6

Romanticism and Charles Darwin

Learning Objectives

Upon completion of Chapter 6, you will be able to:

• Discuss how the Enlightenment period gave way to Romanticism.

• Assess the central scientific and cultural aspects which the theory of evolution developed.

• Understand Darwin and how he developed his theory of evolution.

• Analyze the relationship between evolution and society and how Darwin fit into it.

• Understand some of the debates that have arisen from Darwinian beliefs.

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Introduction

We now move forward chronologically into the 19th century and see how the world moved from the Enlightenment to Romanticism. We have seen so far the emergence of specialization as a way to provide for the continued growth of knowledge. However, we have not yet encountered the “professionalization” of science. The term refers to the advent of the scientific specialist, trained in a university and who belonged to a distinct professional society (for example, the American Medical Associa- tion for physicians), published in professional journals, and followed the norms and eth- ics of the society, which excluded amateurs without these qualifications. One example in the 19th century of a person who bridged the transition from amateur to professional was Charles Darwin—we will spend much of this chapter focusing on his evolutionary theo- ries and their ongoing intersection with our culture and religion.

6.1 From Enlightenment to Romanticism

All great eras come to an end, even one as sweeping and significant as the Enlight-enment. The event most often pointed to as that which ended the Enlightenment was the French Revolution, especially the years from 1789 to 1799. France’s abso- lute monarchy ended, and many people lost their lives, including one of the most sig- nificant scientists in the Enlightenment—Antoine Lavoisier. His ties to the French elite, his own political interventions, his official role as a royal tax collector, and his imperious personality, which led him to openly belittle the scientific writing of Jean-Paul Marat, who was to become one of the leaders of the Revolution—all resulted in his eventually being branded a traitor by the revolutionary forces. He was beheaded in 1794, at the age of 50. Significant change resulted from the French Revolution, including the spread of liberal democracies and a rise of secularism. It is for this reason that some have labeled it the “dawn of the modern era” (Frey & Frey, 2004, p. xiii).

The French Revolution and Science

The end of the 18th century was a tumultuous time, which is somewhat ironic since one of the central ideals of this period was an unwavering belief in progress through scientific, cul- tural, political, and moral achievements. The unrest resulted in a revolutionary atmosphere, most notably in wars for independence in the North American colonies, Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, and South America), and France. While all significantly shaped their regions of conflict, the French Revolution (1787–1815) was perhaps the most significant because it had a class of nobles so hostile to the revolutionaries. Moreover, the geographical position of France in Europe affected the significance of the Revolution. The resulting social conflict had a tremendous effect on both European and world history (Blackburn, 1991, p. 358).

The conflict had an effect on science as well as on culture. A recent study found a signifi- cant reciprocity between science and polity in France during the French Revolution (Gil- lispie, 2004). Statesmen and politicians wanted various “powers” from science as defined

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by weapons, techniques, information, and communication. On the other hand scientists wanted financial support from politicians and sought the “legitimation of their com- munity in its existence and in its activities, or in other words for its professional status” (Baker, 1990, p. 153).

Scientists were generally not part of the reform movement at the start of the Revolution, as they positioned themselves in support of the monarchy. Thus, scientists were often at great personal risk from the revolutionaries. As the most violent of the revolutionaries gained power during the Reign of Terror (1792–1794), waves of bloodshed spread throughout the country. Any who supported the previous monarchy often paid for it with his or her life. For example, as we have already seen, Lavoisier, the founder of modern chemistry, had an association with the French nobility and had an official role as a royal tax collector (see Section 5.3); he was beheaded by the guillotine in 1794.

Did You Know? The Guillotine

Although commonly associated with the French Revolution, the guillotine was used in France for executions until 1981, when capital punishment was abolished.

The final phase of the French Revolution was the Napoleonic Era (1799–1815), led by Napoleon Bonaparte (1761–1821), who had a much different perspective on science than did those revolutionaries who came before him. In fact, Napoleon was a “devotee of sci- ence” and made an effort to bring logic and mathematical exactitude to the problems of the state. For example, Napoleon made sure that exiled scientists such as Joseph-Louis Lagrange, who was the math- ematician and astronomer to Louis XVI, returned to France. He also interacted with and encouraged the American inventor Robert Fulton to con- struct the world’s first subma- rine. Biographer Alistair Horne concluded, “Under the [Napo- leonic] empire science in all its ramifications was accorded the highest privileges and priorities, with enormous strides made by both technology and science under Napoleon” (2006, p. 138). Though the French Revolution officially ended in 1815 when Napoleon was defeated, cultural ideals such as liberty, equality, and nationalism continued to spread throughout Europe and the world for the next 200 years.

During the French Revolution, any scientists who were found to have supported the monarchy often paid with their lives.

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Romanticism

At the turn of the 19th century, new questions arose. These were as broad as they were essential to the human condition and included speculations such as: What is God? What are man and woman? What is the natural world, and whose creation was it? What is beauty? These questions loosely came together under the term Romanticism, which is the name generally given to the era succeeding the Enlightenment. This was an “age of reflec- tion,” and all these questions had one aspect in common—they all “came to be perceived as questions of self-understanding” (Cunningham & Jardine, 1990, p. 1).

Romantics were hostile toward what they saw as the sterile, mechanical natural phi- losophy of the Enlightenment. This hostility was expressed in an 1819 poem by English Romantic poet John Keats (1795–1821) in which he attacked Newton for robbing nature of beauty and replacing it with mathematical description. According to Keats, Newton could even destroy the majesty and mystery of a rainbow. He wrote:

Do not all charms fly At the mere touch of cold philosophy? There was an awful rainbow once in heaven; We know her woof, her textures; she is given In the dull catalogue of common things, Philosophy will clip an angel’s wings, Conquer all mysteries by rule and line, Empty the haunted air and gnomed mine, Unweave a rainbow. (Fara, 2002, p. 124)

Nineteenth-Century Information Excess The 18th-century philosophes did not solve the problems of information overload, and with all the advances occurring, concerns about the expansion of knowledge continued dur- ing the Romantic period. Henri Saint-Simon (1760–1825), a French social theorist, claimed that his era confronted “acute problems of knowledge accumulation” (Saint-Simon, 1975, p. 105). The culture of 19th-century France supported a “dramatic explosion in scientific creativity.” In and around Paris, “the experimental activity produced a flood of learned papers,” so many that they resulted in unproven theories in every field of science (Manuel, 1963, p. 80). Saint-Simon argued that a new encyclopedia was needed to demonstrate the interconnection of human knowledge (Iggers, 1972). He believed that this encyclopedia should be an analysis of the progress of humanity and that it should help manage written output by organizing and unifying the “specialized fields of physical and mathematical science” (Manuel, 1963, p. 106).

It was in Germany, which was the center of the Romantic scientific world, not France, that intellectual specialization flourished. Here the idea that the development of new knowl- edge through specialized research would improve the political and cultural status of the German state slowly took hold (Jungnickel & McCormmach, 1986). Eventually, this idea became so ingrained in the German system of education that the union of teaching and research became the “German” model of university training. From Germany this model spread to the rest of the world.

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In the United States professional specialization was consciously modeled after the Ger- man system. Throughout the 19th century, thousands of Americans traveled to Germany to gain experience in advanced academic training. Upon their return, they incorporated the German system into the American university, and specialized intellectuals became common (Curti, 1991). In 1836 Yale established a new mathematics professorship, in 1853 the college divorced chemistry from natural philosophy, and in 1865 natural history was divided into geology and botany. The day of the generalist natural philosopher was com- ing to an end (Oleson & Voss, 1979).

Specialization became an impor- tant part of intellectual activ- ity because of the information explosion. It was the growth and accumulation of informa- tion that by the 19th century created a need for specialists who, in turn, became academic professionals (Bowles, 1999). This end did not come without a cultural fight. Many men of science as well as the lay pub- lic reacted strongly against the trend toward increasing special- ization (Daniels, 1968). Many believed that prior to the Civil War, specialization was contrary to the American ideal. Defin- ing work and knowledge into narrow segments of expertise appeared to reduce individual

responsibility while increasing dependence upon others. Those who espoused the value of agrarian independence regarded specialization as counterproductive to the successful democratic experiment upon which the nation itself was founded. For example, as Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote in 1837, “Man is not a farmer, or a professor, or an engineer, but he is all.” Emerson said that in a specialized society, a mechanic was reduced to a machine, an attorney became a statute book, and a sailor was transformed into a simple rope on a ship—the sense of the whole was lost. These specialized men were like so many “walk- ing monsters—a good finger, a neck, a stomach, an elbow, but never a man” (Emerson, 1937, p. 6).

Advances in Medical Science The advances in the basic sciences that occurred during the first half of the 19th century led to new fields of medical inquiry, including microscopic anatomy, physiology, pathol- ogy, and pharmacy. New apparatus, such as the microscope, provided those interested in the human body the means to gain additional knowledge. The introduction of the stetho- scope and the ophthalmoscope made it possible to perform more precise physical exami- nations. Chemistry contributed to medical diagnosis and treatment, making it possible to

Yale University’s science programs started down the path to where they are today during the 19th century. This illustration shows the campus as it looked in the 1880s.

Copyright Morphart Creation, 2014. Used under license from Shutterstock, Inc.

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use urine tests to identify disorders and to isolate pure substances from raw drugs, giving rise to the use of morphine (in 1806) and quinine (in 1820) to combat illness.

The 19th century also saw the gradual acceptance of the germ theory of disease. The new science of bacteriology was aided by the accumulating evidence of microorganisms, which could be identified and studied for their role in disease causation. This research allowed physicians, for the first time, to determine the real causes of many diseases and to develop treatments and preventative measures.

In surgery, work in anesthesia and antisepsis made more invasive operations possible. Where surgeons had viewed their work primarily in terms of emergency interventions, they could now expand their role to include eliminating specific causes of disease.

Another advance in medicine of the 19th century that was not directly related to the increase in basic scientific knowledge was in clinical medicine. The 19th century has been called, in fact, the era of “hospital medicine.” Hospitals became larger (as urban popula- tions grew), and the availability of patients to observe translated into better clinical diag- noses. In France, medical education was reformed to include clinical observation.

Even with all of these advancements in medicine, specialization was considered quack- ery (Rosenberg, 1995). At the turn of the 19th century, any physician offering a “special practice” was considered little more than a fake by his colleagues. Throughout the cen- tury, medical specialization continued to be regarded as a nonprofessional offshoot for the untrained and unsophisticated practitioner. One of the most prevalent revolutionary ideas circulating among these lower-class surgeons in England was that species evolved over time—evolution.

6.2 Evolution Before Darwin

It may come as a surprise to some that Darwin was not the originator of the theory of evolution. In fact scientists had debated evolution since the 18th century. It was the philosophy of the Enlightenment that gave scientists the confidence to speculate on the most fundamental questions of existence such as the origins of life (Bowler & Morus, 2005). Because of the Enlightenment belief in the powers of human reason, scientists ascer- tained that it was within their right to question every authority and within their capability to correct biblical facts and ideas propagated by the church. One of the central issues was that of the age of the Earth itself.

George Buffon

We have already looked at the work of Buffon and Hutton (see Section 5.2), but we should also note that they vastly lengthened the Earth’s age, stating that the planet was far older than previously thought. If, as many began to speculate, the Earth had an initial molten state, then Buffon knew he could project how long it would take to cool to a temperature that sup- ported life forms. He found that this stage alone required nearly 100,000 years (Dalrymple, 2004). This enabled the possibility for species to develop through gradual transformation, as opposed to direct and immediate divine intervention. In 1766, Buffon wrote a chapter called

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“On the Degeneration of Animals” and argued that species had the ability to adapt to their environments and that all creatures had a common ancestor (Roger & Williams, 1997).

Erasmus Darwin

Buffon’s ideas spread, and by the end of the 18th century, two men in particular expanded upon his thoughts on how species might adapt to their surroundings. The first was Erasmus Darwin (1731–1802), Charles’s grandfather. Erasmus, who was considered one of the most eloquent poets of his time after his publica- tion of The Botanic Gardens in 1792, also estab- lished his fame as one of the leading physi- cians in England with his publication of four volumes called Zoonomia, or the Laws of Organic Life between 1794 and 1796. In a chapter of Zoonomia he discussed the idea of biological evolution in which life began as microscopic “filaments” in the oceans. He wrote that the evolution occurred due to “contests among the males” and, specifically, that the “stron- gest and most active animal should propa- gate the species, which should thence become improved” (Arnqvist & Rowe, 2005, p. 3). The reaction among the religious and scientific communities was strong. Erasmus Darwin’s friend Joseph Priestly wrote, “If there is such a thing as atheism, this is it” (E. Darwin & King- Hele, 2007, p. ix).

Jean-Baptiste Lamarck

While Erasmus Darwin’s ideas gained publicity and created a furor, French naturalist J. B. Lamarck (1744–1829) proposed a much more influential scientific theory of evolution. At the turn of the 19th century, Lamarck came to the conclusion that the concept of a fixed and unchanging species was not consistent with nature; he speculated that complex organ- isms changed over time from the simple to the more complex—an idea known as the great chain of being—with humans occupying the top of the ladder. God was at the pinnacle followed by angels, then the human realm, followed by animals, then plants, and at the bottom, rocks. However, some branches were unaccounted for on this evolutionary tree. Lamarck’s contribution was a process he called inheritance of acquired characteristics, or traits gained after birth that were passed on to succeeding generations.

Lamarck believed that species changed over time as a way to better adapt to their physi- cal environment. In this respect he accounted for the length of a giraffe’s neck through generations of giraffes stretching to reach leaves to eat that were on higher and higher branches. If one giraffe lengthened its neck just slightly, this acquired characteristic was

Erasmus Darwin

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passed to its offspring, because the trait allowed easier access to food. Ducks have webbed feet because this characteristic enables them to be better swimmers while on the surface of the water, much like the wheels of a paddle boat. In human terms, if a man was a body builder, he would more likely have a son with strong muscles. Culture becomes central to this scientific viewpoint. Acquired characteristics are essentially determined by the cul- ture in which one lives—the type of work one does or the hobbies one enjoys result in traits that are passed to offspring.

This concept was not unusual in Lamarck’s time as organic mutability was an idea many scientists supported, as well as the notion that some acquired characteristics or learned behavior might be passed to succeeding generations. What was unique about Lamarck “was that instead of offering a model of limited organic mutability, or just a paragraph or two hinting at a broader view of organic change, he set forth over a period of twenty years a series of extended accounts of how nature began with the simplest forms of life and from these successively produced all the forms of life in existence” (Burkhardt, 2005, p. xiv.) Lamarck’s devotion to this idea would eventually inspire Charles Darwin.

6.3 Evolution and Darwin

Using his status as a wealthy amateur Darwin was able to devote his life to his pas-sion, which was investigation into the theory of the evolution of species. Though he was not a university-trained biologist, as an amateur he was among a dying breed of people who sought to make revolutionary contributions to science without a

university affiliation. While Darwin was something of a scientific anachronism as an amateur, his most vocal defenders were professional specialists who sought to oppose religion and the influence of Anglican amateur scientists. Today Darwin is the subject of numerous new books every year, he appears on postage stamps, and his face graces the British 10-pound note. From whatever direction one approaches Darwin, everyone agrees that “Darwin’s epoch making book On the Origin of Species [published in 1859] transformed the way we see our- selves on the planet” (Desmond & Moore, 2009, p. xv). Darwin continues to spark debates that are not mere scientific curiosity; instead, they touch the very heart of what it means to be human.

Charles Darwin was ardently committed to establishing the truth of nature and his vision of a materialistic origin of life. However, one obstacle prevented him from fully expressing his beliefs—maintenance of a respectable social standing. The attempt to preserve his “gentle- manly” status in Victorian England caused him to hedge his anti-orthodox beliefs with a public persona of a man who, while on the cusp of being a radical, still donated to Sunday schools and avoided heretical, religious debate.

The title page from Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species.

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In 1878, nearly 20 years after the publication of On the Origin of Species, Darwin wrote in a letter to his vicar, J. Brodie Innes, that he “never published a word directly against religion or the clergy” (Darwin, 1961, p. 244). In that same year, Darwin wrote in his private auto- biography that Christianity was a “damnable doctrine” and that the Bible was “manifestly false history” (Darwin, 1989, p. 119). It is this conflict expressed by Darwin himself which has shaped the relationship between evolution and religion to this day.

Darwin’s On the Origin of Species

Charles Darwin was born in Shropshire, England, on February 12, 1809. He was mostly uninspired by his early educational experiences, so his father decided that Charles should follow in his brother’s footsteps and in 1825 enrolled him at the University of Edinburgh’s medical school in Scotland. There, Charles cultivated a love for natural history and, after finishing his first year of studies, spent much of the summer hiking in the wilderness and creating a notebook with drawings and observations of birds. In 1827 he met a Scottish zoologist, Robert Grant, and during their long walks together, Grant discussed the idea of evolution, in particular the theories of Lamarck and, ironically, Darwin’s own grand- father. By 1831 Darwin’s work as a naturalist had gained some attention among scientific circles in England. As a result he earned an invitation to serve as an unpaid ship’s natural- ist on the HMS Beagle, accompanying Captain FitzRoy on his planned two-year voyage to survey South America. There was already a paid naturalist on the voyage, and Darwin’s role was more that of a gentlemanly companion of the captain’s own social class.

What Darwin saw on this voyage led to a question that Darwin would spend the next 20 years of his life pondering and researching. In September 1835 the Beagle reached the Galápagos Islands, located directly on the equator 600 miles off the west coast of South America, and the timing of his visit there was perfect. Because of what he had already observed in his travels, he was poised to analyze the biological and botanical distribution in a unique way. He wrote this in his journal while on the voyage: “Seeing this gradation and diversity of structure in one small, intimately related group of birds, one might really fancy that . . . one species had been taken and modified for different ends” (Young & Largent, 2007, p. 43). What could have caused this diversity when the climate was the same? Why did the variations occur? This question became for Darwin “the greatest of the evolutionary mysteries” (Eiseley, 1961, p. 173).

Darwin initially made a mis- take. Though he had begun to consider the possibility of evo- lution, he did not think that evolutionary differences could

Shown here is an illustration of Charles Darwin observing Galapagos Tortoise, with the HMS Beagle in the background.

Dorling Kindersley RF/Thinkstock

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be observed in close geographical proximity. Thus, in his notebook he did not keep track of the specific island in which he gathered plants, insects, rocks, and fossils. However, these islands presented just the right opportunity for observing evolution, because they had similar environments yet were completely cut off from each other. They were like small experimental laboratories in nature. Eventually realizing that he was seeing diver- sity among similar species from island to island, Darwin began noting the different struc- tures of similar bird and tortoise species. Once he finished his collections, he remarked in his journal, “It never occurred to me that the productions of islands only a few miles apart, and places under the same physical conditions would be so dissimilar” (Hughes, 2009, p. 141).

The Voyage of the Beagle

When Charles Darwin stepped onto the Beagle he stepped onto a ship that was an unimpressive coastal carrier, just 90 feet in length and by most accounts of a less than impressive seafaring design. Darwin described the moment the trip began: “After having been twice driven back by heavy south- western gales, Her Majesty’s ship Beagle, a ten-gun brig, under the command of Captain Fitz Roy sailed from Devonport on the 27th of December, 1831 . . . on the 6th of January we reached Tenerr- iffe . . . the next morning we saw the sun rise behind the rugged outline of the Grand Canary Island, and suddenly illumine the Peak of Teneriffe, whilst the lower parts were veiled in fleecy clouds. This was the first of many delightful days never to be forgotten” (Darwin, 1909, p. 11). The Beagle traveled to the following locations: Tenerife, the Cape Verde Islands, South America, the Galápagos Islands, Tahiti, New Zealand, Australia, the Maldives, South Africa, and Mauritius.

At each of the ship’s stops Darwin took an opportunity to explore, make observations in his notebook, and collect fossils, insects, rocks, plants, and bones. Darwin spent much of the trip on inland excursions

where he escaped sea sickness and conducted his research. By the end of the voyage he had spent a total of 18 months on the ship and 36 months on land.

Darwin wrote an account of his great voyage on the HMS Beagle which has become a classic piece of travel literature in its own right. What emerges from Dar- win’s exploits on the Beagle is that he was having fun (although today we may not think of these activities as fun). For example, on the Galápagos Islands he spent a day examining tortoises by chasing them, riding them, and even flipping them on their backs to see if they could get upright again. While examining the iguanas

he cut them up to see what they ate, tied them to rocks and dropped them over the side of the Beagle to see if they could live under water, and then grabbed a sleeping one by the tail and hurled it into the ocean to see if it could swim. “[Darwin] lived the swashbuckling explorer’s life. A sense of exhilaration pervades The Voyage of the Beagle—exhilaration totally dissonant with the Charles Darwin we remem- ber today as a wrinkled, heavy-eye browed, white-bearded, finch-beak measurer” (Simons, 2010).

Reflective Questions:

1. What challenges did Darwin face on his voyage on the Beagle? 2. What is the value of Darwin’s account of his voyage? Is its value more cultural, scientific, or autobio-

graphical, or some combination of the three?

Image copyright Hein Nouwens, 2014. Used under license from Shutterstock, Inc.

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Darwin was at the beginning of a new way to think about evolution that went far beyond the inheritance of acquired characteristics or the significance of the environment as a mechanism for shaping a species. He also abandoned the idea that God created slightly different variations all within the same species on these different islands. After returning home in 1836 from what eventually lengthened into a five-year voyage, Darwin immedi- ately went to work to try to uncover this mysterious force. We know that Darwin sought evidence in the artificial selection techniques of dog and pigeon breeders, who achieved desired results by selecting characteristics in one animal and continuing to breed them and their descendents until this characteristic became more prevalent. To Darwin, this was a piece of the mysterious puzzle, but he wondered if there was a natural example of artificial selection (Bowler & Morus, 2005).

Darwin also read Reverend Thomas Malthus’s Essay on the Principle of Population which explored what Malthus called a concern “with the very nature of man.” Specifically he said the problem was “the constant tendency in all animated life to increase beyond the nourishment prepared for it” (Tobin, 2004, p. 2). He questioned why no species exhibit an exponential increase in population when all populations are highly fertile and reproduce often. Observation proved that most populations remain relatively stable over time. The result according to Malthus was a “perpetual struggle for room and food” (Malthus, 1995, p. 17). It was in this struggle for existence that Darwin came closer to understanding the mechanism of evolution.

Natural Selection

Darwin continued with his own research on barnacles, the simple life form which appeared to not have advanced from simple to more complex organisms. Darwin noticed that some- times offspring were less advanced than earlier generations, and in these degenerative results Darwin found his major breakthrough. By combining ideas from artificial selection and Malthus’s food studies, Darwin conceived of natural selection. He said all species endured a struggle for existence, and survival was determined by the inherited traits that best enabled an organism to exist and have offspring (Bowler & Morus, 2005). He believed that random mutations made some offspring more inclined to survive than others and that these were more likely to mate and pass the favorable traits on to future generations. These were inherited traits, not acquired traits, and this was a central distinction between Darwin and Lamarck.

6.4 Darwin and Society

Darwin remained secretive about his work for over 20 years. Scientists today publish their ideas quickly and give conference presentations to attempt to stake a claim on their ideas, but Darwin waited in silence. Why? In part, this was due to the culture of the day since his ideas appeared so heretical. Darwin was part of the “gentleman” class of British society. Evolutionary ideas were popular in radical circles of the inexpensive anatomy schools, which were of a lower social standing. These schools and their members sought social and political reform, which threatened the class base of English society. If Darwin made it known that he shared their evolutionary ideas, even though he had a significantly

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new approach, he would have jeopardized his “gentlemanly” and conservative social sta- tus, not only for himself but also for his family (Desmond, 1989). Darwin’s life as a gentle- man required that he maintain an air of “quiet respectability” (Desmond, 1989, p. 404). The problem he faced was that “respectability” and evolution- ary theories did not mix.

Radical Christians, dissent- ers, atheists, and materialists vociferously condemned the priestly privilege of the Angli- can Church, the close connec- tion between church and state, and the creationist tenets of biology (Desmond & Moore, 1994). These radicals championed a Lamarckian evolution- ary theory (Desmond, 1989). The established gentry from Oxford and Cambridge uni- versities were directly opposed to these popular views. This social class consisted of the conservative, Anglican, nonevolutionary gentlemen who sought to retain the inequalities of the established social order. Darwin, a Cambridge graduate, and his family were long- standing members of the gentry class and could never risk association with the grow- ing radical element of society. Thus after returning from his Beagle voyage, Darwin con- sciously attempted to avoid being associated with radical, religious views and Lamarckian connotations.

Darwin’s materialistic views aligned him with the dissenting extremists and artisan activists who were often sent to jail. Therefore, to disguise his growing materialistic and anti-orthodox philosophy, Darwin emulated a clergyman’s life and became the so-called squire-naturalist of Downe. In a time when “knowledge without character [could] pro- cure no more than temporary and very transient pre-eminence,” Darwin chose to sacrifice complete philosophical disclosure for a distinguished career, strong character, and contin- ued respectability (Desmond & Moore, 1994, p. 254). But eventually Darwin was forced to reveal his secret evolutionary beliefs when he discovered that not only did someone know his secret but someone else might take credit for all his ideas. It was time for Darwin to come out of hiding. If he did not, there would be no scientific reputation left to risk.

Alfred Russel Wallace

What eventually spurred Darwin into action was an unexpected letter and essay he received in 1858 from Alfred Russel Wallace (1823–1913), a naturalist living in the Far East who did not have either the wealth or the social standing of Darwin and thus had no reservation about publically proclaiming his support for evolutionary theory. Wallace’s essay, “On the Tendency of Varieties to Depart Indefinitely from the Original Type,” was

During the period prior to the publication of On the Origin of Species, England was a socially divided country. Darwin risked his place in society with its publication.

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based on research he had conducted in the Ama- zon valley from 1848 to 1852. Wallace had reached many of the same conclusions as Darwin. In other words, Wallace had independently “solved the riddle of the origin of species” (Slotten, 2006, p. 2).

Eventually, Wallace’s essay together with Dar- win’s notes were presented to the Linnaean Society of London. After careful evaluation the society decided that Darwin deserved the claim of historical priority and determined that Wal- lace’s work was important for helping to lend support to Darwin’s theories. Though at the time Wallace and Darwin shared credit and fame for the near-simultaneous discovery of evolution by natural selection, today Wallace’s name is nearly forgotten. Just one year later, in 1859, Darwin published On the Origin of Species.

Supporting Evolution

At the time of publication of On the Origin of Species, the case for evolution was by no means

decided. Even though both Darwin and Wallace supported their ideas with extensive evi- dence, the topic sparked intense debate. In some instances religious beliefs based upon a literal reading of the creation story in the Old Testament’s book of Genesis prevented acceptance of Darwin’s theories. Unlike most other scientific theories, evolution was held to a different standard. Proof required more than scientific argument, “and to some extent the outcome would depend on the politics of the scientific community and the possibility of a wider change in public opinion” (Bowler & Morus, 2005, pp. 149–150).

For those willing to accept the evidence, support for evolution came rather quickly from the scientific community. This support in part came from new findings in the fossil record. For example, German researchers discovered Archaeopteryx, which proved to be an important link between birds and reptiles. While touring the United States, English biologist T. H. Huxley lectured to audiences on evolution, offered a series of fossils as what he called “demonstrative evidence of evolution,” and concluded that the “doctrine of evolution at the present time rests upon exactly as secure a foundation as the Coperni- can theory of the motions of the heavenly bodies” (Huxley, 1876).

In a way unintended by Huxley, Darwin was similar to Copernicus in one other respect. The “Copernican revolution” did not result in immediate acceptance by the scientific community of a heliocentric solar system. In much the same way, the “Darwinian revo- lution” did not create an immediate and dramatic switch to the belief in natural selec- tion as the mechanism for evolution. This took time, nearly 100 years. Even though the scientific community quickly accepted evolution, the core concept—natural selection— took much longer to gain acceptance and did not prevail until the mid-20th century (Gould, 1992).

Alfred R. Wallace was a Welsh naturalist who came up with a theory of natural selection independently of Charles Darwin.

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Social Darwinism

Darwin limited his ideas of evolution by natural selection to inherited traits of species. However, Darwin’s ideas were not simply confined to the realm of biology. If they were they would not have had the same social, cultural, and political ramifications. Several influential people who lived after Darwin rode his biological coattails to further their own ideologies, “justifying everything from capitalism to socialism, war to peace, race and empire to Nazi-style eugenics” (Crook, 2007).

Social Darwinism is an example of this influence. Social Darwinism applies Darwin’s biological theory to the social realm. Philosophers, such as Herbert Spencer (1820–1903), argued that the inherited traits applied equally well to the social realm. Spencer, in fact, came up with the phrase “survival of the fittest.” He and others used this philosophy to justify tolerance for social policies that did not help those unable to support themselves, because only the strong should survive.

However, Darwin almost immediately recognized, though did not support, the potential for these ideas and in fact used his own beliefs to promote racial equality in a way that few realized. Keep in mind that Darwin formulated his theory in the middle of the 19th century, a time when many people thought that one race was superior to another, which provided the moral justification for slavery. Darwin published On the Origin of Species just two years before the start of the American Civil War, in which a divided United States went to war with itself essentially over the issue of slavery.

Did this cultural environment impact Darwin’s scientific work? Darwin was taught taxi- dermy by John Edmonstone, a black former slave from South America, and recognized that there was no intellectual difference between the races. In fact, Darwin was a staunch abolitionist. It was these ideas that formed the core of Darwin’s notion of “common descent,” which was outlined in his 1871 book The Descent of Man. Darwin’s mental and cultural environment was far more complex than we previously understood (Desmond & Moore, 2009). He used science, instead of social activism, to argue that all human races descended from the same tree.

Darwin’s Religious Journey

Darwin’s theological beliefs changed throughout his lifetime, becoming progressively anti-orthodox. Growing up in a household with an Anglican father and a Unitarian mother, Darwin accepted the “literal truth in every word in the Bible” (Mayr, 1982, p. 402). He even went on to study to become a minister at Cambridge in 1829 after his failed attempt at medical school. However, Darwin began to question his faith and Natural The- ology; he knew that he himself felt no religious fervor, and he began to doubt his intent of taking religious orders. His Beagle voyage enabled an escape, yet, when he was on the trip, he claimed that he was still “quite orthodox . . . [and] remembered being heartily laughed at by several of the officers for quoting the Bible as an unanswerable authority” (Darwin & Barlow, 1989, p. 118).

Two years after returning to England from his journey, Darwin abandoned his Christian faith principally because his materialistic philosophy replaced the argument of divine

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design. Furthermore, the loss of his old- est daughter, Annie, in 1851 due to scar- let fever ended his deliberations over the possibility of a Christian morality (Des- mond & Moore, 1994, p. 386). This aban- donment allowed him the philosophi- cal freedom to devise his idea of natural selection as the mechanism of evolution. Darwin moved through stages of ortho- doxy, Natural Theology, and Deism and ended his theological journey “content to remain an Agnostic” (Darwin & Barlow, 1989, p. 124). Yet the Darwinian debates were just beginning.

Charles Darwin

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Darwin’s Letters to a Vicar

How did Darwin retain his front of respectability with the Anglican Church before and after the publication of On the Origin of Species? His correspondence with his vicar, J. Brodie Innes, provides one example. Little is known about Innes’s life except for his letters to and from Darwin. Innes was the curate of Farnborough in 1842 when the Darwins moved to the adjoining parish of Downe (Des- mond & Moore, 1994). Four years later, Innes became the Vicar of Downe. Darwin, Innes, and their wives became close friends and remained so throughout their lives. Innes believed in a separate but equal doctrine for science and religion with natural history being best studied without reference to the Bible. He saw science and religion progressing along parallel lines that would never cross and would benefit all (Darwin, 1961). Yet, Innes was open to the new ideas proposed by the latest scien- tific findings and was especially “charmed” by Darwin’s books on natural history. For example, as to the lengthening of man’s conception of our temporal past, Innes began to believe in “infinite space and unlimited time” (Darwin, 1961, p. 222). Thus, Innes could be “charmed” by the “interesting facts of natural history,” though he never swayed in his devotion to his faith and claimed, “I am not a con- vert” to the Darwinian theory (Darwin, 1961, p. 235).

How did Innes view Darwin? Innes claimed to be “first of all a Churchman,” and maintained that his rela- tionship with Darwin would not have been maintained “if Mr. Darwin had been the avowed Unbeliever and opponent of religion that was supposed by many who did not know him” (Darwin, 1961, p. 255). Innes believed that Darwin shared his ideas on the relationship between science and religion. Innes recalled one day when they were discussing apparent discrepancies between the book of Genesis and recent scientific work. He recounted Darwin saying, “I pursue my investigations without considering how they affect Scripture. I do not attack Moses and I think Moses can take care of himself” (Darwin, 1961, p. 255). Innes valued Darwin as one of his “dearest friends.” He occasionally joked to Darwin that if some of “your naturalists, and my ritualist friends were to hear us two saying civil things to each other, they would say the weather was going to change” (Darwin, 1961, p. 233). Darwin’s secret was safe. (continued)

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6.5 Darwinian Debates

An idea as culturally significant as evolution does not simply fade away. Darwin’s publications caused a cultural ripple in both scientific and religious ponds, and the ripples have not faded over time. The Darwinian debates started in the 19th century, continued through the 20th century, and show no signs of diminishing in the 21st century.

The Huxley–Wilberforce Debate

The most significant of the early debates between evolution and religion occurred in 1860, just one year after the publication of On the Origin of Species. Thomas Henry Hux- ley (1824–1895), an English biologist known as “Darwin’s bulldog” for the ferocious way he defended evolution, and Bishop Samuel Wilberforce (1805–1873) of the Church of

Darwin was able to keep quiet about his faltering religious conviction simply by not mentioning God in any of his letters to Innes. Even when consoling Innes on his mother’s death, Darwin made no mention of God and told him “one cannot have a higher satisfaction” than knowing “how excel- lent a son you have been” (Darwin, 1961, p. 204). For a theologian with a strong faith in the afterlife, Darwin’s consolation must have seemed superficial and hollow. This absence of religious discussion in Darwin’s correspondence to Innes is an indication of Darwin’s desire to separate his work in biol- ogy from religion and to remain silent about his agnosticism.

Since religion was mostly absent from Darwin’s letters to Innes, the content of the correspondence consisted of personal information and natural history. Darwin kept Innes informed on his latest scientific work and responded to Innes’s questions relating to natural history. Innes was obviously interested in the field as he responded to Darwin with questions on barnacles, albino donkeys, canary offspring, white rabbits with black-tipped ears, and hybrid crosses between a cow and buck. While at times Innes disagreed with the theories Darwin proposed, they both attempted to maintain the respect and friendship of the other. Darwin was concerned that Innes (and the community at large) would think him “an outcast & a reprobate” after the publication of The Descent of Man (Dar- win, 1961, p. 237). Innes simply replied that it was a “charming book” with many “interesting facts,” but he could not accept the theory on which they were founded (Darwin, 1961, p. 235).

The underlying theme of these letters between Darwin and Innes was one of mutual respect between friends with radically different beliefs concerning the creation of life on Earth. Darwin observed, “We often differed, but you [Innes] are one of those rare mortals, from which one can differ & yet feel no shade of animosity” (Darwin, 1961, p. 232). While animosity was lacking in Darwin’s personal concep- tion of science and religion, the Darwinian legacy was creating a war pitting naturalists and theolo- gians against each other on the ideological battlefield of evolution by natural selection.

Reflective Questions:

1. What can we learn by looking at the correspondence between Darwin and the vicar? 2. What did Innes mean when he wrote: If “your naturalists, and my ritualist friends were to hear us

two saying civil things to each other, they would say the weather was going to change”?

Darwin’s Letters to a Vicar (continued)

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CHAPTER 6Section 6.5 Darwinian Debates

England met at the British Asso- ciation for the Advancement of Science. The result of the debate was actually far less conclusive than the public perceived. Those supporting science shaped a “myth” that emerged from the discussion and as a result many educated people began accept- ing evolutionism, with no room for a God in any aspect of cre- ation. Huxley advanced the idea of “scientific naturalism,” which operated completely on materi- alistic principles and excluded the need for design by a super- natural being (Bowler & Morus, 2005, p. 356). The debate, how- ever, was just beginning.

The Tyndall–Porter Debate

The confrontation between John Tyndall and the religious community illustrates the fight between the zealous proponents of the Darwinian theory and devout creationist theo- logians. The opening salvo of this debate came from Tyndall’s presidential address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science in August 1874 in Belfast. The response was from J. L. Porter, a minister from Belfast, whose essay was included in a series of lectures refuting specific claims from Tyndall’s address.

Tyndall (1820–1893) was an Irish-born physicist, science lecturer, and writer who was the superintendent of the Royal Institution and president of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. In his address, Tyndall referred to the theory of evolution as a “doctrine” and argued that the strength of the Darwinian concept of evolution was “in its general harmony with scientific thought” (Tyndall, 1897, p. 194). Tyndall proceeded to describe “Mr. Darwin’s views” on evolution and natural selection as part of science’s “unrestricted right of search” and the “inexorable advance of man’s understanding” (Tyn- dall, 1897, p. 201).

Porter began his retaliation by saying, “There can be no peace [between science and reli- gion] until each is rigidly confined to its own sphere” (Porter, 1875, p. 5). Porter decided to attempt a “searching logical analysis” and offer a critique of On the Origin of Species (Porter, 1875, pp. 7, 23). The faults of the book, according to Porter, were the absence of the “missing link,” the inability to test the evolutionary hypothesis by observing species originate, and Darwin’s hiding behind an “infinite past.” In other words, saying that the Earth was millions or billions of years old and that anything could happen really proved nothing at all. Porter concluded that Darwin was not a scientist and that his work was not scientific because “[s]cience has its basis in observation; and the things [that Darwin studies] are outside the field of observation” (Porter, 1875, p. 22). However, the cultural

Thomas Huxley ardently defended Darwin at meetings, including those of the London School Board.

Image copyright Dave Coadwell, 2014. Used under license from Shutterstock, Inc.

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legacy of the Darwinian theory was wielded by people such as Tyndall and Porter with a personal vendetta against their perceived opponents. It was this type of debate that extended into the 20th century.

The Monkey Trial

In the 1920s, the term Christian Fundamentalism was coined by those who fought what they perceived as the lapse in morality and the belief in cultural relativism. An important aspect of many Fundamentalists’ belief structures is a literal reading of the Bible. With the rise of these Christian Fundamentalists, the Darwinian debate was renewed in the United States.

The collision course between Fundamentalism and evolution came to a head in 1925 at the so-called Scopes Monkey Trial (Numbers, 1998). This case involved John T. Scopes, a Ten- nessee high school teacher accused of presenting evolution as fact in his science class. This was illegal because the Tennessee legislature had previously passed a law that forbade the instruction of evolution to students in this manner. Noted attorneys and orators handled both sides, with Clarence Darrow defending Scopes and William Jennings Bryan serving the prosecution. The debate caused a national media frenzy, and Hollywood captured this story in the 1960 film Inherit the Wind. Though the jury sided with the prosecution and fined

Darrow $100, the case dem- onstrated a rift between sci- ence and religion that con- tinued throughout the 20th century.

The Intelligent Design Debate

The idea of a “designer” of the universe is one that dates back to antiquity. Plato called this designer the “demiurge” while Aristotle preferred the “un-moved mover.” In the 13th century theologian Thomas Aquinas called design the “fifth proof of

God’s existence” in his Summa Theologiae. Deists in the 18th century used the “watch- maker analogy” of a God that designed the universe like an intricate clock, wound it up, and then let it run. By the 19th century William Paley had replaced this term with Natural Theology, also the title of a book that he published in 1802, which led to the col- lection of fossils and other artifacts of the natural world as a way to appreciate God’s creation. The subtitle of Paley’s book indicated the central position of his theory: “evi- dences of the existence and attributes of the deity collected from the appearances of nature” (Paley, 1802). Despite the publication of On the Origin of Species nearly 50 years

Clarence Darrow (left) and William Jennings Bryan (right).

Library of Congress

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CHAPTER 6Section 6.5 Darwinian Debates

later, the idea of a designer remained ingrained in the culture. In the early 1980s, a new variant of this concept emerged with The Mystery of Life’s Origin (Thaxton, Bradley, & Olsen, 1984).

Encouraged to publish this work by the Foundation for Thought and Ethics (FTE), Thax- ton was both a chemist and a creationist and decided that “intelligent design” was a much better term than “creationism.” His central argument was that life was too complex a phenomenon for natural causes to explain. Since natural cause acted only on random chance, it was impossible for the complexity of the first cell to simply emerge. The only way this could happen is through the mediation of an intelligent creator. Though the work of the Intelligent Design (ID) community had little influence in the world of sci- ence, followers devoted their attention to the public classrooms, attempting to add their views to high school biology curricula that only taught evolution. In 1989 FTE published a book called Of Pandas and People which attempted to convince high school teachers and scientists of the importance of intelligent design (Davis, Kenyon, & Thaxton, 1989). Again, there was little response.

The Center for Science and Culture

There are many examples today of the debate between Intelligent Design and Darwinism. Most come to the discussion with a preconceived allegiance to a Darwinian or a creation-based belief in the ori- gins of life. One example in support of Intelligent Design is the Center for Science and Culture. It began in 1996 with four main goals. These include: (1) to support the work of scientists and other research- ers that challenge Darwinism; (2) to support the work of those investigating Intelligent Design; (3) to support scholars who examine the effects of scientific materialism on culture; and (4) to encourage all school systems to better teach evolutionary theory by including its scientific weaknesses as well as its strengths (http://www.discovery.org/csc/aboutCSC.php). Today the center has 40 Fellows that include biologists, biochemists, chemists, physicists, philosophers and historians of science, and public policy and legal experts. Many of them have held university positions, including Stephen Meyer, who holds a Ph.D. in the history and philosophy of science from Cambridge University. Other Intelligent Design proponents have academic ties, such as Michael Behe who has taught at Lehigh University of Pennsyl- vania. He is notable as a Creationist who does not reject evolutionary theory.

Reflective Questions:

1. If Darwin lived today, what do you think his reaction would be to the Center for Science and Culture? 2. Why do you think that this center chose to include the terms science and culture in its name?

This lack of notice changed in 1991 when Phillip Johnson, a law professor at the University of California at Berkeley, wrote Darwin on Trial, the first book about intelligent design that gained worldwide attention. In part the notoriety came because the book marked the first instance of a professor at a major secular university writing a book advocating an antievolu- tionary stance. Other major publications followed such as Darwin’s Black Box by Lehigh Uni- versity biochemist Michael Behe (1996). Behe’s book marked a “high point in ID’s efforts to cast itself as a science” (Ruse & Travis, 2009, p. 378). It is important to note that the Intelligent Design movement does not as a whole believe in a literal interpretation of Genesis—that the world was created in six 24-hour days. Nor do ID practitioners suggest that the Earth is but 10,000 years old and that the flood of Noah has been the only significant geological event

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in our planet’s history. However, according to Arthur McCalla, the ID theorists generally believe that “evolutionary theory is one of the principal causes of modern society’s cata- strophic abandonment of biblical values and [have] the corresponding goal of reintroducing supernatural explanations into science as the remedy” (McCalla, 2006, p. 191).

The controversy leads to this question: Is intelligent design science? The National Acad- emy of Sciences has weighed in on this issue. In its publication Science and Creationism, ID is not considered a science. The academy argues the following: “Creationism, intelligent design, and other claims of supernatural intervention in the origin of life or of species are not science because they are not testable by the methods of science. These claims sub- ordinate observed data to statements based on authority, revelation, or religious belief” (Young & Largent, 2007, p. 280).

Darwin and the Pope Where did Darwin end up in this debate? In 1860 after the publication of On the Origin of Species, he wrote a series of letters to Harvard botanist Asa Gray. As a supporter of Dar- win’s theories, Gray was also deeply religious. Darwin wrote:

This [issue of design] is always painful to me. I am bewildered. I had no intention to write atheistically . . . . I cannot anyhow be contented to view this wonderful universe, and especially the nature of man, and to conclude that everything is the result of brute force . . . . I grieve to say that I cannot honestly go as far as you do about Design. I am conscious that I am in an utterly hopeless muddle. I cannot think that the world, as we see it, is the result of chance; and yet I cannot look at each separate thing as the result of Design . . . . Again, I say I am, and shall ever remain, in a hopeless muddle. (Darwin, 1888, pp. 105, 140)

Today many scientists and theologians are still seeking a way out of this “muddle.” To do this they replace interpretations of conflict with new models of complexity. Roman Catho- lic theologian John F. Haught recently wrote that “Darwin has gifted us with an account of life whose depth, beauty, and pathos—when seen in the context of the larger cosmic epic of evolution—expose us afresh to the raw reality of the sacred and to a resoundingly meaningful universe” (Haught, 2008, p. 2). The Catholic Church as a whole has supported Darwinian evolution, without dispensing of an omnipotent God. In 1996, Pope John Paul II issued the following official comment on evolution:

In his encyclical Humani Generis (1950), my predecessor Pius XII has already affirmed that there is no conflict between evolution and the doctrine of the faith regarding man and his vocation, provided that we do not lose sight of certain fixed points. Today, more than a half-century after the appearance of that encyclical, some new findings lead us toward the recognition of evolution as more than an hypothesis. (Drees, 2010, p. 15)

In 2009 the Vatican hosted a Darwin conference which marked the 150th anniversary of the publication of On the Origin of Species.

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CHAPTER 6Chapter Closing

Chapter Closing

Debate has been one of the constants that surround the relationships between Darwin, the idea of evolution, and its cultural reception. This debate has taken many forms over the past two centuries. Initially it was waged among scientists who wrestled with the implications of evolution more from the realm of philosophy. It was Darwin who moved this discussion to the realm of science with his theory of evolution by natural selection. While almost immediately other scientists accepted his theory of evolution, it was not until the 20th century that the vast majority of scientists accepted his mechanism for evolution—natural selection. That does not mean that the evolutionary debates ended. Instead they transitioned to cultural and religious debates as the implication of humanity evolving from apes was far more than an abstract sci- entific idea. Instead it touched the core of what it meant to be alive and in some cases challenged long-standing religious convictions. This debate continues today, and while most scientists side with Darwin, others wish to emphasize that his work was a mere theory and that other competing theories such as intelligent design deserve equal atten- tion in the classroom. These debates promise to continue as scientists and other scholars continue to challenge each other on the existence of life, the nature of humanity, and its place within culture.

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CHAPTER 6Chapter Closing

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1806: Medical Advancements

1802: Natural Theology

The study of chemistry helps improve medical

diagnosis and treatment. In 1806, morphine is used

as well as quinine (in 1820) to fight illnesses.

1859: On the Origin of Species Charles Darwin’s contr oversial book on the theory of the evolution of species is published in 1859. Charles

Darwin is also of an ex ample of the transition between the amateur to the professional.

1871: Charles Darwin publishes

The Descent of Man in 1871, where Darwin uses science

to argue that humans all descended from a common ancestor.

Wi lliam Paley’s publication in 1802, Natural Theology , supports the idea of a deity creating natur e. The Intelligent Design debate lasts throughout the era and continues today.

France is the center of the

Enlightenment and the French

Revolution marks the end

of the era. The period after the Enlightenment is Romanticism,

which is also known as the Age of Reflection. Germany is the center of the Romantic period.

ystem in American Universities Intellectual specialization is taken from the German model and applied to American universities. By 1853, Yale University divides chemistry and natural philosophy. By 1865, natural history is divided into geology and botany.

1874: Tyndall and Porter Debate

1860: Huxley- Wilberforce Debate

The evolution and religion debate continues with a physicist, John Tyndall, and a minister, J. L. Por ter. It begins when Tyndall lectures at the British Association for the Advancement of Science in August 1874.

One of the earliest debates between evolution and religion comes a year after the On the Origin of Species is published. It is between an English biologist Thomas Henry Huxley and Bishop Samuel Wilberforce.

1 7 8 0

1 9 3 0

1925: Scopes Monkey Trial The Darwinian debates continue with the Scopes Monkey Trial when a high

school biology teacher, John T. Scopes, is placed on trial

for teaching evolution in his classroom.

1789–1799: The French Revolution

Timeline 6.1: Romanticism, Charles Darwin, and the Darwinian Debates

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CHAPTER 6Concept Check

Concept Check

1. Which country in the 19th century led the way toward and was most closely associated with the development of professional specialization?

A. Germany B. France C. England D. United States

2. The scientific idea of a great chain of being placed what at the top of the ladder? A. God B. angels C. humans D. animals

3. According to Darwin, what is the mechanism of evolution? A. artificial selection B. natural selection C. inherited traits D. acquired traits

4. Who is discussed in association with the ideas known as “social Darwinism”? A. Darwin B. Wallace C. Edmonstone D. Spencer

5. The Monkey Trial focused on which of the following? A. The attempt to pass a law allowing the teaching of evolution B. The right of parents to teach their children controversial scientific theories C. A high school science teacher presenting evolution as fact D. A minister teaching the congregation about evolution

Answers 1. A. The answer can be found in Section 6.1, Nineteenth-Century Information Excess.

2. A. The answer can be found in Section 6.2, Jean-Baptiste Lamarck.

3. B. The answer can be found in Section 6.3, Natural Selection.

4. D. The answer can be found in Section 6.4, Social Darwinism.

5. C. The answer can be found in Section 6.5, The Monkey Trial.

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CHAPTER 6Key Terms to Remember

Key Ideas to Remember

• Romanticism was broadly concerned with questions related to self-understand- ing, such as: What is beauty? What is God? What are man and woman? What is the natural world, and whose creation was it?

• The concerns about 19th-century information excess in part led to the develop- ment of scientific specialization.

• Key advances in medical science, such as the germ theory of disease and the apparatus used to treat and diagnose illness, brought significant changes to the discipline.

• Darwin was not the originator of the theory of evolution; in fact, scientists had debated evolution since the 18th century.

• Darwin gathered the research for his theory of evolution by natural selection dur- ing his oceanic voyages in the 1830s, but he did not publish his theory until 1859 in his book On the Origin of Species.

• The debates over Darwin’s ideas have continued today with Intelligent Design. Even though there is religious support for evolution from Catholics, a minority of scientists and religious fundamentalists reject evolution.

Critical Thinking Questions

1. How does the reciprocity between the French Revolution and science match that of the modern state and its relationship with modern scientific activity? Explain your answer.

2. In what ways does the 19th-century era known as Romanticism compare and contrast with the period of the Enlightenment in the 18th century?

3. How did the concerns about 19th-century information excess shape the organiza- tion, structure, and pursuit of science?

4. Explain some of the most significant advances in medical science in the 19th century.

5. Who were some of the scholars that considered evolutionary ideas before Darwin? How did their ideas contrast with his?

6. Why did Darwin wait so long to publish On the Origin of Species? 7. What explains the persistent discussion and debate of Darwin’s theory of evo-

lution even though it was first published over 150 years ago? Why hasn’t the debate concluded?

8. Do you think that Darwin could have developed his theories of evolution without having taken his five-year ocean voyage? Why or why not?

Key Terms to Remember

agnostic One who believes that it is impossible for a human to know if a God does or does not exist.

artificial selection The process used by animal and plant breeders to perpetuate a favorable trait in offspring.

atheist One who believes that there is no God.

great chain of being The idea of a divinely inspired hierarchy of life from simple to complex organisms.

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CHAPTER 6Key Terms to Remember

inheritance of acquired characteristics The evolutionary mechanism supported by some of Darwin’s predecessors such as Lamarck.

materialist One who believes that all mat- ter, motion, thought, and life in the uni- verse are based upon material, as opposed to spiritual, actions.

natural selection Charles Darwin’s mech- anism for evolution by which organisms with favorable traits are better able to sur- vive. They will then pass these favorable traits on to succeeding generations.

Romanticism A literary and artistic move- ment that emerged in the late 18th century as a reaction against the Enlightenment and became stronger in the first part of the 19th century.

social Darwinism A term that describes the transfer of Darwin’s ideas in the biological realm to the social realm. Often associated with the phrase coined by Herbert Spencer, “survival of the fittest,” it supports the tolerance for social pro- grams that do not help those who cannot support themselves.

Case 1

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