral" status does not make it extrațpolitical. As Manin says in relation to representative government, public opinion seeks to counteract the partial autonomy of elected representatives, for once in office they might not be compelled to follow that opinion, but they cannot ignore it either—or ignore it at their own risk.[29] Global public opinion is no different. Perhaps its distinctiveness is that it operates as a deț territorialized moral force, or rather, as one that is largely unconcerned by national borders.

Critics of globalization insist on the democratic deficit of the international order, particularly in the case of technical agencies like the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank (WB), and the WTO. They point out that policy recommendations of these agencies affect the lives of millions of people, shape the behavior of governments, and put an effective limit to the autonomy of political leaders in the elaboration and implementation of domestic policies. Their decisions, however, are not subjected to public scrutiny, and there are few mechanisms to make them accountable for their consequences. Full transparency is, of course, unlikely, as many of the negotiations into which they enter are by definition opaque. Yet the question of scrutiny refers more specifically to the fact that gross errors of estimation of a country's reliability and risk—as happened in the 1996–1998 Asian crisis—have little or no consequence for these agencies or their resident experts.[30] They need to be submitted to public scrutiny to counteract policy recommendations that often amount to a thinly disguised unilateral imposition on governments. Indeed, coalitions like those pieced together for the Seattle protests coalesce around the conviction that the democratic deficit of the

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world order is neither necessary nor acceptable, and that we must create rules capable of regulating international actors so that those who must live with their decisions can hold them accountable.[31]

There are many proposals. Those by Jeffrey Sachs focus on the IMF. [32] He claims that it is too powerful and that no single agency should have responsibility for economic policy in half of the developing world. That is why he asks that its executive board do its job of overseeing rather than rubberțstamping staff proposals, consult with outside experts and canvas international opinion and that its operations should be made public to guarantee professional debate and review. "Global Trade Watch," a division of Public Citizen, advocates a series of changes to modify the WTO dispute settlement system. Wallach, its director, cites two reasons for these changes. First, because the consultation period involves a costly process of litigation in Geneva, something that poor countries are in no condition to afford. And second, because if the consultation is unsuccessful, the affected country must ask for the formation of a special panel of people illț suited for judging on issues concerning the social costs of trade policy or legislation. Its three members are selected from a roster made up of previous employees and national delegates to the GATT, people who have worked in ministries of finance or economics, or private attorneys specializing in international trade.[33] Wallach adds that their discussions, proceedings, and documents are confidential, they are not obliged to seek outside expertise to deal with issues of public health or genetically modified foods, and their decisions enter into effect immediately. Contrary to what many would think, Public Citizen does not propose a return to protectionism or the elimination of the WTO, but rather to reform the latter so that social indicators are also taken into account when they make decisions and more favorable

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terms of exchange for developing countries can be secured.

Somewhat paradoxically, the defense of developing countries might also prompt these critics to side with the WTO, if only to counteract the negative effects of USțsponsored bilateral trade deals. Bhagwati and Panagariya point out that by the end of 2002, the WTO had been notified of agreements to create 250 Free Trade Areas, which are exempted from the most favored nation rule that ensures equal treatment within the WTO. By reaching onețonțone agreements, they say, the US undermines the bargaining power of Third World countries in multilateral negotiations, and by linking these bilateral agreements to the agenda of domestic groups in the US, trade liberalization becomes an alibi for "the capture, reshaping and distortion of the WTO in the image of American lobbying interests."[34] One can see this at work in the negotiations for a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA); the US pressured Colombia and Peru to leave the alliance led by Brazil, effectively weakening its bargaining power.[35] In the face of an unconditioned pole that wishes to impose the rules of the global trade system, activists who do not oppose trade per se might find themselves in the position of defending the WTO as a multilateral arena for scrutinizing and contesting the policies of the sole remaining superpower.

Despite the lack of accountability of supranational actors, or precisely because of it, democracy is a recurrent yet contested issue. Advocates of radical and viral direct action, together with those who aim to make international agencies more transparent and accountable, demand more democracy in the global order. Looking at the literature, one can see that mainstream thinkers tend to emphasize the liberalț democratic components of governance and representation, whereas

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global activists are less troubled about the link between elections and political participation. While Schmitter talks of the need to develop an institutional setting to strengthen citizen participation in the European Union (EU), Held and others who speak of "cosmopolitan democracy" advance one of the more cited projects of reform.[36] They claim that the idea of autonomous communities with their own endogenous agendas can no longer be reduced to the territorial space of national states. In the past, the history and the practice of democracy was based on the idea of locality, whereas the future of democracy depends on its reorganization on a global scale because the site of effective power no longer lies only in national governments. It is now shared by a series of economic forces and regulative agencies outside the nation, as well as NGOs, new regional blocs like the EU and MERCOSUR in South America, and a host of other actors that must be taken into account in political calculation. Held is aware of the deficit of supranational democratic institutions and insists in the need to rethink the charter of the UN and other institutions to boost the prospects of democracy on a global scale.[37] That is why he invites us to rethink the national criteria of democracy by adding to it regional parliaments, the scrutiny of international organizations, and a greater influence of international courts. His cosmopolitan democracy does not seek to create a Kantian league of states but to secure greater public accountability, and thus to enhance the democratic component of that order.[38]

One possible shortfall of this cosmopolitanism is that with the exception of the experience of the EU after Maastricht, which allows citizens of member states to vote and to be candidates in local elections of the country where they have settled, the institutionalization of a genuinely supranational mode of citizenship is

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incipient. Moreover, Schmitter and others argue that we still lack real mechanisms of democratic representation outside the national state. The list of institutions of cosmopolitan democracy, he says, is rather limited and the evidence supporting the tendency toward it is based largely on functional equivalents of both governance and democracy. [39] With the notable, yet limited exception of UNțsanctioned human rights and of some political rights in the EU, we lack institutional arrangements outside the state capable of enforcing rights and obligations associated with citizenship. To be fair, though, Held speaks of cosmopolitan democracy as a political project to reform the international order and not as an actually existing reality, so it is perhaps premature to expect the institutional framework demanded by critics. Having said this, we should add a note of caution about the prospects of such democratization given the obstacles it faces, especially when considering the refusal of the US to endorse the International Criminal Court or its willingness to go to war in Iraq without the endorsement of the UN Security Council.[40]

The range of these initiatives tells us something about the current state of a politics of resistance. As they reactivate the question of globalization, the new internationalists spearhead a "second great transformation"—less as a model than as a horizon—that puts into play the ground rules of globalism championed by neoliberal rhetoric. I will draw from the preceding discussion to suggest a set of coordinates that map the political contours of this horizon, and also fuel the return of a progressive agenda to counteract conservative complacency. The first and more obvious one refers to the expansion of the political frontier through the creation of supplementary supranational arenas. The literature usually cites the case of the EU or agreements concerning international tribunals, but the initiatives

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developing from below the intergovernmental level seek to both modify the current forms and rhythms of globalization and to expand the idea of citizenship beyond the framework of the nationțstate. Global actors often disregard the assumption that ties politics to a statețcentered political cartography and therefore dispute the liberal enclosure of politics within the physical setting of the nationțstate. That is why Virilio suggests that we are now more exposed to the end of geography than to the end of history.[41] They are carving up supranational spaces of political exchange, new sites for the enactment of collective forms of resistance, confrontation, negotiation, and innovation that may (or may not) become formalized as legally sanctioned institutional domains. Yet even if they do not, the challenge to globalism effectively destabilizes the frontiers between the public and the private, and between the political and the nonț political.

Second, let us concede these initiatives and organizations can be political without always being democratic, either because they fail to represent any actual constituency, lack participatory decisionțmaking mechanisms, or are run by selfțperpetuating cliques that are not subjected to public scrutiny by the membership. They would merely reinforce Roberto Michels' iron rule of oligarchy. However—and this is an important qualification—those that are democratic and seek to expand democracy do so without always invoking the electoral format of liberal democracy. This is not because elections are outdated or have been superseded by other forms of political participation. Elections at a supranational level are very much at the center of the debate on democratic participation and accountability, notably in the case of the European Union, but they do not exhaust the multiple forms of participation and accountability in the global setting. This is

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because involvement in public affairs at a supranational level deepens the gap between the concept of democracy and the position of citizențvoter. Bobbio once observed that from the late 19th to the midț 20th century the thrust of the democratic demand was reflected in the phrase "who votes," whereas today democracy has undergone a transformation whereby the key question is "on what issues one can vote."[42] While voting seems to remain as the independent variable in this shift from "who" to "what," it is no longer restricted to the election of representatives as it now refers to the issues that are open to discussion and participation. This might be Bobbio's way of telling us that "representation" does not exhaust the semantic field of "democracy," or rather, of reminding us of the excess of participation over elections without endorsing a model of direct democracy. Activists want to have a say in political decisions, scrutinize the practices of major global players like multilateral organizations or business conglomerates, and hold them accountable for their policy recommendations. Yet they want to do so primarily by instituting mechanisms to control and regulate their field of action rather than by subjecting them to electoral scrutiny. That is why participation in supranational arenas can be democratic and postțliberal.

Third, a model of citizenship restricted to the nationțstate is being challenged daily even if it is premature to claim that we are already on the threshold of global citizenship. The idea of citizenship was born in the struggle against monarchical absolutism to set up the rules defining the relations between the individual and public authorities in the secularized territory of the nationțstate. It empowered city dwellers by gradually legitimizing what Arendt calls "the right to have rights" or, in Balibar's more politically charged language, by giving birth to the idea of subjects who resist their subjection and therefore perform their

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own emancipation.[43] This has lost none of its political or intellectual purchase among global warriors. The point of contention is whether the absence of nonțstate mechanisms to validate rights and redress wrongs prevents us from talking about supranational citizenship. My view is that it does not, or rather that this absence does not stop people from exercising it in an informal or de facto manner with a real impact on outcomes. Even within nationțstates, we find subjects who are not always authorized yet are often acknowledged as actors in the public sphere even though they fall outside the legal framework of citizenship—undocumented migrants, Roma people, and so on. Moreover, the nominal, statețsanctioned idea of citizenship itself is no guarantee for the respects of the rights associated with it. Outside pressure often contributes to validate them or at least curbs blatant forms of repression. This is precisely what prompted human rights activists to create Amnesty International. Campaigns set up by activists in different countries have been decisive to get governments to modify their treatment of dissidents or respect women's rights. Thus, one should not confuse the informal status of supranational citizenship with its ineffectiveness.

Fourth, in addition to their efforts to expand the scope of publicness and participation, the new global warriors reintroduce the socialist preoccupation with social justice and solidarity into the political agenda. They do so by drawing from the Marxist heritage, yet without following a Marxist political script. By and large, the identity of crossț border coalitions and protest movements is not posed in terms of workingțclass resistance, their logic of collective action is not framed in terms of class warfare, and their effort to counteract the unequal exchange between North and South does not aim to suppress free trade or private enterprise. The specter of socialism, or of the

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imaginary fostered by the socialist tradition, is rețentering the public scene in the shape of a new, loosely assembled internationalism that seeks to counteract the weight of its conservative counterpart in order to address questions of equality and solidarity on a global scale. The new internationalists are concerned with North–South inequality, with the standing of borders with regard to immigrants from the capitalist periphery, and with AIDS, gender mutilation, child slavery, and so on. As Derrida put it, this new internationalism calls for a solidarity "of which no state, no party, no syndicate, no civic organization really takes charge," for it is made up of all those "who suffer and all those who are not insensitive to the dimension of these urgent issues."[44] The new internationalists, then, are firing the opening salvos of the political phase of the second "great transformation" by moving things beyond the ideology and the practice of globalism.

Finally, the emerging supranational arenas and initiatives are neither the destiny of politics nor the replacement of liberal democracy. Instead, they are the more recent symptoms of the migratory arc exhibited by politics since the dawn of modernity. This migratory arc manifests itself through a continual colonization of new territories, and its itinerary is marked by three salient moments.[45] It begins with Leviathan, the metaphor of the sovereign state coined by Hobbes to describe a model in which the state seeks to become the sole subject of politics, that is, to hegemonize the political. The second moment is the offspring of democratic liberalism in its drive to displace politics into the field of elections and partisan competition. Here the political is no longer hegemonized by the state but by territorial representation. The third, ongoing moment, consists of a double migration, first into the supposedly apolitical space of civil society through the endeavors of new social movements, and then toward arenas outside the nationț

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state through the initiatives of the new internationalists. The corollary of this continual displacement of politics is that instead of a liberal end of history, contemporary politics is starting to look more like a postț liberal archipelago of interlocking tiers. In this archipelago, the liberal format of electoral politics and partisan competition within the nationț state coexists with a second tier of social movements (and organizations) and with the supranational arenas that are being opened up by the new internationalists as they claim and exercise an informal global citizenship.

1 Ulrich Beck, What is Globalization? (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000). For Beck, "black" protectionists mourn the loss of national values, the "green" variety upholds the state as the last line of defense against the international market's assault on environmental values, while the "red" ones maintain their faith in Marxism and see globalization as yet another example of the class struggle.

2 I would like to thank Toshi Knell, Eric Mamer and two anonymous reviewers for New Political Science for their comments on an earlier draft of this article.

3 Ibid., p. 9.

4 Zygmunt Bauman, Globalization: The Human Consequences (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998), pp. 16ff.

5 The figures of inequality are staggering. At the end of the 19th century, the difference in the average income of the richest and the poorest country was 9:1. Things got much worse since then. According to the UN, the income gap between the richest 20% and the poorest 20% of the planet in 1960 was 30:1, while in 1997 it

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jumped to 74:1. The case of Africa is even more daunting, as the average GNP of around US$360 per person is below the annual service of the foreign debt. In countries like Angola and the Ivory Coast, it is simply not payable, for it stands at 298% and 146% of their GNP correspondingly. Moreover, despite our extraordinary capacity to produce food, every 3.6 seconds somewhere on the planet someone dies of hunger or for reasons directly derived from it. That makes 24,000 deaths per day. In the meantime, average international aid from development countries has dropped from 0.33% of their GNI in 1990 to 0.23% in 2001, with Denmark topping the list at 1.08% and the US positioning itself at the bottom with just 0.11%. See United Nations, Human Development Report 1999 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); UN, Human Development Report 2003, http://www.undp.org/hdr2003/; Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and its Discontents (London: Penguin Books, 2002); Jan Nederveen Pieterse, "Global Inequality: Bringing Politics Back In," Third World Quarterly 23:6 (2002), pp. 1023–1046; Nancy Birdsall, "Life is Unfair: Inequality in the World," Foreign Policy 111 (1998), pp. 76–93; Adam Zagorin, "Seattle Sequel," TIME, April 17, 2000, p. 36; http://www.thehungersite.com; Giovanna Zincone and John Agnew, "The Second Great Transformation: The Politics of Globalization in the Global North," Space and Polity 4:2 (2000), pp. 5–21; W. Bowman Cutter, Joan Spero and Laura D'Andrea Tyson, "New World, New Deal: A Democratic Approach to Globalization," Foreign Affairs 79:2 (2000), pp. 80–98; Barry K. Gills (ed.), Globalization and the Politics of Resistance (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000).

6 Zincone and Agnew, op. cit., p. 12.

7 Human Development Report 1999, p. 31.

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8 Bauman, op. cit., pp. 20–24, 92–97.

9 Miles Kahler, "The Survival of the State in European International Relations," in Charles S. Maier (ed.), The Changing Boundaries of the Political (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 288, 290; also Richard Falk, "The Decline of Citizenship in the Era of Globalization," Meeting Point (1998), http://www.transnational.org/forum/meet/falk%5fcitizen.html.

Regis Debray, "God and the Political Planet," New Perspectives Quarterly 4:2 (1994), p. 15.

Ibid.

Bauman, Globalization: Human Consequences, p. 59.

Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (1944), foreword by Joseph E. Stiglitz and introduction by Fred Block (Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), p. 85.

A similar point is made by Fabio de Nardis, "From Local to Global: Values and Political Identity of the Young Participants in the European Social Forum," paper presented at the Sixth Conference of the European Sociological Association, Murcia, Spain, September 23–26, 2003.

Zincone and Agnew, op. cit., pp. 7–8. Also Mary Kaldor, " 'Civilizing' Globalization? The Implications of the 'Battle in Seattle'," Millennium: Journal of International Studies 29:1 (2000), pp. 105–114.

See Fabio de Nardis, "Note Marginale del Forum Sociale Europeo," Il Dubbio: Rivista di Critica Sociale 3:3 (2002), http://www.ildubbio.com.

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Jeffrey St. Clair, "Seattle Diary: It's a Gas, Gas, Gas," New Left Review 238 (1999), p. 88; also "Hans Bennett Interviews Bobo," Alternative Press Review 7:1 (2002), http://www.altpr.org/apr16/blackbloc.html. The Ruckus Society (http://ruckus.org/training/index.html) has a training camp for direct action where "Participants split their time between theoretical/strategic workshops focusing on a wide array of advanced campaign skills and handsțon technical training in tactics for nonțviolent demonstrations. The objective of each Action camp is to provide participants with the opportunity to share strategies, facilitate leadership development, and build relationships that will help to spawn more collaboration in the form of alliance, networks, and coalitions."

For the Bechtel case, see http://www.democracyctr.org/bechtel/index.htm. For the Soweto and other resistances to the privatization programs induced by the IMF and the WB, see Paul Kingsnorth, "One No, Many Yesses: The Rise of the New Resistance Movement," June 2003, http://www.signsofthetimes.org.uk/king.html.

Lori Wallach, "Lori's War," interview with Moisés Naím, Foreign Policy 118 (2000), p. 32.

Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus (London: Athlone Press, 1988), pp. 3–25.

This is available at www.newamericancentury.org. For an analysis of this document, see Benjamin Arditi, "Resisting an Unconditioned Pole: Global Politics in the Aftermath of the Iraq War," Signs of the Times, May 2003, http://www.signsofthetimes.org.uk/arditi.html.

Critical Art Ensemble, Electronic Civil Disobedience (Brooklyn, NY:

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Autonomedia, 1996), pp. 7–32, 57–69, and Digital Resistance (Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia, 1999), pp. 13–27; Stefan Wray, "On Electronic Civil Disobedience," 1998, http://cristine.org/borders/Wray%5fEssay.html, and "Electronic Civil Disobedience and the WWW of Hacktivism: A Mapping of Extraparliamentarian Direct Action Net Politics," Switch 4:2 (1998), http://switch.sjsu.edu/web/v4n2/stefan/; Electrohippies, http://www.gn.apc.org/pmhp/ehippies; David Cassel, "Hacktivism in the Cyberstreets," May 30, 2000, http://www.alternet,org/story.html? StoryID = 9223, "Hacktivism and Technopolitics," http://www.thehactivist.com/hacktivism.php; Erika Pearson, The Digital is Political, 2000, http://madcelt.org/∼erika/; Barry Cox, "Hacktivism," 2001, http://nml.ru.ac.za/carr/barry/;www.ourworldoursay.org.

Margot Hornblower, "Wake up and Smell the Protest," TIME, April 17, 2000, p. 37.

See http://www.transfairusa.org/products/coffee/criteria.html.

Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye Jr., "Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)," Foreign Policy 118 (2000), pp. 115–116. Numbers alone should not blind us to the fact that NGOs often compete among themselves for the endțusers of their services—the oppressed, the persecuted, the sick, and the hungry—and intervene with their own agenda in the recipient country.

Beck, What is Globalization?, op. cit., pp. 12–13, 36.

See Craig Warkentin and Karen Mingst, "International Institutions, the State, and Global Civil Society in the Age of the World Wide Web,"

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Global Governance 6 (2000), pp. 237–257.

Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Without Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp. 2–5, 14–15, 34, 36–37.

Bernard Manin, The Principles of Representative Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

Zincone and Agnew, op. cit., pp. 15–16; Stiglitz, op. cit., pp. 89ff.

Wallach, op. cit., pp. 35, 47, 54; also Richard Falk, "Meeting the Political Challenge to Globalization," Meeting Point, 2000, http://www.transnational.org/forum/meet/2000/globalisation.html; Fred Halliday, "Getting Real about Seattle," Millennium: Journal of International Studies 29:1 (2000), pp. 123–129; and the Bretton Woods Project (www.brettonwoodsproject.org), the watchdog organization set up for monitoring and influencing the projects, policy reforms and overall management of the IMF and the WB.

Jeffrey Sachs, "IMF is a Power unto Itself," Financial Times, December 11, 1997.

Lori Wallach, "The WTO's Slow Motion Coup against Democracy," Multinational Monitor 20:10–11 (1999), pp. 27–29.

Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya, "Bilateral Trade Treaties are a Sham," Financial Times, July 13, 2003, http://news.ft.com/servlet/ContentServer?pagename = FT.com/StoryFT/FullStory&c = StoryFT&cid = 1057562355896. They illustrate this with two examples. One is that Mexico was forced to accept provisions for intellectual property protection to close the deal

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on NAFTA, which placed the US in a position to demand the same from other countries or face retaliatory tariffs. Eventually, it enabled the US "to insert the tradețrelated intellectual property regime (TRIPs) into the WTO, even though no intellectual case had ever been made that TRIPs, which is about royalty collection and not trade, should be included." The other is that while even the IMF does not reject capital controls per se, the US conditioned trade agreements with Chile and Singapore to the ban on capital controls. Both countries gave in to this demand, making it more difficult for others to uphold capital controls in future multilateral trade negotiations.

Tim Padgett and Andrew Downie, "Lula's Next Big Fight," TIME, November 24, 2003, pp. 46–47.

Philippe Schmitter, "The Future of Democracy: Could it be a Matter of Scale?" Social Research 66:3 (1999), pp. 933–958; David Held, "Democracy, the Nation state and the Global System," Economy and Society 20:2 (1991), pp. 130–172, and "Democracy: From CityțStates to a Cosmopolitan Order?" in Held (ed.), Prospects for Democracy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 13–52; Daniele Archibugi, David Held and Martin Köhler (eds), Rețimaging Political Community: Studies in Cosmopolitan Democracy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998); David Held, "Regulating Globalization?" in D. Held and Anthony McGreen (eds), The Global Transformations Reader (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), pp. 420–430.

David Held, "Democracy and Globalization," in Archibugi et al., op. cit., pp. 25–26.

Held, "Democracy: From CityțStates to a Cosmopolitan Order?" op. cit., p. 41; Archibugi et al., op. cit., p. 4.

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Schmitter, "The Future of Democracy: Could it be a Matter of Scale?" op. cit., pp. 939–940.

For more on this point, see Arditi, "Resisting an Unconditioned Pole: Global Politics in the Aftermath of the Iraq War," op. cit.

Paul Virilio, "Fin de l'histoire ou fin de la géographie?" http://www.mondețdiplomatique.fr/1997/08/VIRILIO/8948.html.

Norberto Bobbio, Democracy and Dictatorship: The Nature and Limits of State Power (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 156–157.

Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harvester, 1973); Etienne Balibar, "Subjection and Subjectivation," in Joan Copjec (ed.), Supposing the Subject (London: Verso, 1994), pp. 8–9.

Jacques Derrida, "Intellectual Courage: An Interview," Culture Machine, 2000, http://culturemachine.tees.ac.uk/Cmach/Backissues/j002/Articles/art %5fderr.htm. Also J. Derrida, Specters of Marx (Routledge: London and New York, 1994), pp. 85–86.

This migratory arc and its three moments is developed in Benjamin Arditi, "The BecomingțOther of Politics: A PostțLiberal Archipelago," Contemporary Political Theory 2:3 (2003), pp. 307–326.

~~~~~~~~

By Benjamin Arditi

Reported by Author

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Globalisation, Globalism and Cosmopolitanism as an Educational Ideal.

Papastephanou, Marianna

Educational Philosophy & Theory. Aug2005, Vol. 37 Issue 4, p533-551. 19p.

Article

*EDUCATION & globalization *GLOBAL method of teaching *TEACHING *COSMOPOLITANISM *EDUCATIONAL ideologies *PHILOSOPHY of education *EDUCATION

antagonism Bauman Dewey Giddens globalisation hybridity identity Kristeva nation-state

923110 Administration of Education Programs 611699 All Other Miscellaneous Schools and Instruction 611710 Educational Support Services

In this paper, I discuss globalisation as an empirical reality that is in a complex relation to its corresponding discourse and in a critical distance from the cosmopolitan ideal. I argue that failure to grasp the distinctions between globalisation, globalism, and cosmopolitanism derives from mistaken identifications of the Is with the Ought and leads to naïve and ethnocentric glorifications of the potentialities of globalisation. Conversely, drawing the appropriate distinctions helps us articulate a more critical

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approach to contemporary cultural phenomena, and reconsider the current place and potential role of education within the context of global affairs. From this perspective, the antagonistic impulses cultivated by globalisation and some globalist discourse are singled out and targeted via a radicalization of educational orientations. The final suggestion of the article concerns the vision of a more cosmopolitically sensitive education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Educational Philosophy & Theory is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

University of Cyprus

0013-1857

10.1111/j.1469-5812.2005.00139.x

17715367

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