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Fifth Edition

Bruce A. Rubenstein and Lawrence E. Ziewacz

A History of the Great Lakes State

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The fifth edition of Michigan: A History of the Great Lakes State enhances its reputation as the leading survey of Michigan history from the pre-Columbian period to the present. This new edition features expanded coverage of a wide variety of issues that continue to shape Michigan history, including the socioeconomic impact of tribal casino gaming on Michigan’s Native American population; environmental, agricultural, and educational issues; the latest developments in the Jimmy Hoffa mystery; Michigan’s return to prominence in collegiate and professional sports; Detroit’s revitalization and subsequent tailspin; the state’s deepening economic decline since 2008; and more. A new chapter, titled “Reinventing Michigan,” explores the obstacles faced by Michiganders living in Detroit and throughout the state from the Great Recession to the present, and looks at ways Michigan is renewing itself for a brighter future.

BRucE A. RuBEnstEin is Professor of History at the University of Michigan-Flint. A native of Port Huron, Michigan, he has co-authored two books with Lawrence Ziewacz: Three Bullets Sealed His Lips (1987) and Payoffs in the Cloakroom: The Greening of the Michigan Legislature, 1938-1945 (1995), both dealing with Michigan’s political history. He also authored Chicago in the World Series, 1903-2005: Cubs and White Sox in Championship Play (2006), in addition to numerous articles on baseball and Indian-White relations in Michigan.

LAwREncE E. ZiEwAcZ, late Professor of American Thought and Language at Michigan State University, was a native of Sault Ste. Marie in Michigan’s Upper Peninsula. He co-authored two books with Bruce Rubenstein: Three Bullets Sealed His Lips (1987) and Payoffs in the Cloakroom: The Greening of the Michigan Legislature, 1938- 1945 (1995). He also co-authored The Games They Played: Sports in American History (1983) and was co-advisory editor of The Guide to United States Popular Culture (2001).

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Michigan

Michigan A History of the Great Lakes State

FiFth Edition

Bruce A. Rubenstein University of Michigan—Flint

Lawrence E. Ziewacz

Edition history: harlan davidson, inc. (1e 1981, 2e 1995, 3e 2002, 4e 2008)

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Contents

introduction vii

1 the original Michiganians 1

2 the new Acadia 16

3 Under the Union Jack 42

4 Wilderness Politics and Economics 57

5 Challenges of Statehood 70

6 decade of turmoil 85

7 defense of the nation 102

8 Radicals and Reformers 115

9 Early Ethnic Contributions 130

10 Grain, Grangers, and Conservation 142

11 development of intellectual Maturity 157

12 Wood and Rails 176

13 the World of Wheels 195

14 From Bull Moose to Bull Market 210

15 depression Life in an industrial State 231

16 inequality in the Arsenal of democracy 249

Contentsvi

17 Fears and Frustration in the Cold War Era 261

18 the turbulent 1960s 274

19 Challenges of the 1970s 287

20 toward the twenty-First Century 299

21 Entering the new Millennium 317

22 Reinventing Michigan 334

Appendix A: Governors of the territory and State of Michigan 344

Appendix B: Counties, dates of organization, and origins of County names 346

Appendix C: Michigan’s State Song 351

Appendix d: Michigan’s State Symbols 352

index 353

introduction

Writing a state history is generally thought to be a thankless task. Geographic areas complain of being slighted; every city views itself as living in the shadow of the major metropolis; and ethnic groups are perceived as either receiving too little or too much emphasis. Yet, it is these very complaints which make the recitation of a state’s history worthwhile. in a very real sense, these voices of discontent are the state’s history. throughout Michigan’s existence as a state, the western portion of the lower peninsula and the entire upper peninsula have felt dominated by the power and influence of the eastern lower peninsula, especially detroit. it is this continuing sense of being neglected which has given rise to movements in the upper peninsula to break away and become a separate state. Moreover, for better or worse, much of Michigan’s history is the history of detroit, and it is understandable that smaller cities should feel frustration as they pale by comparison to the Motor City. Likewise, even though ethnic groups, both white and nonwhite, have contributed mightily to the state’s growth, their contributions have been minimized because of a “melting pot” syndrome which demands that native cultures be abandoned so that everyone can become “American.”

While mindful of these past truisms, this book endeavors to present Michigan’s history in a different fashion. to be sure, there are the traditional accounts of the impact of the French and British, the rise of the automobile industry, and the tales of lumbering and mining—no story of Michigan would be complete without them. however, this volume intends to go beyond the well-known aspects of the state’s development; it intends to tell the story of the people of Michigan. Special emphasis is given to American indians and their fight to survive in a “white man’s world,” the struggle for black rights and women’s suffrage, and the contributions of white ethnics. this book is not

Introductionviii

intended only to glorify the state, its people, and its accomplishments, for that would be a distortion of reality. thus, stories are told of Ku Klux Klan and Black Legion violence, the anti-Semitism of prominent Michiganians such as henry Ford and Father Charles Coughlin, the disregard for civil liberties during the “Red Scares” of 1919–20 and the McCarthy period, and the riots, both racial and otherwise, which have plagued the state since 1837.

this most recent edition includes new material covering such diverse topics as the Bath School Massacre in 1927, corruption in the Michigan legislature during World War ii and the assassination of State Senator Warren hooper, Michigan politics in the twenty-first century, the fall of detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick and the economic and societal travails of detroit, and the prospects for a restoration of the state to its past national prominence.

Like all states, Michigan has grown because of the boldness, wisdom, strength, and creativity of its citizens. Missionaries, explorers, warriors, s tates- men, politicians, inventors, business entrepreneurs, civil libertarians, educators, artists, and laborers in factories and fields have joined to shape Michigan’s heritage. this book is their story—the history of the Great Lakes State.

the original Michiganians

For generations, most schoolchildren have been told by well-meaning teachers that their national heritage began in 1492 with Christopher Columbus’ discov- ery of America. Scandinavian scholars have objected to this interpretation, claiming that Leif Ericson arrived in north America before Columbus. in an effort to retain their national pride, italian historians countered by promoting another of their countrymen, Amerigo Vespucci, as the true discoverer of America. European arguments over who discovered the north American con- tinent are interesting, but they ignore a basic fact: non-Europeans lived on the continent for at least 14,000 years before any European arrival. thus, it is impossible for any European nation to claim “discovery.” Some scholars refute this argument by saying that Europeans can still boast discovery because they had never before seen north America. the foolishness of this contention was shown in 1975 when an iroquois college professor from new York boarded a plane, flew to Rome, and upon arrival, announced that because his people had never been to italy before he was claiming that land for the iroquois nation by right of discovery!

ironically, indians, so named by Columbus because he was certain that he had landed in india, lived in western Europe long before any Europeans estab- lished permanent colonies in north America. English fishermen, working the newfoundland coast in the early 1500s, captured several natives and took them to England as examples of the “savage inhabitants” of the new World. After a few years, the amusement of viewing indians diminished and another fishing

Michigan2

expedition returned the captives to their homeland. immediately these indians spread tales of their adventures and told fascinated friends and relatives of the “world across the sea.” English culture and language clearly had intrigued the captives and they taught “white man’s words” to their people. therefore, when the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock in 1620 they were astounded when a descendant of one of those early visitors to England greeted them in English and assured them that others in his village spoke the language fluently. While it would be an exaggeration to say that indians knew English “fluently,” it is fair to say that Europeans do not even have a valid claim to being the first English- speaking residents of north America.

throughout the years whites have been puzzled as to how indians arrived on the continent and from whom they were descended. Several far-fetched ideas have been put forth to answer these questions. An early popular theory was that indians came by ferry from Europe. disbelievers said that such a hypothesis was ridiculous and that the only logical answer was that indians were descend- ants of people from the lost continents of Mu and Atlantis. in the 1600s, Puritans asserted that indians were descendants of the “Lost tribe of israel,” who had wandered so long and far that they had been stripped of all godly qualities and had become savage “Children of the devil.” this theory was accepted for over two centuries, although it, like the others mentioned, has absolutely no basis in fact.

By the late twentieth century, there were two accepted theories on how indians arrived on the north American continent. Most anthropologists believe that small bands of indians crossed the Bering Straits from Siberia approxi- mately 14,000 years ago. Such a crossing was made possible because during the ice Age sea levels declined and land bridges were formed linking Asia and north America. Since the continents are separated by a mere fifty-six miles, it is assumed by many anthropologists that ancestors of the modern Eskimo were the first settlers of north America. Many indians, however, accept a second theory. they believe that the Creator placed them on the continent, and that they have always been its inhabitants. Whichever theory is valid perhaps can- not be conclusively resolved. however, one point is indisputable: indians were the original native north Americans.

The Three Fires

When Europeans first arrived on the north American continent, approximately 100,000 indians, or 10 percent of the total indian population north of Mexico, lived in the Great Lakes region. of the several tribes residing in what is now

The Original Michiganians 3

Michigan, the most numerous and influential were the ottawa, Chippewa, and Potawatomi. these tribes, which originally were united, split sometime before the sixteenth century, with the ottawa remaining near Mackinac and in the lower peninsula, the Chippewa going west and north into Wisconsin and the upper peninsula, and the Potawatomi moving down the eastern shore of Lake Michigan. All continued to live harmoniously, without defined territorial boundaries, and never failed to recognize their common Algonquian language, dialect, and culture. they thought of themselves as a family, with the Chippewa the elder brother, the ottawa the next older brother, and the Potawatomi the younger brother, and referred to their loose confederation as the “three Fires.”

the Chippewa, or ojibwa, who inhabited the northern upper Great Lakes area, were the largest Algonquian tribe, estimated at between 25,000 and 35,000 at the time of European arrival in the new World. in order to survive in their harsh environment, the Chippewa lived in small bands, usually consisting of five to twenty-five families, who could sustain themselves on the available food sources. during the summer, bands moved to good fishing sites and used hooks, spears, and nets to catch whitefish, perch, sturgeon, and other food fish.

Figure 1.1 indian tribes in the Great Lakes region from the time of European explora- tion to 1673.

Michigan4

Men also hunted small game, while the elders, women, and children gathered nuts, berries, and honey. A portion of the gatherings and fish catch was dried and set aside for use in the winter. in the autumn, wild rice and corn were har- vested, and hunts for large game, such as deer, moose, and caribou, were organ- ized. As the “hunger Moon” of winter set in, food grew scarce and families shared what little resources they possessed with their relatives. Sharing those items most valuable and scarce was an economic and physical necessity among band-level people in order to survive. in the spring, maple sap was collected, boiled, and made into syrup and sugar for their own use and trade. While Chippewa in the lower peninsula engaged in limited farming, most of the tribe acquired agricultural staples through trade with the ottawa and Wyandot.

Like all band-level people, the Chippewa did not possess highly organized political structures. Leadership in their classless society was based on an indi- vidual’s hunting or fishing skill, physical prowess, warring abilities, or elo- quence in speech. Leaders had no delegated power but maintained influence through acts of kindness, wisdom, generosity, and humility. Positions of leader- ship always were earned and could not be passed from generation to generation as a hereditary right.

Chippewa social structure centered around approximately twenty “super- families” called clans. Each child belonged to his or her father’s clan, and thus clans traced the line of an individual’s descent. Furthermore, because marriage had to occur between different clans, a strong intratribal unity was fostered.

the second of the three Fires, the ottawa, was estimated to number nearly four thousand at the time of white arrival. Living in bark-covered lodges in the northwestern two-thirds of the lower peninsula, the ottawa followed a subsist- ence pattern similar to that of the Chippewa, except that during the summer months they engaged in extensive farming. the ottawa became known as great traders and their name, Adawe, means “to trade.”

ottawa social and political structures were similar to those of the Chippewa, as was the ottawa religion. the religion of the ottawa and Chippewa was extremely sophisticated. Because indians had always lived in nature, they thought of themselves as merely one of many elements constituting the envi- ronment. the white concept of man being a special creation apart from nature was foreign to every indian belief of man’s role in the universe. they believed that a Great Spirit, Kitchi Manitou, created the heavens and earth, and then summoned lesser spirits to control the winds and waters. the sun was the father of mankind, the earth its mother. thunder, lightning, the four winds, and certain wildlife were endowed with godlike powers. in the indians’ animis- tic belief structure any object, especially crooked trees and odd shaped rocks, could possess religious significance.

The Original Michiganians 5

to indians, religion was primarily an individual matter. At puberty each child journeyed to an isolated sacred place where a vision was sought through fasting. in most instances, a spirit would appear and grant the supplicant a per- sonal spirit song and instructions for assembling a strong protective medicine bag. this spirit became the person’s lifelong guardian, and it was a source of great comfort for the individual to know that a spirit was taking personal inter- est in his life.

not all spirits were benevolent. Mischievous spirits, or “tricksters,” were ever present. these demigods were believed responsible for the annoyances of daily life, and all frightening sounds and accidents were caused by these playful, yet malevolent, sprites. Snakes and owls were thought to be earthly forms assumed by evil gods. Man-eating monsters were believed to dwell in certain sectors of the Great Lakes, and no journey was begun without first making offerings to appease them.

the most common offering was tobacco. Manitous, or gods, were said to be fond of this dried leaf, and it became the link between mortals and spiritual powers. Before each harvest it was placed on the ground as a gesture of thanks, accompanied with a request for Mother Earth to accept their offer. tobacco was put on streams to assure plentiful harvests of wild rice and bountiful catches of fish, on graves to placate the dead, and at all holy sites. the ottawa and Chippewa considered tobacco so sacred that they insisted on smoking it with whites at treaty councils to signify that the accord was sanctioned “in the eyes of the Great Spirit.” Later missionaries, however, refused to honor what they considered “savage superstitions” and collected the tobacco offerings for distri- bution among their half-blood interpreters.

Chippewa and ottawa religion was a refined system of cultural beliefs, based more on feelings than a formalized creed, which was perpetuated by oral tradi- tion and adapted to fulfill the spiritual needs of its followers. it was no more primitive than the ancient Greek and Roman religion which also used polythe- ism, legendary cultural heroes, and symbolic rituals to explain the “unexplain- able.” indians personified the elements because they were in awe of them and wished to demonstrate to the gods their desire to live in harmony, not competi- tion, with nature. Unfortunately for later indian‒white relations, only the Catholic Jesuit missionaries made any attempt to understand the indians’ feel- ings toward their environment.

Missionary work among the indians of Michigan was doomed to ultimate failure because it demanded that indians undergo a total social and cultural revolution. Missionaries did not separate the concepts of Christianity and civi- lization. they thereby committed themselves to destroying the indians’ culture in order to save their souls and prepare them for life in white society. When the

Michigan6

mass of indians refused to comply with the wishes of the preachers, churchmen angrily said that their task was hopeless because “when a tribe or nation has reached a certain point in degradation, it is impossible to restore it.” in truth, their failure was because of an inability to comprehend the intricate sensibilities of the indian religion. Consequently, among all aspects of indian culture, reli- gion best withstood the onslaught of assimilation.

Like other Great Lakes indians, the ottawa believed that the most important social custom was reciprocity. this was basically the idea of doing something for someone, or giving them something, with the expectation that they would do something in return. there were three types of reciprocity practiced among the indians. First was general reciprocity. this was usually done between close relatives and assumed a balanced exchange. the distinguishing feature of this type of reciprocity is that part of the transaction could be based on future con- siderations; that is, one person would do something immediately and trust the other party to do something of equal worth for him in the future. the second type was balanced reciprocity. this was the most common form and consisted of a straight trade of goods and services assumed to be of equal value. Such a trade was made between distant relatives, or nonrelatives, who were not as well known to each party. the final type was negative reciprocity. this was extremely rare and occurred when one party knowingly attempted to cheat the other. When word spread of such behavior, the guilty party was ostracized from future trading functions.

Europeans never fully understood reciprocity because in its broadest sense it implied sharing as a way of life. the root difference between the races in this respect is that Europeans, who believed in private property, hoarded in expec- tation of gaining increased profits. indians, by contrast, did not believe in pri- vate property, but rather had only communal and personal property. Communal property belonged to the band as a whole. Personal property belonged to an individual and was understood to belong to that person, but could be borrowed by anyone. in other words, everyone in a community had access to everyone else’s materials. Likewise, it was unthinkable in indian society, before white contact, for one person to have two of an item while another person had none. it was understood that everyone would share. Reciprocity and sharing was the heart of indian economic and social organization.

the third major tribe was the Potawatomi, who received their name from the Chippewa term “Potawatamink,” which means “people of the place of the fire.” Because they were primarily an agricultural people, this name probably derived from their practice of burning grass and brush to clear fields for cultivation.

Potawatomi life, like that of their kinsmen, followed the rhythm of the sea- sons. during the summer, they formed large villages, usually near fertile lands

The Original Michiganians 7

along rivers and streams. Women planted corn, squash, beans, melons, and tobacco, while the men took to the forests and waterways to hunt and fish. in the fall, final harvesting was made, and the villages were moved into the heart of the forests where winter hunting would be best and protection from winter winds was afforded by the trees. in the spring, maple sap was collected for use as sugar.

the most noteworthy aspect of Potawatomi social structure was the practice of polygamy. if a man married women from different clans, the union joined not only the individuals but also their entire clans. Marriage thus brought together large numbers of people as a family unit. Since it was considered essential to have as many relatives as possible to survive and care for each other in times of need, this practice was extremely beneficial.

Potawatomi culture, like that of the ottawa and Chippewa, had well-defined roles for every member of society. Men were expected to hunt, fish, trap, trade, and defend the tribe. Women farmed, cooked, sewed, made camp, and raised children. Youngsters were taught to respect their elders and gain wisdom from them. having been raised amid an atmosphere of love and respect, indians perpetuated a society based on strong family ties.

Effects of White Contact

European arrival in the Great Lakes area during the seventeenth century led to gradually increasing disruptions in the comparatively stable indian culture. initial changes were not great, but as contact became more prolonged and intense, its effect on indians was pronounced. Material culture was the first aspect of indian life to undergo alteration. European trade goods quickly brought the substitution of iron knives and axes for those of stone. iron farm implements replaced ones made of wood. iron and brass arrowheads took the place of those from chipped stone. Brass kettles displaced native pottery vessels, and ultimately guns replaced bows, arrows, and lances.

By the mid-1700s, Michigan’s indians were almost completely dependent upon European trade goods. Many indians no longer made their own tools, utensils, or weapons, and, as a result, native skills in handicraft gradually diminished. Economic dependency altered the indians’ relationship to the environment by disrupting the traditional subsistence hunting-and-gathering pattern. Because indians could not obtain European merchandise without sup- plying furs, which had become the established medium of exchange, they placed an ever-increasing emphasis on hunting and trapping. Even agricultural bands turned to the forests to provide them with currency to purchase white

Michigan8

trade goods. no longer was the food quest the dominant reason to hunt, and no longer was the balance of nature an important consideration. the overriding goal then had to be successful commercial hunting—the increasing slaughter of animals for their pelts. As the fur supply dwindled in their home area, many indians ventured beyond their own territory into that of their enemies. often these dangerous treks took them so far from their camps that they could bring

Figure 1.2 indians ceded their lands to the United States government by a series of treaties. this map shows how the federal government obtained title to Michigan from the state’s original owners. Base map data source from RS&GiS, Michigan State University (www.rsgis.msu.edu).

The Original Michiganians 9

back only the furs, while leaving the once invaluable meat behind to rot. indians took many risks in order to assure continued favor of the white traders.

Eventually, white contact caused changes in the indian political structure. the traditional classless society with leaders who led by example was transformed into one with powerful chiefs holding well-defined positions of authority. Whites expected indians to have leaders with power to speak for an entire band. to satisfy this expectation, and to expedite trade and treaty making, chiefs were voluntarily granted by their followers previously unknown amounts of respon- sibility. White contact even resulted in the creation of the position of “trading chief,” whose sole function was to negotiate trade agreements for his band.

introduction of whiskey among the indians by European traders also had a marked impact upon their culture. henry Rowe Schoolcraft, a lifelong observer of Michigan’s indians, wrote that “whiskey is the great means of drawing from him [the indian] his furs and skins.” the sad result was that indians often would even sell their personal and family possessions to buy alcohol. Schoolcraft further believed that the introduction and use of alcohol, along with white- induced diseases, idleness, and a lack of food, accounted for the indians’ grad- ual population decline. his observation was accurate, as these forces reduced the number of indians in Michigan to an estimated 8,000 by 1900. Clearly, indian involvement in the fur trade started a dramatic, and disastrous, change in native culture.

Effects of Assimilation

in the decade following the Civil War, Michigan’s indians experienced a rebirth of cultural pride. during the first seventy years of the nineteenth century Michigan’s indians had ceded their land to the federal government by treaties, accepted missionaries, and welcomed settlers. they had dealt with whites in good faith and sought to live harmoniously with them. By 1870, however, indians began to reassess their relationship with whites. they noted that in return for their friendship, government officials had refused to protect them from timber thieves and speculators. indian agents often used their position to defraud, rather than protect, their wards. Missionaries, who had promised to educate indians and prepare them for life in white society, often had proved to be false friends, involved in graft and land frauds. Settlers, forgetting the aid given them by indians in the past, began to depict indians as obstacles to civi- lization and progress. Bitter memories of this type of white injustice and ingrat- itude made indians resentful of all attempts to assimilate them into a society they had grown to consider corrupt and treacherous. indian hatred of whites

Michigan10

grew in proportion to the increased numbers of frauds and swindles perpe- trated upon them. Although they were too poor and ignorant of their rights to protest actively against white treachery, Michigan’s indians were determined to do more than suffer in stoic silence. Most resolved that they would never totally abandon their native heritage and become “red white men.” White culture would be adopted only as it became necessary for survival.

oblivious to rising indian hatred, indian department officials noted only the superficial change occurring in the indians’ way of life. they claimed that indian willingness to accept private property, wear white-style dress, attend Christian churches, learn English and arithmetic, and work at “white man’s labor” was proof that indians were eager to abandon their old ways and become civilized. Michigan’s indians were touted by department officials in the 1870s as being contented, prosperous “models of assimilation.”

department officials were incorrect, however, as the state’s indians were not “models.” they attended Christian churches not because they believed that Christianity was a superior religion, but rather to placate their Methodist indian agents, receive food, shelter, and clothing, and partake in social gather- ings and festivals. they went to “white schools” to learn basic skills in order to survive in communities filled with people eager to cheat them. White-style dress was accepted partly because it was received as gifts and partly because it was not perceived as a threat to native culture. Some worked at “white indus- tries” because they needed money to feed and clothe their families, but most chose labor that involved their native skills of hunting, fishing, forestry, and manufacture of artifacts. What federal officials thought was a willingness to assimilate was, in reality, an attempt to preserve indian culture while living in white society. indians accepted elements of white culture to supplement, not supplant, their native beliefs.

Michigan’s indian residents desired only equality from their white neigh- bors. they wanted fair treatment under the law, wages comparable to those paid whites, and, most of all, they wanted to share in the freedoms promised all Americans in the Bill of Rights. indians neither possessed religious freedom nor received due process of law. despite theoretical “full equality” granted by the 1850 state constitution, Michigan’s indians, by virtue of their race, religion, and economic condition, were second-class citizens. At the turn of the twenti- eth century, the state’s ottawa, Chippewa, and Potawatomi would have been satisfied with “separate but equal” status, as they believed that their lives would be improved if isolated from the evils of liquor, moral debauchery, disease, and corruption associated with white society.

Sincere friends of the indians tried to assist them but were thwarted by state politicians and judges controlled by lumber and railroad interests. to most

The Original Michiganians 11

whites, indians were not human beings, but obstacles to economic growth for the state. Accordingly, avarice took precedence over humanitarianism, and the state’s indians continued to be denied both moral and legal justice.

Indians in Modern Michigan

during the twentieth century, Michigan’s indians fared little better. Following World War i, American industry boomed and income soared, but Michigan’s indians did not share in the prosperity. Because they were not white, they were not hired to work in the automobile plants and other related industries— industries that needed workers so urgently that they recruited them from other states! in desperation, many indians decided to become “white,” to give up their cultural heritage and try to conceal their indian blood simply to obtain a job and survive. Even this failed, however, for a study made for Governor William G. Milliken in 1970 related that poverty was still the rule among indian house- holds, especially in rural areas.

in 1970, nearly 40 percent of indian households had incomes less than the national poverty level of $3,000 and 29 percent of rural families brought home less than $1,000. in rural regions much of the low income level was because of a high number of retired persons living on Social Security, but omitting these people from the survey left almost 40 percent of the rural households earning less than $3,000. this economic plight grew worse, as the 1980 census revealed 49 percent of Michigan indian households were near or below the national poverty line, compared to the state average of 11 percent.

Much of the poverty was a direct result of extremely high levels of unemploy- ment among indians. Approximately 25 percent of heads of indian households in 1970 were out of work, and among those heads of households under thirty- five years of age the figure increased to 39 percent. Most of this was because of a lack of training and education. indian children in Michigan in 1970 had a 60 percent dropout rate from high school. Some left school because they felt alienated, others left because they did not think that a “white education” would benefit them, and still others left because they had to help support their fami- lies. despite the various reasons, they did not receive a diploma, and without at least a high-school degree, the only jobs available were low paying, unskilled, manual labor.

Poverty directly creates another problem—poor health. Among unemployed heads of households nearly 30 percent reported a physical disability that restricted the types of labor they could do. Poor health affects the entire house- hold of poverty-stricken people, and the very young are especially hard hit.

Michigan12

infant mortality, which was 20 per 1,000 among the general population in 1970, reached 90 per 1,000 among indians, and 16 percent of all urban indian fami- lies interviewed for the governor’s survey claimed to have lost a child within one year of its birth.

Another problem indians face is how to get to a potential job. Among employed indians in 1970, nearly 40 percent had to travel more than five miles daily to get to their place of work and 75 percent of these people owned an automobile that was in good operating condition. however, 60 percent of the unemployed indians did not have access to an automobile and could not get to a job even if one were offered.

Yet another reason for high unemployment among indians is the lack of available child care. nearly 20 percent of indian heads of households in 1970 were women. however, a mother could not accept a job if she had to pay a babysitter because there was no one available to care for her children. Consequently, many women remained on Aid to dependent Children or welfare.

in the final twenty-five years of the twentieth century, however, Michigan’s indians began to make significant strides to better their economic condition,

Figure 1.3 the poverty of rural indians in modern Michigan is evident in this photo of a typical home in the upper peninsula. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #10508.

The Original Michiganians 13

but their success elicited a new wave of anti-indian sentiment throughout the state. in May 1979 Federal Judge noel Fox issued a decision reaffirming the rights of the state’s indians, as set forth by an 1836 treaty, to fish on the Great Lakes. the department of natural Resources and the state’s sport fishermen protested the decision on the incorrect assumption that it granted indians unregulated and unlimited fishing, a practice that could quickly deplete the lakes. Many upper peninsula residents, especially near Sault Ste. Marie, threat- ened physical violence to stop indian fishermen.

Virtually all of the fears of sport fishermen were unwarranted. Judge Fox’s decision did not permit unregulated fishing, but rather instructed indians to work with the department of the interior to establish mechanisms for self-regulation, management, and enforcement. Moreover, indians were com- mercial fishermen, and it would have been contrary to their best interests to overfish the lakes. nevertheless, conservation groups kept up their relentless criticisms.

in an attempt to quell the unrest, in 1985 a fifteen-year plan for joint use and management of the Great Lakes was agreed upon by the federal government, the state of Michigan, and the indians. the treaty waters of Lakes Superior, Michigan, and huron were divided into three management zones with defined uses, fishing techniques, and allowable catch limitations. indians were granted exclusive rights to commercial fishing on the lakes, and in return they con- sented to relinquish claims to certain sectors of the lakes and not to do com- mercial fishing in designated sport fishing areas. As well, indians pledged both to use trap, rather than gill, nets in selected areas so that sport species of fish could be released safely and to avoid totally fishing in trout rehabitation areas.

to fulfill the terms of the 1985 pact, in August 2000, representatives of the federal government, the State of Michigan, and the indians signed an agree- ment aimed at rebuilding the fish population in the upper Great Lakes and improving strained relations between whites and indians living in the northern lower peninsula and upper peninsula. this pact called for indians to sharply reduce their use of large-mesh gill nets and replace them with trap nets. the State of Michigan agreed to pay $17 million to buy boats equipped with trap nets and give them to indian fishermen. For its part, the federal government consented to pay $8.3 million to the tribal governments of the five bands of ottawa and Chippewa affected by the new agreement.

Another positive economic advance for the state’s indians was casino gam- bling. Beginning with a single indian-owned casino at Sault Ste. Marie on July 4, 1984, reservation casinos expanded rapidly during the following twenty years. in 2011 Michigan’s twenty-two indian casinos represented a $1.4 billion- a-year industry that offered not only employment for 19,800 people, but also

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respect from the business community and the promise of a better life for their children. in 2004, the Sault Ste. Marie Chippewa, the largest federally recog- nized indian tribe east of the Mississippi River, for example, spent $2 million in casino profits on tribal social programs such as road construction, improved police and fire protection, ambulance service, and community and school rec- reation programs, and set aside another $5 million in a tribal trust fund. By 2007, the tribe had opened ten health-care centers in the upper peninsula, making it the largest health-care provider for indians throughout the Great Lakes region. in the lower peninsula, the Little traverse Bay Band of ottawa, whose casino in Petoskey had made the tribe the second largest employer in Emmet County, has contributed more than $7.7 million to the Petoskey com- munity as its share of gaming revenues, including nearly $1.2 million in 2006. A further economic boom for the state’s indians began in 1993, when Governor John Engler signed a compact with the state’s seven tribes, clearing the way for discussion of indian-operated off-reservation casinos in detroit, Flint, and Port huron. taking advantage of this compact, as of 2007 the Sault Ste. Marie tribe had established five off-tribal land casinos, including the Greektown Casino in detroit. Also by 2012, the number of federally funded tribes in Michigan had grown to twelve and the number of indian-operated casinos on tribal land had reached twenty-two, with legislative approval pending for another twenty-two. in accordance with the agreement between Governor Engler and the indians to permit casino gambling with an exclusive right to slot machines, 8 percent of that revenue was required to be returned to the state to be used for economic development. Among the projects assisted by the indian contributions was the construction of Comerica Park, which received $55 million from the fund to purchase land and pay for the demolition of build- ings on the site of the detroit tigers’ new home. in 2010 the tribal casinos paid $61 million dollars to state and local governments. thus, for the first time since the arrival of Europeans, indians have hope for economic independence; yet, more must be done.

in the face of such obstacles as racial discrimination and stereotyping, the plight of Michigan’s indians, who, according to the 2000 census number 58,479 or .06 percent of the state’s population, will not be easy to alleviate, but it can be accomplished. throughout the state, indian community action groups are dedicating themselves to support for improved educational oppor- tunities. in the United States, in order to succeed, an education is an absolute necessity. Educated people receive better jobs, have better health, and enjoy the fruits of society. Education is the key that will unlock the chains of centu- ries of repression for Michigan’s indians. there is no other acceptable alternative.

The Original Michiganians 15

For Further Reading

Several excellent works have been published describing indian customs, religion, and way of life. Among the most readable and informative are W. Vernon Kinietz, The Indians of the Western Great Lakes, 1675–1760 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1940) and Chippewa Village: The Story of Katikitegon (Bloomfield hills: Cranbrook institute of Science, 1947); George i. Quimby, Indian Life in the Upper Great Lakes (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); Robert E. and Pat Ritzenthaler, The Woodland Indians of the Western Great Lakes (Garden City: natural history Press, 1970); Charles E. Cleland, A Brief History of Michigan Indians (Lansing: John M. Munson Publication, Michigan history division, Michigan dept. of State, 1975); R. david Edmunds, The Potawatomis: Keepers of the Fire (norman: University of oklahoma Press, 1978); and Edmund J. danziger, Jr., The Chippewas of Lake Superior (norman: University of oklahoma Press, 1978). Archaeological background of Michigan’s earliest inhabitants may be found in John R. halsey (ed.) Retrieving Michigan’s Buried Past: The Archaeology of the Great Lakes State (Bloomfield hills: Cranbrook institute of Science, 1999).

Specialized topics concerning indian life are covered in Gertrude Kurath, Michigan Indian Festivals (Ann Arbor: Ann Arbor Publishers, 1966); Frances densmore, Chippewa Customs (Washington: U.S. Government Printing office, 1929); Bruce A. Rubenstein, “to destroy a Culture: indian Education in Michigan, 1855–1900,” Michigan History, LX (Summer 1976); Bernard C. Peters, “hypocrisy on the Great Lakes Frontier: the Use of Whiskey by the department of indian Affairs,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1992); Susan E. Gray, “Limits and Possibilities: indian-White Relations in Western Michigan in the Era of Removal,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1994); James E. Clifton, “Michigan indians: tribe, nation, Estate, Racial, Ethnic, or Special interest Group,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1994); donald L. Fixico, “the Alliance of the three Fires in trade and War, 1630–1812,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1994); and Melissa F. Pflug, “Politics of Great Lakes indian Religion,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1992).

Early efforts to depict indian life are always interesting, but must be read with care, as their scholarship is often faulty. the three best and most accurate accounts written in the nineteenth century are henry Rowe Schoolcraft, Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indians on the American Frontier . . . 1812–1842 (Philadelphia: Lippincot, Grambo & Co., 1845); William W. Warren, A History of the Ojibway Nation (Minneapolis: Ross and haines, 1957 reprint); and Andrew J. Blackbird, History of the Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michigan (Ypsilanti: Ypsilanti Job Press, 1887).

Among the most recent accounts are Charles E. Cleland, Rites of Conquest (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992), which offers a detailed general history of the state’s indians, and Edmund J. danziger, Jr., Survival and Regeneration (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1991), which sets forth the struggle of detroit’s indian residents during the twentieth century. A more archeological perspective is henriette Mertz, The Mystic Symbol: Mark of Michigan Mound Builders (Colfax, Wisconsin: hayriver Press, 2009).

the new Acadia

France, Europe’s wealthiest and most populous nation, did not enter the race for new lands until 1522. Prior to that time, France’s economic and political interests remained centered in the Mediterranean area. Spurred by accounts of Magellan’s success in circling the globe, the French sought to become the first European nation to discover the shortcut to the spice-rich orient. in 1523 Giovanni de Verrazano, an italian navigator, sailed under the French flag and explored the north American coast from Virginia to newfoundland, but reported that he could not find a passage to the East.

French motivation for discovery and exploration in north America was predicated primarily on finding both a short route to the orient and great amounts of precious metals. these motives, which remained constant during much of the French presence in north America, help to explain most of the differences between the French and English colonization efforts. no English colony was founded to secure a passageway to the East, while the French con- stantly kept probing the interior regions in an effort to find such a route. French efforts were also aided by geography. While the English remained clustered along the Atlantic coast, barred from westward expansion by the seemingly impenetrable Appalachian Mountain Range, the French faced no such obstacle. Following the St. Lawrence River to the Great Lakes, French voyagers and explorers used highways of rivers to advance rapidly into the interior of north America.

The New Acadia 17

Eleven years after Verrazano’s voyage, Jacques Cartier made the first of his three ventures to the new World in search of the “northwest Passage” to China. While sailing into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, he encountered iroquois indians whom he assumed had had previous meetings with whites because upon his arrival they displayed furs to trade and hid all their young women.

Returning to France, Cartier received financial backing for another voyage. on this second trip, in 1535, Cartier revisited the iroquois village of Stadacona (Quebec) bringing with him two sons of Chief donnacona, whom he had taken with him to Europe on his previous voyage. From Stadacona Cartier was eager to make his way down the St. Lawrence to the indian village of hochelaga (Montreal). Fearing that his people would lose a portion of the French trade if such a trip was made, Chief donnacona warned Cartier that he would freeze to death amid the ice and snow of hochelaga. Undeterred, Cartier sailed north to hochelaga, which proved to be a village of approximately fifty lodges, surrounded by vast cornfields. these indians told Cartier of a great river to the West where people lived who wore European clothes and used tools of gold and silver.

Pleased with this knowledge, Cartier returned to Stadacona, but, having grown suspicious of donnacona, the French leader decided to construct a fort at the present site of Quebec City. having done so, Cartier and his men prepared to meet their first Canadian winter. Fierce, howling winds, subarctic tempera- tures, and blinding blizzards caught them unprepared, however. Starvation, exposure, and scurvy resulted in the loss of twenty-five men, and the toll might have been even higher had not indians shown the whites how to prepare a tea, from the bark and pine needles of white cedars, that was rich in Vitamin C. in the spring, Cartier sailed for France, taking with him donnacona and several other indians, none of whom would ever return to their homeland.

Although many Frenchmen were interested in Cartier’s discoveries, internal political problems and religious strife prevented him from obtaining immedi- ate support for a third voyage. Finally, in 1540, King Francis i decided to estab- lish a permanent French colony in Canada. Because Pope Alexander iV in 1493 had divided the non-Christian world into spheres belonging to either Spain or Portugal, Francis needed an acceptable rationale to receive the church’s blessing for his enterprise. Citing the need to Christianize savages in the new World, the king selected Jean François de la Rocque, Sieur de Roberval, a noted soldier and court favorite, to head the next expedition to the new World. Cartier was to accompany him as master pilot and guide. the church sanctioned the voyage, but since Roberval was Protestant, Francis’ sincerity in wishing to propagate the Catholic faith is dubious.

the king opened the treasury and lavish funds were provided to amass ten ships, several hundred soldiers and sailors, trained craftsmen, livestock, and

Figure 2.1

The New Acadia 19

supplies. Recruitment of volunteers proved difficult, however, and expedition leaders had to resort to combing prisons to fill their manpower needs. in May 1541, Cartier, with five ships, set sail for north America, but because of a short- age of supplies and weapons, Roberval did not depart for another year. Upon arriving in Canada, Cartier erected another fort near Stadacona. on this occa- sion his men discovered what Cartier believed were diamonds and gold. Quickly he dispatched two ships to France to inform the king of his great discovery.

Cartier and his men endured another difficult winter, suffering both from nature and constant harassment from hostile indians seeking revenge for their missing chief. Fearful of being overrun by the indians if they remained, Cartier and his men sailed for France in the spring. Reaching St. John’s in newfoundland, he encountered Roberval, who ordered him to return to Stadacona. inexplicably, Cartier disobeyed this order and continued to France, leaving Roberval to conduct all further explorations.

Roberval then founded a colony near Cape Rouge, which he said was “a con- venient place to fortify ourselves in, fitted to command the main river, and of strong situation against all our enemies.” Severe weather, scurvy, and constant indian hostility, however, forced Roberval to return to France just as Cartier had done earlier.

this entire expedition was a failure. no passage to the East was discovered and Cartier’s gold proved to be nothing more than iron pyrite and his diamonds mica. All Cartier had given France was a new saying, “as false as Canadian dia- monds!” the only thing which made the trip worthwhile was that Cartier did discover the ottawa River, which would later become the French highway into the north American interior.

internal religious struggles again dominated French politics and the govern- ment turned its attention from settling the new World. Attempts by French merchants in 1580 to organize expeditions to north America proved disastrous because of competitive rivalries, and eventually the French government, fol- lowing the precedent of the English, resorted to chartering private companies to promote settlement and trade, with emphasis on the latter. Beginning in 1588 France once again was involved in commercial and colonization efforts in Canada.

Samuel de Champlain

Samuel de Champlain was truly the “Father of new France.” Born in 1567, Champlain fought courageously under the banner of henry of navarre during the French religious wars. After the treaty of Vervins brought peace with Spain

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in 1598, Champlain sailed for the Spanish and spent three years in new Spain, gathering valuable knowledge of the new World. Later he returned to France and wrote a narrative of his adventures, which established his reputation as an explorer and cartographer.

in 1603, Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts received from the French govern- ment a ten-year monopoly on trade and settlement in Canada, provided that he settle sixty persons there. in 1604, de Monts set sail with Champlain as his cartographer, and the following year they established France’s first perma- nent settlement at Port Royal, which would become the capital of Acadia. Unfortunately, Port Royal was too near new England and was virtually inde- fensible. As well, French merchants had convinced the king to reinstitute free trade and in 1607 de Monts lost his monopoly.

Undaunted, de Monts commissioned Champlain to explore the St. Lawrence region for settlement possibilities. in 1608, Champlain founded a colony at the site of Cartier’s outpost near Stadacona. From this base Champlain launched a systematic program of explorations of the continent’s interior and established the framework for indian relationships that determined French and indian alliances until the end of the French presence in north America. What made Champlain truly extraordinary, however, was his vision of Canada’s future.

Figure 2.2 the Battle of ticonderoga, 1609. this 17th-century sketch depicts Champlain defeating the iroquois in 1609. the European concept of superiority is evi- dent as Champlain is almost singlehandedly defeating the foe. Library of Congress, Washington, d.C., LC-USZ62-108526.

The New Acadia 21

he sought to create not merely a fur post, but rather a strong permanent colony populated by enterprising settlers. his plan put him in direct opposition with private companies who sought only profits from the fur trade and feared that large numbers of settlers would ruin their industry.

in 1609, Champlain and two companions aided a party of huron warriors in a battle against a band of Mohawk, who belonged to the powerful iroquois Confederation. three Mohawk were slain and a dozen captured and tortured to death. Because the French had been friendly with enemies of the iroquois in earlier years, this action solidified iroquois hostility toward the French.

Champlain undertook further explorations along the St. Lawrence in hope of both finding the elusive “northwest Passage” and encouraging other Frenchmen to plunge even deeper into the interior. that he succeeded in his latter goal is demonstrated by the 1622 expedition of Étienne Brûlé. Brûlé, who had spent several years living among the huron, and a companion canoed to the present site of Sault Ste. Marie, where they viewed the rapids through which Lake Superior empties into Lake huron. twelve years later, again under the auspices of Champlain, Jean nicolet became the first white man to traverse the Straits of Mackinac, follow the shore of Lake Michigan, and arrive at Green Bay. his voyage was a personal disappointment, however, as he had been told by indians that his course would lead him to “stinking water.” nicolet interpreted this to mean the briny Pacific ocean, which, if true, would mean that he had found the inland route to the orient. Unfortunately, he discovered only the less than fresh waters of Green Bay. he did, however, deeply impress the indians who came to meet him, as he was attired in a colorful silk robe which he had donned in anticipation of landing in Cathay.

Missionaries and their Activities

Missionaries played an instrumental role in French exploratory efforts. Recollect priests under Father Joseph LeCaron performed missionary work among the huron at Quebec as early as 1615. ten years later the Recollects invited the Jesuit order to assist them in their work. All missionary activity ceased in 1629 with the English capture of Quebec, but it began anew in 1633 when Champlain arrived bringing 200 settlers and four Jesuit priests to reestab- lish the colony that he had founded twenty-five years earlier. Jesuits gradually expanded their work among the huron and made their headquarters at Sault Ste. Marie.

the course of French missionary activity was dramatically altered by the iroquois wars which began in 1646. For nearly two decades French settlements

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along the St. Lawrence had been harassed by the iroquois, but the greatest con- flict was between the iroquois and their indian neighbors. in a series of devas- tating raids, the huron, who had assisted the French in the fur trade, were crushed by the iroquois in 1649 and driven from the Great Lakes region, while the Erie and Petun were virtually exterminated. Many eastern tribes fled west to escape the iroquois fury. in so doing, they forced indigenous western tribes such as the Sauk, Fox, Mascouton, and Potawatomi to relocate farther west.

not only indians perished by the iroquois tomahawks, as numerous French missionaries suffered torture and death. Among such martyrs were Fathers Jean de Brébeuf and Gabriel L’Alemant. Brébeuf especially suffered horrible tor- ture. the iroquois slung red-hot tomahawks over his neck and fastened a bark belt around his waist and ignited it. When the priest continued to pray, his lips and tongue were cut off. he was then scalped while still living, and after his death his heart was cut out and devoured in honor of his bravery. in 1653, iroquois brutality against the French and their indian allies was finally stopped when a coalition of ottawa and Chippewa defeated a large body of iroquois near Sault Ste. Marie at a site still known as iroquois Point.

The Crown Takes Control

in 1661 the Crown’s colonial policy underwent a drastic revision. King Louis XiV, imbued with a desire to make France the dominant European power, personally assumed control of governmental affairs. he then decreed new France a royal colony and canceled all existing trading charters. his chief min- ister, Jean Baptiste Colbert, shared the king’s vision of expanded French power through the acquisition and exploitation of colonial possessions. not only did Colbert seek to import furs, but also he sought to institute a full mercantile policy. his goal was for new France to provide naval stores and timber for the mother country, while foodstuffs and barrel staves from Quebec would be sent to the French West indies in return for rum, molasses, and sugar. in short, France was to create a colonial economic policy similar to England’s successful “triangular trade.”

to assure the achievement of these goals the government established new political structures for the colony. the central body was to be the Sovereign Council. this group was composed of the royal governor, who was in charge of the army and indian affairs, the intendant, who controlled internal and finan- cial matters, and a bishop, who was in charge of ecclesiastical affairs. other council members included a record’s clerk, attorney general, and five (later increased to twelve) councilors, who represented the interests of the merchants.

The New Acadia 23

initially the governor appointed the councilors, but beginning in 1675 their commissions came directly from the king, thereby assuring their complete independence from the governor. in practice the real power rested with the intendant and in time he tended to exert more authority, while the council as a whole limited itself to judicial matters.

Jean Talon—“The Great Intendant”

the first, and perhaps greatest, of new France’s intendants was Jean talon, who arrived in Canada in 1665 charged with the responsibility of expanding the colony’s population and making it economically self-sufficient. one of his first projects was the revision of the seigneurial system. Previously the Crown had granted land to nobles or seigneurs who had sworn an oath of loyalty to the state. in return for the land, usually a narrow strip leading back from a river, the seigneur promised to erect a manor house, encourage tenants to settle upon the land, provide a flour mill, and dispense justice. the Crown ultimately con- cluded that this policy was a failure because the seigneurs received more terri- tory than they could possibly convert into farmland. thus, the Crown removed the seigneurs from their role as emigration agents and relegated them to the position of “making land grants and adopting concrete measures to develop their estates.” talon also claimed for the Crown some of the previous grants made to defunct charter companies and divided these lands into numerous seigneuries three to six miles wide and six to nine miles in length, usually with frontage on either the St. Lawrence River or one of its tributaries. these new landowners possessed social prestige, but lacked political power since each of the new divisions was under the domination of the military.

no systematic settlement plan could be initiated until the iroquois threat was removed. Consequently, one of the first moves instituted by the Crown was to dispatch hundreds of regular troops, including the crack Carignan Salières regiment, to quell the indian uprising. Although initial military campaigns proved either disastrous or inconclusive, continued military pressure, com- bined with losses sustained from a smallpox epidemic, forced the iroquois to sign a peace treaty in the summer of 1667.

once the indian menace had been removed, at least temporarily, talon sought to stimulate immigration from France both by offering free land and transportation to Frenchmen willing to settle in Canada and by giving special land grants to soldiers willing to remain in north America after the expiration of their tour of duty. As well, nearly 1,000 “King’s daughters,” orphan girls and daughters of poor families, were imported and, according to one source,

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“the fattest went off best, upon the apprehension that these being less active, would keep truer to their engagements, and hold out better against the nipping cold of the winter.” Even over 1,000 criminals were added to the immigration list. to further stimulate marriage and procreation, talon placed penalties on bachelors and provided tax relief and “baby bonuses” to those who married and had large families.

After 1675, few immigrants arrived from France, since the Crown began to fear the effects of populating new France at the expense of old France. nevertheless, talon’s policies brought about an enormous population increase. in 1666 there were 3,200 people in new France; by 1673 the population had more than doubled to 6,700. the population continued to grow steadily, even without official Crown support, and by 1750 it had reached 76,000.

Before talon returned to France in 1672, he introduced such new crops as flax and hemp and imported quality livestock so that new France’s agricultural volume and quality was significantly improved. Shipbuilding was encouraged and trade with the West indies was fostered. Yet Colbert’s plan for a diversified colonial economy failed because Crown grants to colonial industries ceased in 1672, and without this source of financial support, they could not survive. thus, much to Colbert’s disappointment, fur trading remained the economic

Figure 2.3 “L’arrivée des Filles du Roi” (“the Arrival of the Brides”), by Eleanor Fortescue Brickdale. talon and Laval receive King’s daughters as they arrive from Quebec in 1667. Library and Archives Canada, Acc. no. 1996-371-1.

The New Acadia 25

staple of new France. in fact, with the quelling of the iroquois, new lands open- ing, and the setting of beaver pelt prices by ministerial decree, the fur trade became even more lucrative and appealing, and it grew at an astounding pace.

Talon and the West

Colbert desperately attempted to restrict the fur trade because he feared that it would eventually draw away all the healthy young men of the colony from their farming endeavors. Seeking to restrain expansionist tendencies, Colbert informed talon “that it would be better to restrict oneself to an amount of land that the colony would be able to sustain on its own, rather than to embrace too vast an area whereby one would perhaps one day be obliged to abandon a part with some reduction of the prestige of his Majesty and of the State.” Canadien voyageurs and talon largely ignored Colbert’s admonitions and edicts aimed at keeping Canadiens within settled areas. the lure of profits and an exciting life proved irresistible to young Frenchmen. Clad in colorful shirts, gaudy sashes, and festooned caps, these voyageurs sailed the lakes and rivers in birchbark canoes, living both with and like indians. talon overtly violated Colbert’s instructions by encouraging exploration and sending groups to the West and north to search for minerals and a passage to the western sea. in 1669 a party under the command of Adrian Jolliet was sent to explore the cop- per regions of Lake Superior. the men returned via a lower lake route, passing through the St. Clair River, Lake St. Clair, and Lake Erie, which opened an alternative to the established ottawa River–Lake huron passage. on their homeward voyage, they encountered a party of Frenchmen which included René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, and Fathers François dollier de Casson and René de Brehant de Galineé. Using information furnished by Jolliet, the priests proceeded to Sault Ste. Marie, while La Salle chose to explore the detroit region to the south.

to consolidate French claims to western lands, an expedition under the command of Simon François, daumont de Saint-Lusson, arrived at the Sault. on June 14, 1671, with representatives of fourteen indian tribes in attendance, St. Lusson planted a cross and post bearing the Royal Seal. in the name of the king of France he claimed possession not only of Sault Ste. Marie but also Lakes huron and Superior and “all countries, rivers, lakes, and streams con- tinuous and adjacent there unto; both those which have been discovered and those which may be discovered hereafter, in all their length and breadth, bounded on one side by the seas of the north and West, and on the other by the South Sea.”

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The Revival of Missionary Activity

the iroquois onslaughts of 1648–49 that had virtually annihilated the huron forced French missionaries temporarily to abandon their work. in 1660, Pierre Esprit Radisson brought information to Montreal that huron survivors had moved to the western shore of Lake Superior. his information was sound, as following the iroquois defeat in 1653, he, accompanied by Medart Chouart,

Figure 2.4 Simon-François, daumont de Saint-Lusson as pictured by C. W. Jefferys. in 1671, Lusson arrived at Sault St. Marie and claimed the region for the king of France. Canada’s Past in Pictures, toronto, ottawa, Canada: the Ryerson Press, vers1934, p. 52. Université d’ottawa, CRCCF, Collection générale du Centre de recherche en civilisation canadienne-française.

The New Acadia 27

Sieur de Groseilliers, made several trips to the Michigan‒Wisconsin area. Radisson and Groseilliers sought unsuccessfully to convince French authorities to establish permanent trading posts and missions in the Canadian north. Strangely, French authorities ignored their reports concerning the feasibility of trading posts; ironically, however, the English were much impressed by them and as a result created the hudson’s Bay Company. their accounts did inspire Father René Menard, a former missionary to the huron, to accompany a fur- trading expedition to the West in order to reestablish contact with his former charges. Because of ill-health, Menard did not expect to return alive, but his mission was deemed so important that in the autumn of 1660 he left Montreal to journey to the upper peninsula. in the winter he arrived at L’Anse, having endured a trek plagued by storms, hunger, and iroquois attacks.

in March 1661, Menard, along with several fur traders, made his way to Chequamegon, near the present site of Ashland, Wisconsin. the indians living there were not huron, but while Menard was there, a huron arrived and told him that his people lived farther inland and were dying of famine. hearing this, Menard and a young assistant set out several months later to find the huron camp. during their quest Menard and the youth became separated, and Father Menard was never seen again.

it was not until 1665, after the French had quelled another iroquois uprising, that Father Claude Allouez was able to retrace the steps of Father Menard. Allouez accompanied an ottawa trading party that arrived at Chequamegon october 1, 1665. Learning nothing about the fate of Menard, Allouez founded a mission at La Pointe du Saint Esprit, where he labored several years. While there he heard many stories of a great river, located a six-day journey to the west, that was said to empty into the sea. Allouez sent this information to his Jesuit superiors, which prompted them to expand their missionary endeavors. Another priest was sent to aid Allouez and in 1668 Father Claude dablon arrived at the Sault to head the ottawa mission. Later that same year Father Jacques Marquette was ordered to Chequamegon and Allouez was dispatched to the Green Bay region. From Green Bay, Allouez moved to the illinois coun- try and then ended his days ministering to the Miami and Potawatomi of the St. Joseph Valley in southwestern Michigan. he died in 1688, at the age of fifty-eight, and was buried near the present site of niles.

Père Marquette

Father Marquette was born in 1637 and hoped to be a missionary in the orient. his Jesuit superiors deemed otherwise, and in 1666 he found himself in Canada. in 1668, after two years at the Sault, he succeeded Allouez at Chequamegon.

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While there, Marquette immersed himself in illinois indian lore, learning the language, and studying the geography of the area. Like Allouez, he had heard tales of a great river flowing north to south and he desired to investigate its existence. in 1671, hostilities between the Sioux and huron forced Marquette to flee with his followers to the safer confines of Mackinac island. Soon after- ward he moved across the Straits and built a mission on the upper peninsula side. the dream of finding the “Great River” still haunted him and was his foremost desire.

Unknown to the Jesuit his prayers were to be answered. intendant talon commissioned Louis Jolliet, Adrian’s younger brother, to seek “the great river called Mississippi and which, it is believed, discharges itself into the sea of California.” A former Jesuit who had drifted away from religion and into the fur trade, Jolliet consulted with Father dablon who suggested that Marquette be included in the exploration party. Jolliet acceded to the request, and when Jolliet arrived at St. ignace in december 1672, Marquette was overjoyed to learn that dablon had ordered him to accompany the expedition.

in May 1673, Jolliet, Marquette, and several voyagers sailed off in two bark canoes. they crossed Lake Michigan, reached Green Bay, paddled up the Fox River until they had to portage to the Wisconsin River, followed it to the Mississippi, and then took that river to the point where it converged with the Arkansas River. At that point they determined that their route was not the longed-for passage. on their return Marquette stopped at Green Bay while Jolliet proceeded to Montreal to relate his adventures. in 1674 Marquette made a second voyage to visit indians in illinois. during his return he became ill and died in the spring of 1675. he was buried near the present site of Ludington, but two years later Christian indians removed his remains and reburied them at his mission at St. ignace.

La Salle and Frontenac

René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, was born in 1643. the son of a wealthy merchant family, he received a Jesuit education, left France for Canada in 1666, and arrived in Montreal where his older brother was a priest. At that time Montreal was on the edge of the frontier and the Sulpitian order, to which La Salle’s brother belonged, held seigneurial rights to a huge amount of land. the order was eagerly dispensing grants so that outlying settlements would develop to serve as a shield for Montreal against indian attacks. La Salle became owner of a large tract of this land, located just above the Lachine Rapids eight miles from Montreal. he soon became bored with farming and his imagination

The New Acadia 29

was fired by indian legends about a “Vermillion Sea,” which he assumed had to be the northwest Passage. he sold his property and, in 1669, embarked upon a journey to the Great Lakes region.

La Salle’s wanderings into the interior of north America convinced him that the Mississippi River flowed neither into the Gulf of California nor the Pacific ocean, but rather into the Gulf of Mexico. he believed that a fort at the mouth of the Mississippi would protect it from both the Spanish and English. Furs could then be shipped in safety down the river and thence by sea to France.

Eventually La Salle found a sympathetic benefactor in Louis de Buade, Comte de Frontenac et de Palluau, a former soldier, courtier, and man of vision who dreamed of building an empire in the new World. having squandered his fortune in France, Frontenac, as a reward for the past service to the Crown, was sent to Canada in 1672 to serve as its governor. he quickly perceived that furs provided a light, valuable export for new France and, contrary to instructions from the Crown, established a policy encouraging both fur trade and western exploration.

to help protect the budding French fur trade in the Great Lakes area, Frontenac erected a fort at the eastern end of Lake ontario. the purpose of this outpost, named Fort Frontenac, was to block iroquois invasions and to gain a share of the trade that would ordinarily have enriched dutch and English mer- chants of new York. As his men prepared to build the fort, Frontenac addressed several hundred iroquois warriors whom he had summoned to a council:

Children, Mohawks, oneida, onondagas, and Senecas. i am glad to see you here where i have had a fire lighted for you here, to smoke by, and for me to talk to you. You have done well, my children, to obey the command of your Father. take courage; you will hear his word, which is full of peace and tenderness. For do not think that i have come for war. My mind is full of peace, and she walks by my side. Courage, then, children, and take rest.

the indians provided no opposition and Frontenac was convinced that his elo- quence had won them over. the real reason for their acquiescence, however, was that they were engaged in warfare with the Andastes and Mohegans. the Anglo-French war against the dutch had prevented supplies from reaching their dutch allies in Albany, and therefore the iroquois were forced to trade with the French to acquire arms and ammunition.

Colbert opposed construction of Fort Frontenac because he wanted Canada’s population to be concentrated in villages and towns and its economy to be based on industry and agriculture rather than furs. Frontenac, however, viewed agricultural colonists in the St. Lawrence Valley as a foundation from which to conduct the fur trade. As a result, when he returned to France to obtain a grant

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of nobility and request ownership of his fort, Frontenac gave full support to La Salle, whom he saw as a man sharing his own vision for new France.

La Salle received a seigneury at Fort Frontenac, and, in return, he promised to repay the king for the cost of the post, support a garrison equal to that of Montreal, build a colony, provide at least twenty laborers, and erect a church when the number of inhabitants reached 100. As might have been expected, La Salle, with his primary interest in trading, did little to fulfill his pledge.

Frontenac’s, and then La Salle’s, ownership of Fort Frontenac stirred a storm of controversy as Montreal merchants denounced the trading monopoly held by the post, and Jesuits opposed further endeavors to penetrate into the west- ern interior. this sense of hostility heightened in 1676 when another outpost was constructed, without Crown permission, at niagara.

not satisfied with his initial success, La Salle returned to France in 1677. With the support of Frontenac and his court friends, La Salle received Crown permission to explore the Mississippi River Valley to determine whether it pro- vided a passage to the Pacific ocean. in return for financing the journey, La Salle was allowed to erect a series of forts at the base of Lake Michigan and

Figure 2.5 A broadside view of La Salle’s Griffon, watercolor by M. Karl Kuttruff. Courtesy of the detroit historical Society 1976.056.001.

The New Acadia 31

along the illinois and Mississippi rivers. he was specifically forbidden by the Crown, however, to trade with the ottawa, who furnished the majority of furs to Montreal merchants. to the ire and consternation of Montreal businessmen, La Salle, again with Frontenac’s blessing, violated the provisions of the agree- ment. the true purpose of Frontenac and La Salle had always been to establish fur-trading posts in the West from which pelts could be shipped down the Mississippi River to new orleans and then either to France or the Caribbean, thereby eliminating lengthy canoe trips and portages to Montreal and Quebec. Frontenac further aided La Salle by forbidding everyone, even those with trade permits, from doing business in La Salle’s territory. With this support from his friend, La Salle had secured a trade monopoly.

in early 1679, La Salle authorized henri de tonty, a former Sicilian soldier of fortune known as “iron hand” because of an artificial limb made of that metal, to lead a party of men in a trading expedition among the illinois indians. Meanwhile, La Salle established a shipyard above niagara Falls, where he began construction of the Griffon, so-named because at its prow was carved a figure representing that mythological half-lion, half-eagle. the ship set sail across Lake Erie and reached the detroit River on August 7, 1679. According to Father Louis hennepin, a Recollect priest who accompanied La Salle, sights along the voyage were spectacular.

the country between those two lakes from Lake Erie to Lake huron is very well situated and the soil very fertile. the banks of the strait are vast meadows and the prospect is terminated with some hills covered with vineyards, trees bearing food fruit, groves and forests, so well disposed that one would think nature alone could not have made, without the help of art, so charming a prospect. the coun- try is stocked with stags, wild goats, and bears, which are good for food and not fierce as in other countries. . . .

the forests are chiefly made up of walnut trees, chestnut trees, plum trees, and pear trees, loaded with their own fruit and vines. there is also abundance of tim- ber fit for building; so that those who shall be so happy to inhabit that noble country cannot but remember with gratitude those who have discovered the way thither.

on Lake huron the ship nearly capsized, but it withstood the stormy sea and reached St. ignace. After the party rested a few days, the Griffon set sail for Green Bay, where it was loaded with furs and dispatched by La Salle to return to niagara. on this voyage, however, the Griffon was lost in a storm and pre- sumed sunk. (it is thought that the discovery of a vessel’s remnants in 1957 about two miles northwest of tobermory at the tip of the peninsula separating Lake huron and Georgian Bay may be that of the Griffon.)

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While waiting for the Griffon’s return, La Salle continued his journey into the illinois country, where he built a fort at Lake Peoria in the winter of 1680. news of the loss of the Griffon, which was to have brought supplies for him and his men, forced La Salle to abandon plans for further exploration. he and his party trekked across Michigan back to Fort Frontenac. this incredible journey of 1,000 miles began in March 1680 and ended with their arrival on May 6, 1680.

despite the advice of friends, La Salle returned to Fort Miami, near the pre- sent site of St. Joseph, in november 1681. From there he set out with a party of fifty-one French and indians to explore, at his own expense, the Mississippi. his quest was successful, and on April 9, 1682, he claimed the mouth of the Mississippi and all lands in the Mississippi Valley for France.

Upon returning to Quebec to report his activity, La Salle discovered that his benefactor, Frontenac, had been recalled and that the new governor agreed with Montreal merchants who opposed further trade expansion in the West. La Salle then returned to France, where he received permission from the king to found a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi River and to locate forts at strategic points along the waterway. Unfortunately for La Salle, following his return to the new World, he was assassinated by several of his men on March 19, 1687, and his quest for fabulous wealth was left unfulfilled.

the importance of La Salle and other early French explorers cannot be minimized. their expeditions brought the Great Lakes region into the realm of the white man’s world. Michigan’s coastline was explored, its peninsulas were traversed by foot, and important forts were constructed at St. Joseph, St. ignace, and Sault Ste. Marie. the Great Lakes and Mississippi Valley were placed under French domination, and this created a territorial rivalry with England that continued until the French were forcibly driven from the north American continent in the French and indian War.

Frontenac had been removed from power in 1682 because of his constant disputes with the Sovereign Council, clergy, and intendant over such matters as using brandy in fur trade and for acting “completely contrary to the royal edicts, decrees, and proclamations.” A year before his ouster Frontenac had been issued a warning from the king:

i admonish you to banish from your mind all the difficulties that you have cre- ated so far in the execution of my orders; to behave with good-natured modera- tion towards all the inhabitants; to strip yourself of all personal animosities which up till now have been almost the sole incentive of all your actions; nothing being more inconsistent with the duty you have to discharge for me in the position you hold. . . . i see clearly everything gives way to your private enmities; and that which concerns my service and the execution of my orders is rarely the sole motive of your action.

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Frontenac protested his innocence, but the crux of the problem was that he repeatedly had refused to accept the concept that Colbert and the king had designated the intendant to control the Sovereign Council, not the governor general. When Frontenac caned and imprisoned the son of the intendant, he created an untenable situation, and both Frontenac and the intendant were removed from office.

Frontenac’s successors as governor, Le Febvre de Le Barre and the Marquis de denonville, turned their attention to trying to control the iroquois who were being urged by their English allies to make war upon the French. denonville, in particular, pursued an aggressive policy to quell the indian uprising by allowing the Jesuits to build a mission near niles, directing daniel Greysolon, Sieur du Lhut, to erect Fort St. Joseph at the present site of Port huron in order to halt English fur traders from reaching Fort Michilimackinac by water, and ordering an expedition against the iroquois in the summer of 1687. none of these meas- ures proved successful and in 1689 at La Chine, outside of Montreal, the iroquois boldly massacred 200 French. in addition, formal warfare between the English and French was declared both on the European continent and in north America. this conflict, known as King William’s War, was the first of four out- breaks of hostilities between the two European powers over north America.

Faced with a desperate situation in 1689, King Louis XiV was compelled to reappoint Frontenac as governor of new France. Frontenac had repeatedly told the king that he alone possessed the knowledge and decisiveness necessary to deal effectively with the iroquois, since they knew and feared him. however, Frontenac’s initial attempts to treat with the iroquois ended in failure and resulted only in earning him the contempt of the friendly ottawa who felt that he was betraying them. iroquois war parties continued to attack settlements around Montreal, striking quickly and then disappearing into the surrounding forests. in reaction to these assaults, in January 1690, Frontenac dispatched par- ties of voyagers and indians to attack new York, in hope that the English arms and ammunition traffic to the iroquois could be stopped. Although Albany was the original target, Schenectady became the focus of the attack. in the initial onslaught sixty residents perished. in later years, an English resident recalled that “the cruelties committed at said place no person can write nor tongue express; ye women big with child ripped up and ye children alive thrown into ye flames, and their heads dashed in pieces against doors and windows.”

the success of this attack encouraged Frontenac to launch similar ones against new England. the attacks renewed the confidence of the French inhab- itants and their indian allies but did not seriously damage the English war- making ability; in fact, they may have merely served to goad the English into stronger counterefforts. Subsequently, an English fleet sailed up the

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St. Lawrence River and prepared to put Quebec under siege. the approach of winter and of reinforcements from Montreal enabled the French to repel the attack and the fleet withdrew to Boston. Small skirmishes were conducted by both sides but neither the English nor the French possessed the superior num- bers needed to hold their gains.

in 1697 the treaty of Ryswick was signed, which ended the war. Without their English allies, the iroquois conducted continued sporadic warfare against the French until 1701 when a peace treaty was negotiated. this agreement removed the iroquois barrier that had prevented French penetration into Michigan and the West, and opened the way for increased French exploration.

Cadillac and Frontenac

despite the war with England and the French government’s continued opposi- tion to French traders going west, Frontenac never wavered in his support of increased trade and expansion. in 1694 he appointed Antoine Laumet de la Mothe, Sieur de Cadillac as commander of Fort du Buade, located at the junc- ture of the straits between the upper and lower peninsulas. A professional sol- dier, charming, unscrupulous, and eager to exploit the fur treasure of the West, Cadillac eagerly accepted the position. during his three years at that post, he managed both to amass a small personal fortune and earn the enmity of Jesuits who opposed his liberal distribution of brandy to indians. Cadillac defended himself on this charge by stating that brandy was “the only drink capable of aiding them to digest the fish and bad food on which they are compelled to live” and that a “drink of brandy after the repast seemed necessary to cook the bil- ious meats and crudities which they leave in the stomach.” he further main- tained that, without the medicinal benefits of brandy, sickness among indians would have been more prevalent. When a Jesuit, unconvinced by Cadillac’s arguments, demanded that Cadillac obey both the orders of the government and God, the commandant reported that he made the following reply:

i told him that his talk smelt of sedition a hundred yards off and begged that he would amend it. he told me that i gave myself airs that did not belong to me, holding his fist before my nose at the same time. i confess i almost forgot that he was a priest, and felt for a moment like knocking his jaw out of joint; but thank God, i contented myself with taking him by the arm, pushing him out and order- ing him not to come back.

Concerned that the western fur posts served no useful military purpose and contributed to the surplus beaver supply which was driving prices drastically

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downward, in 1696 the French Ministry issued an edict stating that all western posts were to be abandoned and no further western travel permits were to be issued. Frontenac bitterly protested this policy, arguing that abandoning the posts would result in France’s indian allies joining the English and iroquois to receive trade goods. Because of the protests by Frontenac and fur traders, the government reconsidered its position and allowed the posts to be regarrisoned, but it still maintained that neither fur trading nor travel permits would be allowed. As usual, Frontenac largely ignored this order and trade goods were sent westward. Montreal merchants, seeing that the governor ignored the edict, did likewise. thus, once again, a governmental order to limit trade proved unenforceable.

Frontenac continued to serve until his death in 1698. A man of charm and flamboyance, Frontenac adroitly turned his office into a source of great power and private gain. he was a maverick, who was never able to accommodate himself to superior authority and administrative bureaucracy which sought to restrict his policymaking authority. despite his independent attitude and

Figure 2.6 the arrival of Cadillac’s wife in detroit. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs division, detroit Publishing Company Collection, LC-d416-871.

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defiance, the French government sorely missed his leadership ability in the years following his death.

After the temporary closing of Fort du Buade, Cadillac returned to France to try to convince the king of the need to construct a fort on the river between Lakes Erie and St. Clair that could serve as a fortress against English incursions. in 1698 Cadillac managed to persuade Count Pontchartrain, the minister in charge of colonies, of the need for such a post and argued that it would cost the government nothing since he would support it from the proceeds of the fur trade. Receiving the required authority, Cadillac returned to Canada, set out from Montreal with 100 soldiers and workmen, and arrived at the mouth of the detroit River July 24, 1701. immediately a post was constructed and named Fort Pontchartrain in honor of their benefactor. that autumn, the wives of Cadillac and Alphonse tonty arrived. Cadillac believed that the presence of women would help allay any fears of the pro-French indians that the post would not be permanent. Cadillac’s venture was so successful that by 1705 so many indians had abandoned the Michilimackinac region and moved to Pontchartrain that the Jesuits had to close their mission at St. ignace.

Cadillac hoped to make the permanent settlement complete through con- struction of churches, schools, and hospitals. he also sought to enlarge the population through intermarriage with indians, which he was convinced would assure indian loyalty and friendship as well.

not only was Cadillac a military commander, but he was also a seigneur, which meant that he could perpetuate in the new World the concept of feudal- ism which was becoming extinct in the old. Cadillac granted land in a truly feudal manner. Grants were “ribbon farms” which fronted the river and usually were 400–600 feet wide and 1½–3 miles in length. habitants who received property were required to give Cadillac the “customary prerequisites and emol- uments.” Cadillac controlled the gristmill, all commerce and trade, and a monopoly on the sale of gunpowder and alcohol. he also issued all licenses for fur trading.

Unfortunately for Cadillac, Fort Pontchartrain did not grow rapidly. By 1708 there were only sixty-three permanent residents. only 200 acres of the garrison were cultivated and the colony’s domestic livestock consisted of a dozen assorted cattle and a “single, forlorn horse.” the difficulty was that young Frenchmen preferred the quick profits of the fur trade to the hard toil of hum- ble farmers.

Various accusations hurled by his enemies made Cadillac’s command a stormy and turbulent period. he supposedly “maintained a haughty and defi- ant attitude” toward his administrators and charged exorbitantly high prices for liquor—allegedly seven times the price in Montreal. of course, the clergy dis- liked him because of his use of liquor in the fur trade. An official sent from

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France to investigate the charges against Cadillac concluded that they were sub- stantive and commented: “i was able to observe that de la Mothe . . . was gener- ally hated by all the French and indians. . . . i can assure you my Lord that this aversion was not without cause, he is not hated for nothing. the tyranny that he maintains over them both is sufficient to warrant it.” Finally, in 1710, Cadillac was removed from command and sent to Mobile, but he was ordered to leave his property and wealth at Pontchartrain.

Shortly after Cadillac’s departure, Pontchartrain was nearly destroyed by indians. Cadillac had invited the Fox indians of Wisconsin to live at the post, but the new commander informed them that they were no longer welcome. Undaunted, the Fox remained, but the traditional French allies, the ottawa and Chippewa, demanded that the newcomers be expelled. Forced into a precarious situation, the French attacked the Fox, who fought back valiantly and nearly burned the fort before being forced to retreat. Many Fox were captured and tortured by the ottawa and Chippewa, and those who escaped returned to Wisconsin as implacable enemies of the French.

in 1714 the market for furs began to grow again. to capitalize on the new demand the French expanded their operations in Michigan. A new fort was constructed at the present site of Mackinaw City to replace the earlier one at St. ignace. trade flourished because the post was conveniently located at the juncture of three lakes, which made it an easy rendezvous point for indians. the erection of an outpost at the Straits coincided well with the established French policy of maintaining western forts, indian friendship, and trade at a minimum cost to the Crown.

By 1755 new France comprised a vast expanse of territory spanning from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico. At either end lay strong defenses, but the middle was weak. in an attempt to correct this weakness, a string of forts was erected from Lake Erie to the ohio River. in Michigan, a new garrison was constructed at the Sault to control all fur trade passing through the upper and lower Great Lakes. thus, the three major French posts in Michigan pos- sessed a common characteristic: they were strategically located where large bodies of water were connected by rivers or straits, so that anyone traversing the Great Lakes area by water, either for trade or military purposes, had to come under French scrutiny.

End of the French Empire

While England and France had been at war three times during the years 1689– 1748, the Michigan region had never been seriously affected, but this changed with the outbreak of the Seven Years’ War, or French and indian War, as it was

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known in north America, in 1756. War between these longtime rivals seemed inevitable since both were seeking to exploit the valuable fur trade in the Lakes area. Yet, their economic designs were greatly different. Since France was pri- marily interested in trade, it sent to north America mostly trappers who had little interest in locating suitable sites for permanent settlements. By contrast, England sought to tame the American wilderness, put the land to the plow, and create colonies which would be secure homes for women and children. Consequently, by 1750, while the French claimed for themselves all Canada and the territory between the Allegheny Mountains and the Mississippi River, their total population in that area was barely 50,000. At the same time, the British colonies, despite a small territorial holding, possessed a population of over 1.5 million men, women, and children. to the British, western expansion was an absolute necessity both for increased trade and living space.

Realizing the potential weakness in their hold on north America, the French government appointed Comte de la Galissonière governor of Canada with spe- cific orders to strengthen French power. to do this, the new governor dispatched Céloron de Blainville and 200 soldiers to the ohio Valley in 1749. the purpose of the expedition was to drive out British traders and persuade the indians to remain loyal to the French. Most tribes received the French with formal courtesy, but some assumed a hostile attitude and proudly displayed British flags and pro- claimed their friendship to King George. After burying lead plates and nailing metal plaques to trees as tangible proof that the region belonged to the king of France, de Blainville returned to Canada and was forced to admit to the governor that overall his mission had failed to accomplish either of its intended goals.

in 1752 Galissonière was replaced by the Marquis duquesne. Upon taking office, duquesne’s first priority was the destruction of the Miami village of Chief La demoiselle, or “old Britain” as he was popularly known, who had demonstrated a warlike attitude toward de Blainville. the governor commis- sioned a half-blood trader, Charles Mouet, to gather a force of indians from Sault Ste. Marie, Michilimackinac, and detroit for the purpose of assaulting the enemy camp. the attack was made with such thorough brutality that not only was the village destroyed, but also Chief La demoiselle was killed and eaten by the victorious indians. duquesne then ordered forts to be erected at strategic points along a line from the end of Lake Erie to the forks of the ohio. in 1753 Forts Presque isle, Le Boeuf, and Venango were constructed, and the following year Fort duquesne was built at the junction of the Allegheny, ohio, and Monongahela rivers.

the British colony of Virginia, which by charter claimed ownership of the Kentucky region, was alarmed by the construction of these French posts. Governor Robert dinwiddie, daniel Boone, Patrick henry, and other

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prominent Virginians who had heavily invested in land speculation in the Kentucky area were determined to drive out the French. dinwiddie sent Lieutenant George Washington with a small detachment of men to Fort Le Boeuf to request French withdrawal. Failing in this, he was to remove the French by force. Washington’s overtures were rebuffed and after a brief, bloody skirmish, he was forced to retreat to a hastily constructed stockade, aptly named Fort necessity. he was soon overwhelmed by an army from Fort duquesne and forced to surrender. humiliated by this defeat, which proved colonial inability to remove the French from the West, dinwiddie requested Parliament to send British regulars to accomplish the task.

in March 1755, General Edward Braddock, with 1,500 soldiers, arrived in Virginia to begin a campaign against the French. Braddock’s mission was doomed to failure from the outset. Braddock refused to heed advice from colo- nial military men, whom he considered untutored in the art of war. Upon learning that his objective, Fort duquesne, was located 100 miles to the west and that there was no easy route through the dense forest separating it from Virginia, the general determined to construct a road to facilitate his march. this decision resulted in his soldiers becoming fatigued from construction work which made them unsuited for battle. they also lost the element of sur- prise as the noise of the road-building reached French ears long before the army arrived. the consequence was a disastrous encounter on July 9, 1755, in which 330 French and indians, many from Michigan, attacked the British army at dawn and killed Braddock and 977 of his command.

By the close of 1755, the French seemed to have a firm hold on north America, as they controlled the trade, forts, and indians, while the British were disorganized and leaderless. however, the French were still greatly outnum- bered and could not risk attacking the British colonies to secure a final victory. the French hope was to forestall British entry into the West for so long that Parliament would decide that occupation of the area would be too costly in money and lives and abandon all claims to it.

in 1756 the tide of the war changed with the selection of William Pitt as England’s prime minister. Pitt’s policy was to place bold, young men in com- mand of British forces and to open fronts against the French in Europe, india, and the Caribbean. he thought that by turning the struggle into a world war, the French would be forced to concentrate less on north America, which in turn would enable the colonists to gain a victory for themselves. Slowly, British armies under the command of Lord Jeffrey Amherst drove the French back toward their supply base at Quebec. When General James Wolfe defeated a French force under General Louis Montcalm on the Plains of Abraham outside Quebec in September 1759, French rule in north America was over.

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When the news of the French surrender reached Michilimackinac, that post’s commandant immediately abandoned the fort and fled to new orleans to avoid being taken prisoner by British troops. on november 29, 1760, Captain François de Bellestre formally surrendered Fort Pontchartrain to British forces led by Major Robert Rogers, thus ending French rule in Michigan. ironically, although the French had had a lengthy tenure in Michigan, they founded only a scattering of settlements and left the interior of the territory virtually untouched. other than a few place-names, the French left a pauper’s legacy to the territory.

For Further Reading

Louise P. Kellogg’s Early Narratives of the Northwest, 1634–1699 (new York: Barnes and noble, 1945) provides a complete background of European exploration in Michigan during the seventeenth century. the following works in the Canadian Centenary Series provide extensive and exhaustive background of French colonial efforts in north America: Marcel trudel, The Beginnings of New France, 1524–1663 (toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973); W. J. Eccles, Canada Under Louis XIV, 1663–1701 (toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1964); and G. F. G. Stanley, New France, 1744–1760 (toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968). Louise Phelps Kellogg, The French Regime in Wisconsin and the Northwest (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1925) has significant cover- age of French activities in Michigan. W. J. Eccles, The Canadian Frontier, 1534–1764 (new York: holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1969) is an excellent and readable survey that deals heavily with French efforts in early Michigan. George S. May and herbert J. Brinks, A Michigan Reader, 11,000 B.C. to A.D. 1865 (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1974) contains a number of excerpts from both primary and secondary sources concerning the French and British periods of Michigan. W. J. Eccles, Frontenac, the Courtier Governor (toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1965) is a detailed and rich account of this important administrative officer of new France and contains useful background articles. Certainly Francis Parkman’s works are rich narratives that students would still find interesting. these would include: La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West (rev. ed., Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1906); A Half Century of Conflict (rev. ed., Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1922); and The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century (rev. ed., Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1922). George t. hunt, The Wars of the Iroquois (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1940) presents a concise portrait of the economic motivation of the iroquois wars. howard Peckham, The Colonial War, 1689–1792 (Chicago: the University of Chicago Press, 1964) is a clear survey of the warfare although there are some errors. Yves F. Zoltvany, “new France and the West, 1701–1713,” Canadian Historical Review, XLVi (december 1965), pp. 301–22, is a detailed explanation of French western policy and the underlying factors that shaped that policy. S. C. Mitchell, “La Mothe Cadillac, A Stormy Figure of new France,” Bulletin

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of the Detroit Historical Society, iX (1955) gives the background of the controversial founder of detroit. harry B. Ebersole, “Early French Exploration in the Lake Superior Region,” Michigan History, XViii (1934), pp. 121–34, concentrates on the Michigan activities of the French explorers. Eugene t. Peterson, France at Mackinac, 1715–1760 (Mackinac island: Mackinac island State Park Commission, 1977) is a useful paperback that emphasizes French life and culture during the French occupation. the most recent coverage of the founding of detroit is in “detroit at 300,” Michigan History (november– december 2000).

Under the Union Jack

After winning control of north America from the French and adding all Canada and the territory east of the Mississippi River, except Spanish Florida, to its empire, the British government had to face the responsibility of governing and protecting the region, as well as dealing with its indian inhabitants. While the former would be costly in terms of men and money, the Crown had every reason to believe that the latter would be accomplished with relative simplicity. Most indians appeared willing to abandon old ties with the French and become allied with their former British enemies. this apparent fickleness was actually a reflection of the indian view of survival in a world increasingly filled with white interlopers—always try to be allied with the group that was the most powerful and delivered the most trade goods. in this instance, however, the transfer of loyalty seemed more sincere because during the French and indian War, British agents had promised both to expand trade with the tribes and to continue the established French policy of distributing food, guns, ammunition, and liquor. indeed, indians had good cause to expect that they would prosper from an alli- ance with the victorious British.

indian expectations were dashed when the Crown appointed Lord Jeffrey Amherst governor general of British north America. the new governor was unimaginative, fussy, ill-tempered, and totally lacking in respect for both indians and American colonists, whom he considered crude, uncivilized, and savage. Since the British, at the time of assuming control of north America, had no official indian policy, the task of creating one fell to Amherst. to assist him,

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the governor summoned Sir William Johnson, head of the northern indian Superintendency since 1756. Johnson, who had a deserved reputation of being a respected, trusted friend of indians, proposed that the government abide by all promises made during the war and that licensed traders be allowed to visit indian encampments and sell merchandise at a maximum profit of 67 percent.

Amherst angrily rejected Johnson’s suggestions and informed the superin- tendent that his administration sought economy and discipline. he said that he did not care about either French precedent or earlier British pledges. Under the new regime indians would receive only a small amount of clothing, a very lim- ited supply of guns and ammunition, and no food or alcohol. this policy was based on the governor’s belief that alcohol made indians uncontrollable and gifts of food made them lazy and unwilling to hunt and fish. Gift giving was also abolished, as Amherst considered it nothing more than expensive bribery to maintain friendship. Johnson tried to explain to Amherst that indians con- sidered gift giving and sharing as tokens of goodwill and would interpret the

Figure 3.1 British: the Great Lakes Region.

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ending of such a policy as an act of hostility, but the commander was unmoved. to assure that his policies would be enforced, he decreed that all trade with indians be done within British forts, under the watchful eye of Crown authori- ties. Amherst then ordered Johnson to meet with the indians and inform them of this new policy.

disappointed, and convinced that the new program would cause warfare, Johnson called a council with the tribes of the Great Lakes region to meet at the mouth of the detroit River September 9, 1761. on that date he told the assem- bled chiefs and headmen that they had a “chain of friendship” with the British, and, to prove their British Father’s sincerity, he pledged that no more indian land would be taken except that necessary for expansion of commerce. he closed the council without mentioning the new policy because he feared instant death if he did. the following day the huron, ottawa, Chippewa, Potawatomi, and Wyandot reassembled and promised their loyalty to the Crown. Johnson ended the meeting by distributing all the remaining gifts he possessed. he believed that this would be the last peaceful offering, and, despite lacking per- mission from Amherst, he sought to close it in the traditional symbolic act of friendship.

Pontiac’s Uprising

throughout 1762 indians living around detroit began to understand the impact of Amherst’s policy even though it had never been formally explained to them by the British. French traders and trappers told indians that the British were withholding food, clothing, guns, and ammunition in an effort to weaken the tribes preparatory to a war of extermination. to strengthen the credibility of their claim, the French asked the indians whether or not they were welcome at British posts, if gifts were still being given and rewards offered for the return of prisoners, whether trade prices were reasonable, and if the British showed any sign of needing indians militarily in the future as they had in the past. in each instance indians admitted that their reply had to be negative. the French told them to resist the British until an army sent by their French Father arrived to restore conditions to those of earlier times. the “chain of friendship” with the Crown was broken.

Early in the spring of 1763 a delaware indian known as the Prophet began to preach to his followers that whites had brought evils to indian society. Prostitution, alcoholism, and reliance on European manufactured goods all resulted from contact with whites. he urged indians to free themselves from the influence of Europeans and return to their native culture. deeply moved by

Under the Union Jack 45

these speeches, several bands of huron, Potawatomi, Seneca, delaware, and ottawa living near detroit began passing war belts. the Prophet, however, was a spiritual, not military, leader. the honor of guiding the fight for freedom went to Pontiac, an ottawa chief who lived on the Canadian side of the detroit River opposite Belle isle.

Upon assuming leadership, Pontiac told his followers that the delaware Prophet had made a fundamental error. there would not be a war against all white men, but rather only against the hated British; the French were their friends and would help them.

on May 5, 1763, Pontiac convened a council on the banks of the Ecorse River and told the assembled chiefs of his plot to seize detroit. According to the plan, on May 7 Pontiac would take sixty men and seek an audience with the commander of Fort detroit, Major henry Gladwin, to discuss indian griev- ances. Under their blankets would be tomahawks, knives, and sawed-off mus- kets. other ottawa adults, both men and women, also carrying concealed weapons, would follow, and all would await a signal from Pontiac for the attack

Figure 3.2 French traders at work as illustrated in Histoire de l’Amérique septentrion- ale, 1722. Library and Archives Canada, Acc. no. 1997-476-68.

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to begin. huron and Potawatomi warriors would be stationed along paths lead- ing to the post to prevent any outside assistance for the fort.

Pontiac’s plan did not work because Major Gladwin received warning of it on May 6. Romantic legend has it that he was told by an indian woman named Catherine who had once made him some moccasins. in a not-so-romantic vein, Gladwin could have been informed by blacksmiths who had helped saw off indian rifles, a soldier who had lived with the indians, or an indian spy. however, general credence is given to the story that Angelique Cullier dit Beaubien, whose father was a friend and confidant of Pontiac, revealed the plot to Gladwin in order to save the life of her fiancé, James Sterling, a detroit mer- chant. Whatever the source, Gladwin quickly had to devise a plan to save his 120-man garrison from annihilation. he ruled out confronting Pontiac and refusing to admit him to the post because the indians would simply leave and try again at a later date. Likewise, he could not surprise Pontiac and his men and capture them because he had neither adequate detention facilities to house

Figure 3.3 Conspiracy of Pontiac. Unable to attack Fort detroit by surprise, Pontiac presented a list of indian grievances to the post commander, Major henry Gladwin. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs division, detroit Publishing Company Collection, LC-d416-872.

Under the Union Jack 47

the prisoners nor enough provisions to feed them. his only option seemed to be to try to bluff Pontiac into thinking that an attack would be futile.

on May 7 Pontiac and his men arrived at detroit and were admitted into the post. the chief expressed surprise at seeing the fort completely prepared for an attack. Gladwin assured Pontiac that the post was always on the alert for assaults from hostile indians, but friendly ones like Pontiac had nothing to fear. Sensing that he had lost his advantage, Pontiac made a lengthy speech on the shortcom- ings of British policy and left without signaling for the attack.

Furious over his failure, Pontiac called another council and announced that he would put the post under siege until the promised French army arrived. Siege trenches were dug with aid from French traders and Pontiac instituted a cam- paign to try to frighten Gladwin into surrendering by threats of starvation, cap- ture, and torture. Gladwin was not moved by these threats because he knew that the indians would not risk incurring heavy casualties by a frontal assault and that starvation would be impossible since the rear of the post was on the detroit River which enabled the sloops Michigan and Huron to furnish him both men and supplies from Fort niagara. the major’s only concern was that Pontiac might use fire-arrows and burn the fort. however, this was never considered by Pontiac because he wanted to capture the military supplies within the post before destroying it. only once did Pontiac use fire, but it was directed in a futile attempt to remove the supply ships in the detroit River and not at the fort itself.

Shortly after the siege began Gladwin received aid from an unexpected source. Several bands of Potawatomi and huron defected and made a secret agreement with Gladwin whereby he would give them a full pardon and supplies if they would return to the indian ranks and try to further undermine Pontiac’s support. Gladwin’s confidence grew even more upon learning that the French had finally surrendered and the Seven Years’ War was officially ended. no French army would arrive to help Pontiac.

While the siege at detroit continued, indians, using strategy patterned after Pontiac’s unsuccessful plan, ravaged British posts throughout the Great Lakes region. on May 16, Fort Sandusky fell with no indian casualties. Fort St. Joseph (niles) fell May 25, and two days later Fort Miami (Fort Wayne, indiana) was seized. on June 1, Fort ouiatenon (Lafayette, indiana) was lost by the British. the most significant indian triumph came on June 2 at Fort Michilimackinac. the post commander, Captain George Etherington, had been told that an indian attack was forthcoming, but he disregarded the warning. on June 2, a group of indians requested permission to play a game of lacrosse outside the fort in honor of the king’s birthday. in the midst of the game the ball fell near the open gate of the fort. the indians, ostensibly in pursuit of the ball, raced toward the entrance of the fort where they were furnished weapons that had been concealed under blankets worn by indian women who were spectators at

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the game. twenty-seven whites were killed and seventeen captured, including Alexander henry, a young British merchant, who later wrote a journal recount- ing the attack and his experiences as a captive.

these indian victories infuriated Amherst, and he gave serious consideration to plans to distribute smallpox-infested blankets among indians and to set loose hordes of starving dogs on indian villages. neither of these plans was put into operation as in mid-october the siege of detroit was lifted. Pontiac’s followers said that they could no longer endanger the welfare of their families by not hunt- ing for food and making provisions for the winter. Even Pontiac admitted that his cause was lost when he finally learned from the French commandant of Fort Chartres in illinois that the struggle between the French and British was over. on october 31, Pontiac went to detroit to officially announce the lifting of the siege. he was not a beaten man, however, and in a show of bravado he told Gladwin that he hoped the commander would forget the “bad thing” of the past five months because he was willing to forgive Gladwin for his transgressions.

defeat was a bitter blow for Pontiac. he could not understand how his old friends, the French, could ally themselves to the British merely for trade, and he was convinced that his indian allies had deserted him simply because he had not gained a quick victory. never did Pontiac realize that by keeping the siege, even though victory was impossible, he was inflicting suffering and starvation among his people.

in october 1764, Colonel John Bradstreet held a council with the ottawa, Chippewa, Miami, huron, and Potawatomi in which the indians agreed to acknowledge the British king as their Father, and, in return, the British pledged to pardon Pontiac and remove illegal settlers from indian territory. to encour- age the indians to abide by this agreement, a force of British soldiers under the command of Colonel henry Bouquet was sent to detroit from Fort Pitt.

in 1766 Sir William Johnson hosted a meeting of ottawa, huron, and Chippewa at oswego, at which their chiefs and headmen, including Pontiac, agreed to conform to the stipulations of the 1764 agreement. Resigned to life amid the British, Pontiac returned to the illinois region where he was assassi- nated in 1769 at Cahokia by an illinois indian to avenge Pontiac’s murder of an illinois chief.

Proclamation of 1763

on June 8, 1763, in an attempt to avoid further indian unrest in the new west- ern holdings, the Earl of Shelburne, head of the British Board of trade, offered a proposal for governing the area. in october the Crown implemented his

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report, which became known as the Proclamation of 1763. According to its provisions, all settlement beyond the Appalachian Mountains was prohibited and any indian land east of those mountains could only be sold to settlers by authorized British officials. As a result, a large region, including Michigan, was left as permanent indian territory and remained under military rule until the passage of the Quebec Act in 1774.

in England this policy angered a great many people and pleased very few. Fur-trading companies wanted the area to remain undeveloped so that their business could continue undisturbed, but they demanded guaranteed right of entry into the area. Land speculators and developers demanded that the terri- tory be opened for immediate settlement, regardless of indian claims or poten- tial danger. Philanthropists argued that the region should belong exclusively to its indian owners, while clergymen and imperialists argued the necessity of spreading English civilization to every inhabitant of the new empire.

Colonial response was equally negative. traders often refused to obey either British law or officials, and resisters at detroit proudly dubbed themselves “Liberty Boys.” other traders complained that since the Proclamation retained Amherst’s prohibition on the use of liquor in trade and insistence on all trading being done within British posts, French traders of Spanish Louisiana, who paid higher prices for furs and dealt directly with indians in their villages, would have a great advantage. only after petitioning Governor Guy Carleton, who had taken office in 1767, did British traders gain permission to roam at will in pursuit of fur-trading business. in 1768 individual colonies regained control of indian affairs, which they had lost in 1756 to Crown-appointed superinten- dents, and supervision of trapping and trading grew lax. this condition remained until the Quebec Act gave the provincial government power to con- trol indian‒white commerce.

Michilimackinac and Major Robert Rogers

in 1766 Major Robert Rogers assumed command of Fort Michilimackinac from Captain William howard, who had been commandant since 1764. the new commander was no stranger to Michigan and the northwest, as he had previously served with the Royal Rangers during the French and indian War, accepted the French surrender at detroit, and helped to relieve the indian siege of that city.

Rogers was always on the verge of achieving great glory and fame, but he never reached his goal. While in the Royal Rangers, he came under the influ- ence of the governor of north Carolina, Arthur dobbs, who convinced him of

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the existence of a water route across the north American continent. in trying to prove this theory, Rogers suffered heavy financial losses and, upon leaving the army in 1765, was sent to a debtor’s prison in new York. After serving two years, he returned to England where he published two well-received books, The Journals of Major Robert Rogers and A Concise Account of North America, which enabled him to become financially solvent. in an attempt to capitalize on his literary success, Rogers petitioned King George iii for monetary support to conduct another search for the fabled northwest Passage and the River ouragon. the king refused the request but did authorize Rogers’ appointment as com- mander of Fort Michilimackinac. Ever optimistic, Rogers assumed that his appointment was made as a prelude for the granting of his exploration request.

Upon accepting his command, Rogers wasted little time in implementing his plans. he had earlier convinced James tute, a former comrade in the Rangers, and Jonathan Carver, a mapmaker and surveyor who desired to chart the west- ern territories, to participate in his scheme. in mid-1766 Rogers ordered Carver and tute to begin separate explorations and then meet at St. Anthony’s Falls, from whence they would continue in a joint expedition. tute was inexplicably delayed, and it was not until April 1767 that he reached the rendezvous point. the two men then explored as far as the Chippewa River on the western end of Lake Superior. Exhausted, they returned to Grand Portage where Rogers had promised there would be supplies awaiting them. At that site they found no supplies, only a letter from Rogers directing them to continue their mission. Fatigued, disappointed, and angry, they disregarded this order and returned to Fort Michilimackinac. Carver later published a book on his experiences which became so popular that it was printed in six languages and had thirty editions.

Rogers, unfortunately, was not enjoying similar success. to supplement his income, he traded with indians on his own authority and used rum to enhance his bargaining power. Both these practices, however, had been forbidden by General thomas Gage, commander of British forces in north America. Rogers further irritated Gage by petitioning the British government to make Michilimackinac a separate province with himself as governor. Gage commis- sioned Lieutenant Benjamin Roberts to investigate Rogers’ behavior, an act that ultimately resulted in violent disagreements between the two officers. in 1767 Rogers was accused by his former secretary, nathaniel Potter, of plotting trea- sonous activities with the French. he was arrested and sent to Montreal in chains. After being acquitted of all charges, he returned to England only to be thrown once again into debtor’s prison. during the American Revolution he came back to north America and offered his services to both sides but neither was interested. Rogers then returned to England, where he lived in poverty and obscurity until his death in 1795.

Under the Union Jack 51

The Quebec Act and the American Revolution

in 1774 Parliament passed the Quebec Act. American colonists considered it one of many “intolerable Acts” aimed at limiting their freedoms, but in reality it was merely another experiment to find a suitable administrative structure for the north American empire. Provisions of the act included: (1) all territory between the illinois and ohio rivers was added to the Province of Quebec; (2) land claims of other colonies to areas south of the ohio River and east of the Allegheny Mountains were severely restricted; (3) civil governments were to be provided to western regions, with French law the basis for all but criminal codes; (4) Roman Catholicism was given legal protection; (5) lieutenant gover- nors were to be assigned by the governor of Quebec for Michilimackinac, detroit, Vincennes, and the illinois settlements; and (6) each of these four jurisdictions would have a court comprised of two American and one Canadian judge, with defendants having the right of direct appeal to the British Privy Council.

At the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1775, of the four proposed jurisdictions only detroit had an established government. henry hamilton, who had fought with General Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham, was appointed

Figure 3.4 the Land Gate and palisade where the Chippewa, Sauk, and Fox gained access to Fort Michilimackinac during the battle of 1763. Photographed at Colonial Fort Michilimackinac by Keith Stokes.

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lieutenant governor of detroit, but before he left Quebec war began and an American army advanced on Montreal. to avoid capture, hamilton disguised himself as a French habitant and traveled safely through the American lines, arriving at detroit november 9, 1775. his good fortune was in marked contrast to that of his fellow governor, Patrick Sinclair, who was to command Michilimackinac. A retired officer who had served with Amherst during the French and indian War, Sinclair received his appointment April 7, 1775, and hastened to America only to be seized by new York authorities and returned to England. it was not until 1779 that he finally reached Michilimackinac and assumed his post.

Although Michigan’s efforts in the Revolution are not commonly known, for as one scholar has said “there were no Minutemen at Belle isle and no militia men from the irish hills,” the area did play a significant role because detroit was the heart of British power in the West. indian attacks on American settle- ments to the east, south, and west were launched from detroit, and indians from as far as Kentucky trekked to that post to receive guns, ammunition, and supplies.

hamilton won indian loyalty through lavish gift giving, prolific distribution of rum (in 1779 he ordered 17,502 gallons to be shipped to detroit), and pay- ment of bounties for American scalps. this latter practice earned him the nick- name “hair-buyer.” it is, however, unfair to single out hamilton for this dubious title since purchasing scalps was common British practice during the Revolution; in fact, the foremost practitioner of this tactic was not hamilton, but rather “Gentleman John” Burgoyne. General horatio Gates was so appalled by the widespread use of bounties that he wrote George Washington that in his estimation “all is now fair with General Burgoyne, even if the bloody hatchet he has so barbarously used should find its way into his own head.” Both Burgoyne and hamilton ceased buying scalps when they discovered that their indian allies were scalping British loyalists, as well as rebels, to collect bounties.

Members of the Continental Congress immediately realized that the frontier would never be secure as long as detroit remained in British control, but they never could raise sufficient men and money to initiate a western war front. Finally, Governor Patrick henry, of Virginia, whose state charter claimed own- ership of northwestern ohio, indiana, illinois, and Kentucky, authorized twenty-six-year-old Colonel George Rogers Clark to raise an army and drive the British from the Great Lakes region.

Clark’s plan was to march his 127-man force and attack the villages of Kaskaskia and Vincennes in indiana and then move against detroit. on July 4, 1778, Clark and his men captured Kaskaskia, encountering little resistance, and soon afterward a small part of his command, led by Captain Leonard helm,

Under the Union Jack 53

seized Fort Sackville outside Vincennes. Local French residents readily took an oath to support the American cause, as did several local indian bands who were impressed by Clark’s bluster, confidence, and distribution of presents. When hamilton learned of Clark’s victories, he mounted a counteroffensive. Leaving detroit on october 7, 1778, with an army of 243 British regulars, loyalists, and indians, he recaptured Vincennes in mid-december and forced the residents to sign an oath of allegiance to the Crown. in response, Clark made a surprise attack on Vincennes February 25, 1779, retaking the city and making hamilton a prisoner. Because of his infamous reputation, hamilton was sent to Virginia for punishment. the new governor, thomas Jefferson, wrote Washington ask- ing what should be done with the prisoner. the general replied that execution was warranted, but since that was forbidden by the rules of war, imprisonment for the duration of the conflict should be his fate, and Jefferson agreed.

Upon hearing of hamilton’s capture, Colonel Arent de Peyster, a poet, squir- rel breeder, and former commandant at Michilimackinac, assumed leadership

Figure 3.5 George Rogers Clark accepts the sword of surrender from the British Lt. Gov. henry hamilton outside the gates of Fort Sackville. George Rogers Clark national historical Park, national Park Service.

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at detroit. Both he and his successor at Michilimackinac, Major Sinclair, hastily prepared for an assault by Clark’s army. de Peyster ordered another fort built on the high ground behind the city, and Sinclair moved his garrison from the mainland to Mackinac island, believing that only an enormous force, with naval support, could seize that location. Such precautions proved unnecessary as the Virginia legislature failed to provide Clark with the reinforcements and supplies needed to march upon detroit. nonetheless, hamilton’s capture and the seizure of Vincennes greatly weakened indian loyalties to the Crown, and the ottawa, Chippewa, Potawatomi, and Wyandot adopted a policy of neutrality. Without indian assistance, British possession of, and power in, the Lakes region was tenuous at best.

diminished British strength in the west was evidenced during the final four years of the war. in early 1780, British forces were repulsed at St. Louis and Cahokia. in February 1781, a small force of Spanish, French, and indians seized Fort St. Joseph (niles), looted it, and then abandoned it within twenty-four hours. during the occupation a Spanish flag was raised, giving niles the dis- tinction of being the only Michigan city ever to have the banners of four nations—England, France, Spain, and the United States—fly over it. in 1782, Captain William Caldwell set out with a company of loyalists and indians to attack Kentucky settlements, but after several initial triumphs he was forced to withdraw before an onslaught of several hundred Kentucky riflemen.

When the war ended in 1783, the Americans occupied Kentucky and the illinois country, while the British maintained physical possession of Michigan. had the treaty of Paris allowed each side to maintain territory held at the close of hostilities, Michigan would have remained legally British. however, the treaty stipulated that the British-American boundary should follow the middle of the Great Lakes, which gave Michigan to the United States. the British stead- fastly refused to abandon their posts at detroit and Michilimackinac, arguing that to do so would open the region to massive indian depredations, but, in reality, they were simply trying to maintain their lucrative fur-trading enter- prise. Moreover, the British knew that they had no cause to worry because the fledgling American government was too weak to risk another war to drive them out of the northwest.

Michigan was kept under martial law until 1787 when it was declared to be part of hesse, one of the four English-speaking districts of Canada. At that time Michigan residents were given the right to have their own sheriffs and courts.

Four years later Parliament divided Canada into upper and lower provinces. John Graves Simcoe was appointed lieutenant governor of Upper Canada, which included Michigan and most of English-speaking Canada. he then divided his province into counties from which delegates would be elected to a provincial

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assembly. in 1792 William Macomb, François Baby, and david W. Smith were elected to the assembly representing Essex and Kent counties (detroit) and Alexander Grant was appointed to Simcoe’s council. Under Simcoe’s rule, English civil and criminal law was supreme, and in 1794 an act was passed abol- ishing the Court of Civil Jurisdiction in the district of hesse and replacing it with the Court of King’s Bench for the Province of Upper Canada.

Michigan did not long remain part of Upper Canada. international problems with Spain and France, declining numbers of fur-bearing animals, and a gen- eral realization that ever-increasing numbers of American settlers were making it virtually impossible for a continued hold on the northwest, made the British government amicable to a plan to end its occupation of American soil. According to the terms of the Jay treaty of 1794, England agreed to abandon its forts in the northwest by June 1, 1796. on July 11, 1796, thirteen years after the treaty of Paris was signed, Captain Moses Porter raised the Stars and Stripes over detroit for the first time. British rule in Michigan had at last come to an end.

For Further Reading

Louise Phelps Kellogg, The British Regime in Wisconsin and the Northwest (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1935) provides much information about British activities in Michigan. nelson V. Russell, The British Regime in Michigan (northfield, Mn: Carleton College Press, 1939) is a comprehensive examination of the British in Michigan. Mackinac History, A Series of Informal Vignettes is a set of leaflets produced by the Mackinac island State Park Commission to provide useful information in regard to life at Mackinac island during the period. Brian Leight dunnigan, King’s Men at Mackinac: The British Garrisons, 1780–1796 (Mackinac island: Mackinac island State Park Commission, 1973) is a well-illustrated and brief description of the British military. david A. Armour (ed.), Attack at Michilimackinac (Mackinac island: Mackinac island State Park Commission, 1971) is a condensation of Alexander henry’s journal. david A. Armour, Treason at Michilimackinac: The Proceedings of a General Court Martial Held at Montreal in October 1786 for the Trial of Major Robert Rogers (Mackinac island: Mackinac island State Park Commission, 1967) is a useful primary source for the study of one of the more colorful commanders at Michilimackinac. George S. May (ed.), The Doctor’s Secret Journal (Mackinac island: Mackinac island State Park Commission, 1960) is an edited version of a journal kept by dr. daniel Morison, a surgeon’s mate at Fort Michilimackinac from 1769–1772, which contains interesting and humorous insights into social life and activities at the post. Francis Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac (rev. ed., Boston: Little, Brown, & Co., 1922) is still readable, but howard Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (new York: Russell and Russell, 1970) and W. R. Jacobs, Indian Diplomacy and Indian Gifts: Anglo-French Rivalry Along the Ohio

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and Northwest Frontier, 1748–1763 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1950) are more factual sources on this topic. Walter t. havighurst, Three Flags at the Straits (Englewood Cliffs, nJ: Prentice-hall, 1966) provides a very readable account of the forts at Mackinac. William R. Riddle, Michigan Under British Rule, Law and Courts, 1760– 1796 (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1926) is a comprehensive and legalis- tic monograph which is particularly informative on the legal difficulties during the uncertain 1783–1796 period. n. Franklin hunt, “Growth of Legal Action during the British Military Rule at detroit, 1760–1774,” Michigan History, XL (december 1956) is a good synthesis of the topic. Wayne E. Stevens, “the Michigan Fur trade,” Michigan History, XXiX (december 1945) is a useful and readable survey of Michigan’s most important commodity during this period. Myles M. Platt, “detroit Under Siege,” Michigan History, XL (december 1956), pp. 465–97, is an account of Pontiac’s attack on detroit.

Wilderness Politics and Economics

Soon after signing the peace treaty with England in 1783, which, in effect, ended the American Revolution, Congress passed a series of laws establishing governance for the newly acquired lands in the Great Lakes area. in 1784 an ordinance, written in part by thomas Jefferson, provided, in vague terms, for creation of as many as ten new states in the northwest, each of which would be admitted to the Union as a complete equal with existing states as soon as its population reached that of the least populated state already in the Union. this law proved to be unworkable however, because it failed to provide proce- dures by which territorial governments could be organized. the following year another ordinance was passed resolving the questions of survey and sales. Prior to entry by settlers all public land had to be surveyed and divided into town- ships, each six miles square. Every township was then subdivided into thirty- six sections, each containing 640 acres, with sales from section sixteen reserved for support of schools. half the townships were to be sold whole at public auc- tion in new York City and the remainder were to be disposed of by section, with the minimum bid set at $1 per acre. the third law passed by Congress was the ordinance of 1787, which replaced the ordinance of 1784, and made pre- cise provisions for creating governments in the Lakes region. this document consisted of three sections. the first established a “territory north West of the ohio” that could eventually be carved into not less than three nor more than five territories. Section two defined a three-stage evolution from territorial sta- tus to statehood. in the first stage all power rested with a governor, secretary,

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and three judges appointed by Congress. When the adult population reached 5,000, the territory entered its second stage. At this time a legislature could be elected, but it had to share its authority with a Council of Five selected by the governor and Congress. Also, the legislature was empowered to elect a nonvot- ing member to serve in the national house of Representatives. the final stage was attained when the territory’s total population reached 60,000. Congress then allowed the convening of a convention for the purpose of drawing a con- stitution preparatory to a formal request for admission to the Union as a state. the third section of the ordinance contained a Bill of Rights guaranteeing the residents of the northwest territory freedom of worship, jury trial, habeas corpus, sanctity of contracts, proportional representation, privileges of the common law, and the banning of slavery forever.

in 1800 the indiana territory was formed, which consisted of all land in the northwest territory west of ohio and the western half of Michigan. in 1805, two years after ohio achieved statehood, Congress created the Michigan territory. When indiana and illinois became states in 1816 and 1818, respec- tively, all remaining land in the northwest territory became part of the Michigan territory.

William hull, a fifty-two-year-old former Revolutionary War general from Massachusetts, was appointed the first governor of the Michigan territory and Stanley Griswold, a former Connecticut minister, was made secretary. Selected as judges were Frederick Bates, who had lived in detroit since 1797, Samuel huntington, chief justice of the ohio Supreme Court, and Augustus E. B. Woodward, a friend of Jefferson and an idealist who shared his fellow Virginian’s dream of man’s ultimate perfectibility in an imperfect world. Unfortunately, huntington declined to serve, which left Michigan with only four officials for nearly one year. As soon as another judge, John Griffin, of Virginia, was selected, Bates resigned, and once again the government was split between two new Englanders and two southerners. it was not until 1808 that a third judge, John Witherell, of Vermont, was chosen and the deadlock broken. Amid such confusion it is small wonder that the government accom- plished little.

in defense of the territorial officers, it must be noted that during the years 1805–12 Michigan was still overrun with disloyal British fur traders and over 80 percent of its 5,000 residents were French-speaking inhabitants of the detroit region who cared little about the success of the new government. Moreover, since Michigan was isolated from the normal paths of westward expansion, lacked sizable amounts of surveyed land for settlement, and was beset by rumors that it was little more than a remote, mosquito-infested swamp whose climate was unsuited for civilized people, the territory’s prospects for growth seemed dim.

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The War of 1812

With the declaration of war against England in 1812 Michigan’s future was dra- matically altered. Because of its strategic location at the mouth of the detroit River, whoever controlled detroit controlled not only the Great Lakes but also the entire northwest. Unfortunately, Governor hull proved to be totally unfit for the crucial role which the war thrust upon him.

As governor, hull had accomplished little except to negotiate a treaty in 1807 with the Potawatomi, Chippewa, ottawa, and Wyandot in which the indians ceded the southeast quarter of the lower peninsula to the United States in return for $10,000 in merchandise and annual payments of $2,400 for an unspecified number of years. Most of the governor’s time had been spent engaging in various banking and business schemes calculated to make him wealthy. never did he prepare his command for a possible outbreak of hostili- ties. Even after the army of William henry harrison, governor of the indiana

Figure 4.1 War of 1812.

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territory, defeated the followers of the Shawnee Chief tecumseh at tippecanoe in 1811 and discovered British manufactured arms in the indian village, hull did not strengthen his post. When war was officially declared on June 18, 1812, hull was made commander of the armies protecting the northwest frontier, and his authority extended to Fort Michilimackinac in the north, Fort dearborn (Chicago) in the west, and Fort Wayne, indiana, in the south. the fate of the entire northwest rested with the governor of Michigan.

on July 9, hull received orders to lead his 2,200-man army across the detroit River and attack the British outpost at Fort Malden. three days later, without waiting for carriages to transport the artillery necessary for a successful assault, hull invaded Canada, established a command post at Sandwich, ontario, and ordered carpenters to build the required carriages. While the wagons were being constructed, hull issued a proclamation offering protection to all Canadians who took an oath of neutrality and promising death and devastation to those who refused. Many took the oath, and a surprising number of Canadian volunteers deserted the British army to join with the Americans. on July 18, Colonel henry Proctor, British commander at Malden, reported that desertion was so great that his garrison was defended by only 400 soldiers and 270 indians led by tecumseh. Meanwhile, hull’s carpenters had completed their work but hull, much to the dismay of his junior officers, did not advance. on July 28, the governor learned that Fort Michilimackinac had fallen to the British, and he feared that within days indians would be “swarming down in every direction.” in an effort to save the inhabitants of Fort dearborn from what he believed to be certain slaughter, hull ordered the post evacuated and its residents taken to Fort Wayne. tragically, as the small troop of sixty-six men, nine women, and eighteen children marched toward their destination, they were set upon by over 400 Potawatomi and all were either slain or taken prisoner. news of this disas- ter reached hull at Sandwich, but still he refused to strike at Malden. Finally, on August 5, hull announced to his officers that an assault on Malden would be suicidal because during the delay the post had been reinforced and soon thou- sands of indians would arrive to strengthen the garrison further. three days later the American army withdrew to detroit.

on August 15, General isaac Brock, who had arrived less than a week earlier with additional soldiers for Malden, sent hull a demand that he either surren- der detroit or risk total annihilation. the governor refused to submit and British shore batteries at Sandwich opened fire. the next day hull learned that more than 700 British soldiers, with artillery, had crossed the detroit River and that 600 indians under tecumseh were within two miles of detroit. Again Brock asked hull to surrender. Fearing that he was significantly outnumbered and that tecumseh’s warriors would massacre the entire post, hull agreed to

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capitulate, telling his officers that he was “impatient to put the place [detroit] under the protection of the British” who could stave off the “thousands of sav- ages around us.” Later that day, August 16, 1812, to the disgust of his command, William hull, without ordering a shot in resistance, turned the post over to the British, and once again the Union Jack fluttered proudly above the fort’s walls.

Later that year hull was exchanged for thirty British prisoners of war, and in 1814 he demanded a military inquiry into allegations that his conduct had been improper. A court-martial was held, and, after hearing testimony from Colonel Lewis Cass and other junior officers at detroit, the panel found hull guilty of cowardice, neglect of duty, and unofficerlike conduct. he was sentenced to death, but President James Madison remitted his sentence because of his past record of heroism during the Revolution. Whether or not hull was a coward is debatable, but without question, his indecisiveness had given the British a stranglehold on the northwest.

Concerned that the loss of detroit meant not only the loss of the northwest but also the entire war, Madison desperately ordered Governor harrison to recapture detroit and invade Canada. harrison and his army marched against British positions in indiana and ohio, and their determination to crush their foe was made even greater when they learned of the American defeat at the River Raisin, near the present site of Monroe. More than 500 Americans had been captured during the struggle, eighty of whom were too seriously wounded to be moved. in an act of deliberate savagery, British officers left the wounded, all of whom were Kentucky militiamen, to be guarded by indians drunk with British rum and angry over the loss of so many of their brothers during the bat- tle. When the officers left the camp, the indians killed every wounded soldier. “Remember the River Raisin” soon became the American battle cry.

harrison’s advance was stalled in ohio at Fort Meigs (toledo) until Lieutenant Commander oliver hazard Perry defeated the British fleet on Lake Erie, September 10, 1813, and cut off the British supply route. When harrison received Perry’s message that “We have met the enemy and they are ours . . . ,” he knew that the British could no longer hold detroit. Colonel Proctor, com- mander of detroit, fully realized his predicament and in late September 1813 ordered all public buildings in detroit burned and the city evacuated.

Fleeing with his army into Canada, Proctor ordered the destruction of all public buildings at Sandwich and Malden. Relentlessly harrison pursued the retreating British army, finally catching it near Chatham, on the banks of the thames River. in the ensuing battle, harrison gained his greatest triumph. the American army lost seven killed and twenty-two wounded, while the British had twelve killed, thirty-six wounded, and over 600 taken prisoner. Moreover, the brilliant war chief tecumseh was slain, thereby removing the only

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effective indian leader; following his death, indian enthusiasm for battle waned. Most important, however, was that detroit was again in American possession.

in 1814 the British government, faced with the fact that total military victory was nearly impossible to attain, agreed to a negotiated peace. With the signing of the treaty of Ghent, december 24, 1814, hostilities ceased. For Michigan, the war brought about several significant results. First, it proved to be the last time indians fought against whites in Michigan. Second, it marked the end of British hopes of ever regaining possession of Michigan. third, Michigan was now open to settlement by families who had previously avoided the region because of indian and British unrest. Finally, the War of 1812 was the last time the United States fought against England and thus efforts could be made to shore up American relations with Canada.

The Continuing British Threat

Even though the British were out of Michigan after 1814, their influence over the territory’s indians remained. By encouraging indians to continue their annual treks across Michigan to British outposts at Malden, drummond’s island, and Manitoulin island to receive gifts of food, liquor, guns, ammuni- tion, and trinkets, the British maintained their control over the bands while forcing the American government to concentrate on the possibility of a British- supported indian uprising.

Because of their willingness to spend between £4,000 and £11,000 annually on gifts to indians, British influence over the Michigan tribes was not easy to eradicate. in 1816 Congress passed an act forbidding foreigners from engaging in fur-trading activities in the northwest and ordered that only trappers licensed by the American government could enter the area. this law was impossible to enforce, and British traders continued to hunt the deer, beaver, bear, otter, raccoon, muskrat, fox, and marten that thrived in Michigan’s abun- dant forests and streams.

of all the territory’s residents, none expressed more concern over the British and indian threat than Lewis Cass. Appointed governor in 1813, Cass was embarking on a political career that would include distinguished service as a United States senator, secretary of war, secretary of state, ambassador to France, and democratic candidate for President. Cass believed that the only permanent solution to the problem was removal of all the territory’s indians west of the Mississippi River. Until that lengthy process could be completed, he convinced Congress to authorize construction of a cordon of forts strategically located along routes used by indians in their treks to British posts. A show of American force, the governor thought, might weaken indian loyalty to the British.

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Another of Cass’ ideas for undermining British influence was “scientific exploration.” Under the governor’s direction in 1820 the north Western Scientific Expedition was organized ostensibly to explore little-known regions along Lake Superior and to trace water links between Lake Superior and the Mississippi River. the true purpose of the journey was to meet indians, purchase land from them, and determine the strength of British trading interests in the upper peninsula. in June 1820, a forty-man expedition reached Sault Ste. Marie and negotiated a land-cession treaty whereby the American government was permit- ted to construct a post, Fort Brady, at that site. despite encountering intense indian hostility, henry Rowe Schoolcraft, indian agent at the Sault and an ardent ethnologist, considered that the journey had been a success:

the transit of the mission through those remote regions, and the intercourse had with the numerous and powerful tribes inhabiting the country, has been calcu- lated to produce a feeling of amity or good will towards the United States, which cannot fail to be productive of the most beneficial consequences; and our visit— our presents—and our speeches—in which we have declared to them the friendly and philanthropic views of the Government, will long be remembered. Upon the whole, the intercourse we have held with them will have a powerful tendency to break down the shackles of British influence, and to lift from their eyes the decep- tive veil which has heretofore rendered them blind to their own best interests.

no matter what the cost, Cass was intent on opening Michigan to safe entry by American settlers.

The American Fur Company

While the American government was encountering difficulty winning indian trust and gaining a proportionate share of the Great Lakes fur trade, private enterprises, such as the American Fur Company, were enjoying notable suc- cess. the American Fur Company, founded in 1808 by the German immigrant John Jacob Astor, immediately challenged the British north West Company for supremacy in the Michigan fur trade. organizational ability, political influence with powerful American and British leaders, and a keen sense of how to trade with indians made Astor the unquestioned champion of fur trading. his com- pany’s trade goods, which included firearms, knives, hatchets, ammunition, tobacco, liquor, wampum, silk, irish linen, foodstuffs, blankets, gold and silver jewelry, and chocolate, were of superior quality, often manufactured in England, and were greatly desired by indians. Moreover, most of his nearly 3,000 employees were British and French Canadiens who had worked the region for years, knew the indians, and had often intermarried with them.

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Astor was so successful that by 1828 his company controlled 95 percent of the territory’s fur trade and had established posts at Mackinac, detroit, Sault Ste. Marie, St. Joseph, and in the Kalamazoo, Grand, Saginaw, and Muskegon river valleys. Astor, much more than the American government, pursued a policy that was aimed at winning over indian loyalty to the United States.

By the late 1820s the “golden days” of the Michigan fur trade were past. Keen observers realized that by 1790 the fur traders’ frontier had left lower Michigan and that by 1820 it was leaving the upper peninsula and moving west into the Red River region of Canada for beaver and the Great Plains for buffalo. Because of Michigan’s strategic geographic position, however, its importance in the northern fur trade did not measurably decline when trapping diminished. detroit and Mackinac remained major clearing houses and shipping depots for the American Fur Company even after Astor sold his interests in the business in 1834. the Panic of 1837 severely damaged the fur industry, and finally in 1854, the American Fur Company closed its only remaining post, at Mackinac, and the era of international fighting for furs from the Great Lakes was officially ended.

Figure 4.2 in the foreground an American fur trapper and indian wife are towing a loaded indian-style bull boat. At center is a Mackinaw skiff, with keelboats to the right. “old Fort Benton,” 1855, painting by John Ford Clymer. Courtesy of Mrs. John Clymer and the Clymer Museum of Art.

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Toledo and Statehood

Following the opening of the Erie Canal in 1825, removal of the British threat, and establishment of peaceful relations with the indians, Michigan’s population soared from 8,500 in 1820 to 31,000 in 1830. By 1833, the territory had more than the 60,000 residents required for Congress to authorize a constitutional convention, but Congress refused to permit this step. Michigan’s admission to the Union was being delayed not by insufficient population but rather by an unsettled boundary dispute with ohio.

the area in question was a 468-square-mile wedge, five miles wide at the indiana border and eight miles wide at Lake Erie. Ever since ohio petitioned for statehood in 1802, the two antagonists had claimed the so-called toledo Strip and each presented maps and survey reports to substantiate its position. the problem of ownership arose because when ohio wrote its constitution it agreed to set its northern boundary along a line established by the ordinance of 1787. however, a proviso was added that if that line, which was imprecise as to its exact location, failed to include the mouth of the Maumee River for ohio, a new boundary had to be set giving that area to the Buckeye state. When the Michigan territory was created in 1805, Congress ignored the proviso in the ohio constitu- tion, abided by the ordinance Line of 1787, and awarded the region to Michigan. ohioans were enraged, and the seeds of future warfare had been planted.

in 1832 Congress ordered another survey to determine the exact ohio‒ Michigan border. two years later the results of the survey were submitted to Congress—the disputed area clearly belonged to Michigan. Because ohio was already a state, with voting power and the ability to trade support on key legisla- tion with other states in Congress, while Michigan, as a territory, could offer nothing in return for support of its claim, congressmen joined their ohio col- leagues in denouncing the survey as inaccurate. in december 1834, the Michigan legislature, in a spirit of conciliation, urged Congress to appoint a three-man commission to negotiate a settlement of the dispute, but the governor of ohio, Robert Lucas, refused to participate, saying that there was nothing to negotiate.

Stevens t. Mason, Michigan’s twenty-three-year-old “Boy Governor,” real- ized that Congress would not authorize a call for a constitutional convention and therefore, following a precedent set by tennessee in 1795, he ordered the legislature to call a convention without permission from Washington. in response to Mason’s action, the ohio legislature passed a law reaffirming their state’s jurisdiction over the toledo Strip. Mason then urged the Michigan legis- lature to pass the “Pains and Penalties Act,” which imposed a maximum fine of $1,000 and/or a maximum of five years at hard labor upon any ohio “trespass- ers” found in the disputed area. War had begun!

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throughout the next several months the actions on the part of both sides were ludicrous. in early April, Governor Lucas visited the region and announced that elections for the legislature would be held there to demonstrate ohio’s pos- session of the territory. Mason then ordered strict enforcement of the “Pains and Penalties Act.” A Monroe County deputy sheriff went to toledo to arrest any ohioans there, which proved to be only one in number, while an “army” of thirty Michigan volunteers raided Perrysburg and captured nine members of an ohio survey party. in mid-July the “Wolverines,” as Michiganians had been dubbed by ohioans who likened them to that “vicious, smelly, ugly northwoods animal,” had scored another bloodless victory when 200 soldiers invaded the deserted city of toledo. thrilled by these triumphs, Michigan residents proudly sang a ballad, entitled “the new Cock Robin,” extolling the justice of their cause:

“And who would cut up Michigan?” “i,” says Governor Lucas “What i undertook is to cut up little Michigan.”

“And who has bid him do it?” A million freemen (Counting women and children) “’tis ohio bids him do it.”

“And who rings the bells of war?” “i,” says Gen’l Bell” “’tis i that rings the bell. ding, dong goes my bell of war.”

“And what is all this bother for?” For Port Lawrence? no. For Vistula? not so. Both died of ague last year. But out of their graves there did spring A little mushroom of sickliest bloom Which botanists call toledo. the flower is ohio’s no doubt, ’tis Buckeye in breed, She scattered the seed: then let Gov. Lucas transplant it.

But the swamp where it grew is not here. then let him beware how he runs up a fence there, he will find other stings than mosquito’s.

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Meanwhile, in May ninety-one delegates had assembled at detroit to write Michigan’s first state constitution. Based on several existing state constitutions, this document was a study in brevity and simplicity. included were a bill of rights, creation of an office of Superintendent of Public instruction, establish- ment of a two-house legislature with senators serving two-year, and representa- tives one-year, terms, and stipulation for two-year terms for governor and lieutenant governor. in an attempt to shorten ballots, all offices, including the judiciary, but not those of state legislators, governor, and lieutenant governor, were to be filled by gubernatorial appointment. Michigan was ready and wait- ing for statehood.

in Washington, President Andrew Jackson was furious with Michigan and his fellow democrat, Governor Mason, and on August 28, 1835, he removed Mason as acting governor. his replacement, John S. “Little Jack” horner, of Virginia, was not well liked, and in november, Michigan voters first exercised their constitutional right to vote for governor and elected Mason. At this elec- tion voters also chose isaac Crary to be representative to Congress, and the legislature named John novell and Lucius Lyon to be United States senators. Congress, however, refused to seat them.

in March 1836, the house Judiciary Committee, which had been studying the Michigan admission bill, reported that in order to gain statehood Michigan had to cede the toledo Strip and agree to accept the eastern two-thirds of the upper peninsula in return, thereby giving Michigan the entire upper peninsula. on June 15, 1836, Congress voted to admit Michigan to the Union as soon as the territory agreed to congressional terms. Accordingly, the Michigan legisla- ture called for delegates to meet in Ann Arbor in September to vote on the congressional dictum. At that gathering the proposal was defeated 28–21 on the grounds that Michigan would be humiliated if it accepted the dictate of an ohio-influenced Congress.

Governor Mason, knowing that only as a state could Michigan effectively continue to challenge ohio’s claim to the disputed region, asked for a reconsid- eration of the vote. in december, another convention was held in which it was argued that it was better to lose face in order to secure the advantages of state- hood than to continue “an idle, an unprofitable, a hopeless contest for a boundary, . . . a boundary which is assuredly and forever lost to us.” the con- vention, moved by logic and a promise of massive amounts of federal funds for internal improvements if Michigan entered the Union immediately, reversed itself and agreed to the proposal of Congress. on January 6, 1837, by a vote of 25–10, the United States Senate admitted Michigan to the Union, and on January 25 the house of Representatives concurred by a vote of 132–43. on January 26, 1837, Michigan was officially proclaimed the twenty-sixth state.

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ironically, even though by acquiring the upper peninsula Michigan gained over 9,000 square miles of unequaled mineral and timber land, it still sought revenge. in 1889 the Michigan legislature unsuccessfully requested congres- sional ordering of a new survey. in 1915, 1922, 1932, and 1945 surveys were commissioned by both state legislatures for determining ownership of property for taxation purposes, but the question of the toledo Strip remained. in 1966 Michigan filed suit in federal court to reclaim toledo. the suit was dismissed, but to many Michiganians the struggle over the toledo Strip will never end until Michigan receives what rightly belongs to it.

For Further Reading

Several works deal with early American land policy: among the best are Roy Robbins, Our Landed Heritage (Princeton: University of Princeton Press, 1942) and the excellent, though dated, volume by Payson treat, The National Land System (new York: E. B. treat & Co., 1910). Early attempts at settling Michigan are recounted in C. M. Burton, “detroit in the Year 1832,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXViii (1897–1989); George Fuller, “An introduction to the Settlement of Southern Michigan from 1815–1835,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXXViii (1912); “Settlement of Michigan territory,” Journal of American History, ii (1915); and Andrew Perejda, “Sources and dispersal of Michigan’s Population,” Michigan History, XXXii (1948).

Government during the territorial years is discussed in timothy Sherer, “the Resistance to Representative Government in Early Michigan territory,” The Old Northwest, V (1979) and Frank Woodford, Mr. Jefferson’s Disciple: A Life of Justice Woodward (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1953).

Michigan’s role in the struggle with England is described in Fred hamil, Michigan in the War of 1812 (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1960); Alec Gilpin, The War of 1812 in the Old Northwest (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1958); John G. Van deusen, “the detroit Campaign of General William hull,” Michigan History, Xii (1928); Roger L. Rosentreter, “Remember the River Raisin,” Michigan History (november–december 1998); Brian L. dunnigan, The British Army at Mackinac, 1812–1815 (Mackinac island: Mackinac island State Park Commission, 1980); david L. Poremba, “British detroit,” Michigan History (november–december 2000); Robert S. Allen, “his Majesty’s indian Allies: native People, the British Crown, and the War of 1812,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1988); and Gerry t. Altoff, “oliver hazard Perry and the Battle of Lake Erie,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1988). the life of Cass is told in glowing terms by Frank Woodford in Lewis Cass: The Last Jeffersonian (new Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1950). An attempt to resurrect the reputa- tion of General hull is Steven J. Rauch, “A Stain Upon the nation? A Review of the detroit Campaign of 1812 in United States Military history,” Michigan Historical Review

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(Spring 2012). An interesting perspective on the war is denver Brunsman, Joel Stone, and douglas Fisher (eds), Border Crossing: The Detroit River Region in the War of 1812 (detroit: detroit historical Society, 2012).

ida Johnson, The Michigan Fur Trade (Grand Rapids: Black Letter Press, 1971—a reprint of a 1919 publication) still stands as the standard work on its topic. K. W. Porter, John Jacob Astor: Businessman (Cambridge: harvard University Press, 1931) is the most complete work on the American Fur Company.

the struggle for toledo is humorously recounted in Sister Mary Karl George, The Rise and Fall of Toledo, Michigan (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1971). Kent Sagendorph relates the story of Michigan’s “Boy Governor” in Stevens Thompson Mason, Misunderstood Patriot (new York: E. P. dutton, 1947). the most recent books on the toledo War and Governor Mason are don Faber’s The Toledo War (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008) and The Boy Governor: Stevens T. Mason and the Birth of Michigan Politics (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2012).

Challenges of Statehood

As a territory, Michigan had remained relatively unexplored and unexploited. Protected on its flanks by the sometimes stormy and uncertain waters of the Great Lakes, the territory seemed remote and inaccessible, far from the main- stream of western expansion. Michigan’s reputation as a land of swamps and sickness whose very name was synonymous with “ague, fever, and chills” served as a further deterrent to growth.

despite these handicaps, Michigan’s early years of statehood saw an enor- mous population increase. during the 1830s a flood of immigration sent the population soaring to over 212,000—the greatest growth for any state or terri- tory during the decade. By 1850 Michigan had nearly 398,000 residents, of whom 14 percent were foreign born.

two developments in transportation had a profound impact on the state’s population explosion. First, in 1811 Robert Fulton sailed his new invention, the steamboat, and within seven years the Walk-in-the-Water was plying the Great Lakes between Buffalo and detroit. Although this first lake-steamer was wrecked in a storm three years after its launching, others soon followed, bring- ing new settlers to Michigan. Second, in 1825 new York’s Erie Canal was com- pleted, stretching 350 miles from Albany, on the hudson River, to Buffalo, on Lake Erie. its opening meant that potential settlers living in new England and new York could make much of their journey inland by water and that Michigan products would have an easier access to Eastern markets.

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Most settlers poured into the rich fertile lands of the two southern tiers of counties, which were readily reached both by water and the territorial and Chicago Military Roads. in terms of population, the three largest counties in 1837 were Wayne (23,400), Washtenaw (21,817), and oakland (20,176). Jackson, Calhoun, and Kalamazoo counties also had substantial populations because of the presence of treeless farmland, called by settlers “prairies,” which

Figure 5.1 An announcement marking the opening of the Erie Canal. towns all along the length of the new Canal held special festivities to mark the occasion. this broadside calls for citizens of Geneva, new York, to celebrate by means of illuminating their homes and partaking in a public dinner and ball on october 26, 1825. Courtesy of the new York State Library, Manuscripts and Special Collections, BRo705.

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could be immediately plowed and planted. Settlement beyond the fourth tier of counties was sparse because of poorer soil, dense forests, a harsher climate, and inadequate inland travel arteries.

Prior to the Civil War most of Michigan’s residents were new Englanders who had hoped to transplant their culture and customs to their new western home. Vermontville, whose name indicates the origin of its founders, is an excellent example of the immigrant desire to retain a grasp on the past, even if that hold were as slender as a reminiscent name. Many immigrants came to Michigan from western new York. Upon arriving in Michigan, settlers from Genesee County quickly named their new home after their old. Even these new Yorkers can be considered, in a broad sense, to be new Englanders since they were mostly descendants of new England soldiers who had received land in new York as payment for their service in the American Revolution. All brought with them the Yankee traits of industry, thrift, religious zeal, reformism, and interest in education. other newcomers came from ohio and indiana and established homes primarily in the southwestern part of the state. Since many of these settlers were of southern origin, they provided a distinct contrast to new Englanders, and, as a result, two differing political and social cultures were created within the state.

While new settlers were primarily agriculturalists, their interest was in grow- ing cash crops of wheat and corn, not merely in subsistence farming. Wheat soon became the principal commercial crop. if measured by quantity grown, however, corn was the leader because it was used not only for food but also for liquor. Likewise, rye and barley were raised in sizable amounts for both flour and distillery purposes. oats and hay were grown for feed, but their bulk made them too expensive to haul to market for sale.

Internal Improvements

to exploit potential agricultural markets in the East, South, and West, improved transportation links with other states, as well as development of dependable transportation and communication networks within Michigan, were a vital necessity. Consequently, the immediate priority of the governor and legislature became development of internal improvements.

For precedent, Michigan looked to the achievements of other states. new York had become the nation’s foremost commercial state primarily because of its program of internal improvements, especially the Erie Canal. Pennsylvania and Maryland had authorized expenditure of millions of dollars for roads and canals. By 1837, ohio, illinois, and indiana had improvement programs,

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with the latter’s being referred to as the “Mammoth Bill” because it totaled $13 million.

in 1837 only the state government possessed current and potential fiscal resources to finance mass public improvement programs. Local resources could provide neither adequate funding nor the integrated network of facilities necessary to assure maximum efficiency. Federal funds seemed unavailable because President Jackson’s veto of the Maysville Road Bill in 1830 precluded expenditure for such projects. it was so obvious that state funding was the only solution that Michigan’s first constitution stated that “internal improvements shall be encouraged by the government of this state; and it shall be the duty of the legislature as soon as may be to make provisions by law for ascertaining the proper objects of improvement in relation to roads, canals, and navigable waters.” thus, it was not surprising that in his initial address to the legislature Governor Mason called for an internal improvements program and declared that “the period has arrived when Michigan can no longer, without detriment to her standing and importance as a state, delay the action necessary for the development of her vast resources and wealth.”

the legislature agreed with the governor and the apparent will of the people, and, in 1837, passed a Public improvement Act which authorized the governor to sell $5 million in bonds, at 5¼ percent interest, to fund building two transpeninsular canals and three transpeninsular railroads. Canals were to con- nect the Clinton River, near Mt. Clemens, with the mouth of the Kalamazoo River and to link the Saginaw and Grand rivers. Railroad lines were determined by geography: a southern route was to run from near Monroe to new Buffalo in Berrien County; a central route would connect detroit with St. Joseph; and a northern line would join a site near Port huron in St. Clair County to a locale near Grand Rapids in Kent County. these projects were to be overseen by a seven-member Board of Commissioners of internal improvements, and all profits derived were to be used to repay the $5 million loan.

Undoubtedly the state would have been better served by a less elaborate and expensive proposal. With a population of less than 250,000, the idea of con- structing railways and canals into largely unsettled lands held by speculators was financially unwise. it was, however, politically expedient since all sections of the state sought transportation facilities and no politician wanted to risk alienating a constituent by neglecting any locale. the boldness of Michigan’s plans seemed even more rash when viewed within the context of the emphasis on railroads. Rail traffic was a very new concept in 1837. Rail lines had been built in England in the 1820s, but it was not until 1830 that the Baltimore and ohio began operating a thirteen-mile stretch of track in the United States. Furthermore, American civil engineers were few in number and there were not enough

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Scottish and English engineers with railroad expertise available to satisfy the blossoming demand. Consequently, it was common for untrained and incom- petent men to masquerade as engineers. in fact, in 1838 an engineer for the Michigan Southern Railroad was taking a correspondence course in surveying!

Unfortunately, 1837 was not an opportune time for Michigan to seek purchas- ers for bonds. the Bank of the United States, whose rechartering had been vetoed in 1832 by President Jackson, had been abolished in 1836. Removal of the bank’s program for fiscal stability resulted in the creation of “wildcat banks” which issued their own currency—a practice which, in turn, led to spiraling inflation and financial panic. Jackson’s “Specie Circular,” which demanded that all land purchased from the government be paid for in gold or silver, further restricted sales by limiting credit opportunities. Failing to sell its bonds locally, the Michigan legislature in 1838 commissioned the Morris Canal and Banking Company of new Jersey to act as selling agent. in november 1838, the Morris Company pur- chased 25 percent of the bonds, with the Bank of the United States of Pennsylvania buying the remainder. Payment was arranged at $250,000 per quarter. in 1840 the Morris Company went bankrupt and the following year the Pennsylvania bank collapsed. For Michigan this was a double disaster: first, the state had received only $2.6 million from the sales, and second, it could not recover the bonds for which repayment had not yet been made because the two now defunct purchasers had used them as collateral for other investments. Michigan’s hope for a financial windfall had turned into a tragedy; however, another source of potential profit soon came to the fore—mining for precious metals.

The Copper Kingdom

Earliest mining in Michigan was for copper. Ancient indian legends told of fabulous copper riches, and, during their explorations, Louis Armand de La honton and Pierre François de Charlevoix related to the French government their discovery of an enormous pure copper boulder in the upper peninsula. French officials considered the finding inconsequential and took no action. nearly 100 years later, after the British had gained sway over French north America in the Seven Years’ War, Charles townsend, England’s chancellor of the exchequer, dispatched Robert Rogers and a small party of men to explore the upper peninsula in hopes of unearthing deposits of gold, silver, and copper. initial digging brought forth a nugget which was assayed at 75 percent pure silver. Elated, Rogers ordered a thirty-foot shaft dug to uncover more of the precious stones, but none was found. Because mining activities demanded clearing of the forests and construction of roads, fur trappers and traders

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lodged protests with the British government. Weighing the possibility of wealth obtained from the potential discovery of precious minerals against the certain profit derived from existing fur trade, Crown officials ordered all mining in the Great Lakes region ceased.

American interest in mining was stirred when Cass’ north West Scientific Expedition of 1820 visited the site of the fabled copper boulder and confirmed its existence in a report to Secretary of War John C. Calhoun. immediate explo- ration and excavation of the region was impossible because the western upper peninsula belonged to the Chippewa, and the United States government had neither title to, nor jurisdiction over, it. Furthermore, the remoteness of the region, along with its severe climate, dissuaded most potential prospectors from embarking upon exploratory searches.

in 1841, douglass houghton made a report that changed the course of Michigan’s economic, political, and social development. houghton, who had come to Michigan from new York in 1830 at the age of twenty-one to give sci- entific lectures at the University of Michigan, had visited the Keweenaw Peninsula in 1831 and 1832 with henry Rowe Schoolcraft and had been appointed state geologist in 1837. during his first two years in office he sur- veyed the lower peninsula and the Lake Superior and Lake huron shorelines of the upper peninsula. in 1840 houghton returned to the upper peninsula for extensive surveying and geological study. the following year his reports con- firming the existence of a pure copper boulder along the ontonagon River and copper deposits throughout the Keweenaw Peninsula were published. tragically, houghton’s brilliant life was cut short when he drowned in a Lake Superior storm october 14, 1845, but his work had already made him a legend- ary figure in Michigan history.

despite houghton’s verification of copper deposits and a rising clamor from fortune seekers eager to mine their way to prosperity, the national government forbade entry into the Keweenaw region until a land settlement with the indians had been reached. this obstacle was removed october 4, 1842, with the signing of the treaty of LaPointe. in this pact, chiefs and headmen of the Lake Superior and Mississippi bands of Chippewa sold their holdings between Marquette, Michigan, and duluth, Minnesota, to the United States in return for more than $800,000 to be paid in twenty-five annual installments, and the right to remain temporarily on the ceded territory. Chief government negotiator Robert Stuart, a former aide to John Jacob Astor, later boasted that he had “done in” the indians by “excluding the usual allowances” of goods and services, educational benefits, and assistance toward ultimate assimilation into white society.

having acquired clear title to the land, the federal government opened the western upper peninsula to entry in 1843 with the stipulation that every

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prospector had to obtain a mining permit from the War department office at Copper harbor. these permits allowed an individual to explore a specified nine-square-mile area, stake a claim, and receive a lease to the property for three years, with two three-year renewals available upon request. in return, miners had to give the government 6 percent of the value of all minerals mined during the initial three years and 10 percent during the renewal periods. in 1846, after nearly 1,000 permits had been distributed, a court decision declared the leasing arrangement illegal. the following year Congress passed a law for the sale of mineral lands in the Lake Superior region, with the minimum bid set at $5 per acre. three years later the minimum bid was reduced to $1.25 per acre, the same as had been established for agricultural lands.

thousands of newcomers, armed with picks, shovels, and explosives, flocked to the western upper peninsula. to assure the safety of the miners, on February 6, 1850, President Zachary taylor ordered all indians still on land ceded by the 1842 treaty to prepare for removal west. the Chippewa refused, saying that the treaty’s intent was to permit whites to mine the south shore of Lake Superior, not to force indians from their homeland. A peaceful resolution to the problem was reached in 1854. A new treaty was negotiated which set aside reservations for exclusive occupation by the Chippewa of Lake Superior. included in the agreement was a ninety-square-mile tract at the head of Keweenaw Bay for the L’Anse and Vieux de Sert bands of Michigan.

it was soon discovered that individuals with hand tools could extract very little copper, and within three years large, well-financed Eastern mining com- panies had entered the region. of these, the most successful was the Pittsburgh and Boston Company which owned the rich Cliff Mine along Eagle River. By 1870, when it closed, the Cliff Mine had paid company stockholders more than $2.5 million in dividends.

the three largest copper-producing regions were those at the tip of the Keweenaw Peninsula, along the ontonagon River, and near Portage Lake. the latter was the richest site, containing the Quincy Mine, which was affection- ately dubbed “old Reliable” because of its continuous production of copper. the Quincy Mine typified the long-term nature of copper mine investment. it opened in 1848 and, despite capital outlays exceeding $900,000 by its owners, by 1860 it still had not returned a profit. in time, patient investors were rewarded, and by 1945, the Quincy had put forth enough ore to permit the company to have paid over $27 million in dividends. Risks and knowledge of a lengthy delay in obtaining profits did not deter investors, and by the outbreak of the Civil War thirty-three firms, financed by more than $4 million from Eastern industrialists and bankers and employing nearly 4,000 men, were oper- ating mines in the upper peninsula.

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Following the Civil War, copper production in Michigan soared from 25 million pounds in 1872 to a peak of 267 million pounds, valued at $76 million, in 1916. during the period 1847–87, Michigan led the nation in copper output, but discovery of new copper fields in Arizona and new Mexico in 1888 relegated Michigan to third place after that year. Michigan’s massive copper production is all the more astounding since the Keweenaw area was mined out by 1867, and within another twenty-three years so was the ontonagon River range. only the Portage Lake mines continued to operate into the twentieth century.

Mining companies, investors, and local merchants profited greatly from Michigan’s “copper rush.” during the years 1885–1918 shareholders in the state’s copper mines received dividends of more than $236 million. A share of Calumet Mine stock which sold for $1 in 1866 was worth $1,000 in 1907. Upper peninsula mining firms employed as many as 40,000 men annually. Workers earning high wages were exploited by merchants, doctors, lawyers, and assorted entrepreneurs. As miners began to send for their families, a need arose for schools, churches, teachers, and ministers. With the arrival of these “forerun- ners of civilization,” camps such as houghton and hancock were transformed into permanent settlements.

Mining also brought technical and physical advancements to the upper peninsula. Establishment of the Michigan School of Mines, now Michigan technological University, at houghton in 1885 was a direct result of copper mining and the desire of engineers to keep abreast of the latest concepts in metallurgy and mining techniques. Railroads were built to meet the needs of the mines, and by 1884, the western upper peninsula was linked to Chicago by rail. new canals, such as the Portage Lake and Lake Superior Ship Canal and the one under construction at Sault Ste. Marie, assured upper peninsula residents as early as the 1850s that their region would have water routes connecting it with the rest of the state. to the upper peninsula, copper mining meant much more than revenue—it signaled the region’s acceptance as a pro- ductive part of the state. Unfortunately, industrial progress took its toll on the upper peninsula’s previously unspoiled environment, and by 1895 torch Lake had become known as “the Red Sea of Michigan” because of copper oxide residue dumped there by nearby stamping mills.

The Ontonagon Boulder

one of the most bizarre incidents in Michigan’s history stemmed from the cop- per fields. in late 1841, Julius Eldred, a detroit merchant, decided to obtain the fabled copper boulder along the ontonagon River, take it to detroit, put it on

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display, and charge curious spectators 25¢ to gaze at “Michigan’s natural won- der.” Eldred arrived at the site, which was still owned by the Chippewa, and purchased the boulder from Chief okondokon for $150. Since it weighed more than three tons, Eldred could not move it with the equipment he had brought, so, in the summer of 1842, he returned to detroit to acquire the men, hoists, ropes, levers, railroad track, and flatcar necessary to dislodge the rock.

When he returned the following year, Eldred discovered that the boulder had been seized by another entrepreneur. Eldred negotiated with his rival and finally convinced him to part with the boulder for $1,365 in cash. the boulder was then hoisted upon the flatcar and pushed along tracks four miles to Lake Superior, where it was loaded onto a ship. Upon reaching detroit, Eldred encountered another unexpected obstacle when federal agents, acting on a directive from the United States district attorney for Michigan, confiscated the boulder and sent it to Washington, d.C., for display at the Smithsonian institute. Furious and frustrated, Eldred spent years in court trying to recover his prized possession, but ultimately he was compelled to accept a settlement of $5,664.98 from the government. Even though Eldred did not achieve fame and fortune from his plan, his misadventures drew state and national attention to Michigan’s copper country.

Iron Mining

iron ore was discovered in the upper peninsula in 1844 when William A. Burt, a government surveyor, determined that the cause of his magnetic compass needle’s wild spinning was the presence of iron deposits. Although Burt located several iron ore lodes, especially in the vicinity of negaunee, reports of his find- ings were not made public until the following year. Soon after Burt’s discoveries were published, three major mining concerns began operation: the Jackson Company, founded by Philo M. Everett of Jackson, Michigan, opened near negaunee in 1846; the next year the Cleveland iron Company was established at the same location; and in 1849, the Marquette iron Company was formed at ishpeming.

Early excavation for iron ore was relatively easy because the metal was near the earth’s surface. Men often uprooted trees, scraped away sod and soil, and used handpicks and sledgehammers to remove the ore. By 1870 deeper mines had been dug and men sent up ore in hand-drawn buckets. Shortly before the turn of the century, steam-driven machinery was introduced to lift ore from the mines, and electric elevators were used to take the miners to and from the depths. As in copper mining, large, well-financed companies bought smaller

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ones, and then, having acquired a near monopoly, they expended huge sums of money to modernize their operations, construct railroads, and improve harbor facilities. From the mid-1880s, with the opening of the Menominee and Gogebic ranges, until the early 1900s, when large-scale mining began in Minnesota, Michigan reigned as the nation’s leading iron-ore producer.

Transportation

A direct consequence of copper and iron-ore mining was the development of lake ore-carriers. during mining’s early years, schooners and other sailing ships transported ore, but by 1882 steamships capable of holding 2,100 tons of ore were in operation. in 1886 the first steel ore-carrier was launched, and soon afterward others reaching lengths of 400 feet and having cargo capacities of 3,000 tons were churning through the Great Lakes. today, ore-carriers extend up to 1,013.5 feet in length and easily store more than 68,000 tons in their holds.

improvements in loading and unloading procedures came with increased production demands. originally ore was loaded onto ships by wheelbarrow and handcart. When the ship reached its destination, men with shovels were dropped into the holds and buckets lowered to them. the filled buckets were lifted from the hold by hoist and their contents heaped along the shore. Because of the difficulty of the labor and the reluctance of mining companies to pay decent wages to stevedores, indians, who were willing to work for little money, usually were hired to unload ships. As an example, in 1872 the Leland iron Company paid its indian employees 25¢ per day to unload tons of ore. Finally, in 1899, a steam-powered unloader, which could hoist more tonnage in eight hours than 100 men could lift in a week, was perfected and put into service.

The Sault Ste. Marie Canal

Perhaps the most significant result of mining enterprises in Michigan was con- struction of a canal at Sault Ste. Marie. Mine operators realized that, if they were to become successful and wealthy, a means of conquering the rapids at the Sault and of allowing easy movement from Lake Superior into Lake huron, which was approximately twenty-two feet lower, had to be devised. Without a canal, ships laden with ore from Lake Superior mines had to be unloaded, removed from the water, rolled onto logs to the lower-water-level lake, and then reloaded. the only alternative to this expensive procedure was the equally

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Figure 5.2 Modern-day Soo Locks at Sault Ste. Marie. Courtesy of the US Army Corps of Engineers.

Figure 5.3 Soo Locks, old state lock at Sault Ste. Marie, 1855. Courtesy of the US Army Corps of Engineers, id #243.

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unsatisfactory idea of using two ships, one in each lake, and having the ore portaged from one ship to the other. Governor Mason’s internal improvement message called for a ship canal at the Sault, but the contractor hired by the state became convinced that the task could not be accomplished for the allotted appropriation and abandoned the enterprise. From 1839 until 1852 Michigan representatives in Congress attempted to obtain a federal land grant to assist in the building of a canal at the Sault. in August 1852, despite objections by opponents that the upper peninsula was as “remote as the moon,” Congress authorized Michigan to sell 750,000 acres of public land to raise funds for the desired canal.

the man who became known as the genius behind the project was Charles harvey. Realizing the importance of such a canal to his employer, the Fairbanks Scale Company, whose owners had invested heavily in Michigan mines, harvey convinced Eastern investors to form the St. Mary’s Falls Ship Company and appoint him to be chief engineer. harvey had to overcome many obstacles before the canal was completed. the project was beset by cholera epidemics, severe winter weather which stopped construction, and enormous expenses which totaled more than $1 million—twice the original estimate. despite these overwhelming difficulties, the canal and locks opened on May 31, 1855, less than two years from the beginning of excavation. the canal was operated by the state and was obligated by federal law to charge a 4¢-per-ton toll until such time as the construction costs had been recovered. When the canal was paid for, it was to be turned over to the federal government, and all tolls would be removed. this was done in 1881, the same year a second lock was opened in the canal. in subsequent years, three more locks have been added and today, with ocean- going ships entering the Great Lakes from the St. Lawrence Seaway, the Sault canal opens Michigan’s upper peninsula not only to American markets, but also to those of the entire globe.

A New Capital

Economic growth was not the only issue concerning the Michigan legislature in the 1840s. the state constitution stipulated that detroit remain the state capital for ten years, at which time a permanent capital site had to be named. detroiters wanted to retain the capital designation, but critics argued that the city was dangerously close to Canada in case of another war with England, was not cen- trally located, and offered a social life which had a corrupting influence on lawmakers. Many cities vied for the honor of becoming the capital, and on March 16, 1847, the legislature voted to place the seat of government in Lansing

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township of ingham County. thereafter the question arose of what to name the village that would soon spring up as if by magic. Rejecting such suggestions as El dorado, Kinderhook, Michigan, and Swedenborg, the legislature decided to name it after the township, Lansing. the choice was well received because many of the settlers there were from Lansing, new York, which was named after John Lansing, chancellor of new York from 1801–10. once again, Michigan’s ties to new York were evident. the capitol constructed in Lansing was replaced by a new structure in 1879, and this architecturally striking, white sandstone building still serves as Michigan’s capitol.

The Constitution of 1850

on november 6, 1849, the Michigan electorate approved by a vote of 33,193 to 4,095 the calling of a constitutional convention to revise the existing document. during its deliberations, the convention approved numerous proposals, the most important of which were placing a $50,000 limit on the state debt and ending all state aid for internal improvements. other significant measures included allowing unlimited liability for bank officers and stockholders, thereby making unscrupulous financiers legally responsible for their actions, and a statement that all corporations, except those for municipal purposes, had to be formed under general law, which prevented the legislature from granting spe- cial favors to individuals.

the new document further stated that state legislators would be elected every two years instead of annually and that legislative sessions would have to be held only once during that period. Furthermore the governor and lieutenant governor were made ineligible for legislative appointment to other offices dur- ing their term of service, which was done to prevent them from becoming sena- torial aspirants. the judiciary system was revised from a county court system to one based upon eight circuit courts, and all principal state offices, including university regents and members of the State Board of Education, would become elective, rather than appointive, positions.

Although the convention rejected petitions to grant suffrage to blacks and women, it did give the right to vote to aliens who had stated their desire to become citizens and to indians who had renounced all tribal loyalty. the convention delegates did authorize that the question of black suffrage be placed on a separate ballot, which was done and was soundly defeated 32,026 to 12,840. obviously many Michiganians agreed with a detroit delegate who argued that blacks should remain segregated from whites and remain “in their present sphere.”

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A New Look

the thirteen years since statehood had witnessed tremendous changes in Michigan. its population had multiplied at a fantastic rate because of improve- ments in transportation and communication. Beginning statehood during the Panic of 1837 certainly was not an easy task and the financial difficulties incurred by its ambitious internal improvement program had been a near eco- nomic catastrophe. Yet, through improved fiscal management and the thrifty policies of democratic governors and legislatures after 1841, Michigan’s econ- omy became so sound that in december 1850 the state treasurer reported a surplus of $36,057.85. despite such an optimistic harbinger of the future, Michigan was about to undergo the effects of the divisive seeds of conflict which had been sown throughout the nation’s history over the question of slavery.

For Further Reading

William G. Shade, Banks or No Banks: The Money Issue in Western Politics, 1832–1865 (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972) provides a modern treatment of the finan- cial problems encountered by the states of the old northwest. the same author’s “Banks and Politics in Michigan: A Reconsi deration,” Michigan History, LVii (Spring 1973) and Ronald Seavoy, “Borrowed Laws to Speed development, 1835–1863,” Michigan History, LiX (Spring–Summer 1975) offer analyses of financial politics and the origins of fiscal legislation in Michigan.

Robert hybel, “the Lake Superior Copper Fever, 1841–1847,” Michigan History, XXXiV (Summer‒Fall 1950) gives a solid background of houghton’s activities and the saga of the ontonagon boulder. Angus Murdoch, Boom Copper: The Story of the First United States Mining Boom (new York: Macmillan and Co., 1943) and William B. Gates, Michigan Copper and Boston Dollars: An Economic History of the Michigan Copper Mining Industry (Cambridge: harvard University Press, 1951) are comprehensive stud- ies. donald Chaput, The Cliff: America’s First Great Copper Mine (Kalamazoo: Sequoia Press, 1972) is a brief, well-written, and well-illustrated account of one of Michigan’s most important copper mines. A recent study of the mining industry and its impact is Larry Lankton, Cradle to Grave (new York: oxford University Press, 1991). other valu- able and insightful resources include “Keweenaw Copper: A Michigan Story,” a thirty- minute video produced by the State of Michigan; Charles K. hyde, Copper for America: The United States Copper Industry from Colonial Times to 1990 (tucson: the University of Arizona Press, 1995); and Larry Chabot, “i’ll Eat Every Pound of Copper From that Mine,” Michigan History, i (January–February 2000).

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Concerning politics, Floyd B. Streeter, Political Parties in Michigan: 1837–1860 (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1918) is the standard, but dated, analysis. An excellent supplement is Ronald P. Formisano, The Birth of Mass Political Parties: Michigan, 1827–1861 (Princeton University Press, 1971) that stresses the ethnocultural orientation of Michigan politics. William C. Klunder, “the Seeds of Popular Sovereignty: Governor Lewis Cass and the Michigan territory,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 1991) offers insight into the early political career of Cass.

decade of turmoil

A great reform zeal swept through the United States during the 1840s and 1850s. Religious revivals stressed that people were capable of improving both themselves and society. Since these moral crusades for a Utopian America began in western new York, from whence numerous people had emigrated to Michigan, it was to be expected that Michigan would be in the forefront of many reform movements, especially those for temperance and abolition of slavery.

Evils of “Old John Barleycorn”

From its early territorial stage, Michigan had restricted liquor traffic. Sale of intoxicating spirits to indians, minors, servants, soldiers, and prisoners was forbidden, as were all Sunday sales. Liquor vendors were required to be licensed and, in 1845, the state legislature allowed each city, village, and township to vote whether or not it wished to issue licenses. Very few communities chose not to license because fees from sales went directly into the local treasury and were the major source of income for many areas. in 1850 local option ended because the new state constitution forbade issuing of licenses to regulate liquor traffic. Liquor dealers and their attorneys interpreted this to mean that unregulated sale of ardent spirits was legal, and the state supreme court concurred.

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Michigan residents opposing the sale and use of “hard liquor” always beli- eved that regulation would be futile, and in 1833 they formed the first of nine- teen branches of the Michigan temperance Society. initially the organization sought moderation and permitted consumption of an “occasional glass” of wine or beer. however, since whiskey was inexpensive, and permissible substi- tutes costly, the society was denounced as undemocratic and elitist, and soon temperance advocates were forced into supporting full prohibition.

in 1840 at Baltimore, Maryland, a tailor, carpenter, coach maker, silver plater, and two blacksmiths, all reformed drunkards, formed the Washington Society. they drew up a pledge, signed it, and traveled throughout the country relating their terrible drunken experiences and urging abstinence. the movement reached Michigan in 1841 and, according to one supporter, “spread from town to town, converting everybody by the irresistible power of its advocates.”

Meetings were held in nearly every community to warn the citizenry of the evils of demon rum. in Battle Creek in 1841 speakers warned that even one drink could lead to drunkenness, and a local liquor dealer told the cheering crowd that “Washingtonianism had opened his eyes to the evils of liquor sell- ing” and that now every time “he turned the fawcet the gurgling of the liquor sounded to him like cutting men’s throats.” the final speaker was a Marshall farmer, Robert hall, who related that when he first arrived his neighbors called him Mr. Robert hall, then he began to “tipple” and they called him Bob hall. When “tippling” led to deep drinking, he became “old Bob hall,” which lasted until he became a drunkard, when his title changed to “old hall.” Finally, hav- ing descended to a gutter drunkard, his neighbors referred to him simply as “old alco-hall.”

the best known local orator was Augustus Littlejohn of Allegan, who con- ducted a series of lectures at Climax, Schoolcraft, and Kalamazoo in 1844. he was very professional in his organization and his meetings always followed a pattern: temperance songs, prayer, more songs, a colorful, impassioned speech, signing an abstinence pledge, and closing songs. his power and popularity were further enhanced when liquor dealers attempted to disrupt his meetings.

With passage of prohibition legislation in Maine in 1846 and 1851, models were created that other states could emulate. in 1851 the Michigan legislature drafted a prohibition law, but failed to act upon it. the following year petitions supporting the bill flooded the legislature, and among the petitioners were Governor Robert McClelland, a democrat, Zachariah Chandler, a Whig, and isaac P. Christiancy, a Free Soiler. temperance was an issue that transcended party lines.

on February 12, 1853, the democratic legislature passed a law “prohibiting the manufacture of intoxicating beverages, and the traffic therein.” Under this act liquor could be manufactured for medicinal purposes only, punishments

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for violators were established, and the legislature was given power to be the sole governing body on the subject of liquor control. Enactment of the law, however, was subject to a popular referendum later that year. if it was rejected by the voters, the law provided for automatic effect in 1870. the election gave over- whelming support for the law, but in 1854 the state supreme court ruled the law invalid on the grounds that the legislature had no authority to pass a bill dependent on a popular vote. in 1855 the Republican-controlled legislature passed the same bill, without the ratification clause, and the court accepted its legality. Clever attorneys soon discovered loopholes in the law and by 1857 detroit possessed 420 saloons, fifty-six hotels and tavern bars, twenty-three breweries, and six distilleries.

the war against liquor continued to be waged. in 1874 the Women’s Christian temperance Union was established in Michigan and a Prohibition Party was created. “Red Ribbon Societies” were formed to promote the cause, and organ- ized campaigns to put the question before the voters once again were common. despite all such pressures, the state legislature not only rescinded the prohibi- tion law in 1875, but also defeated new anti-liquor proposals in 1877, 1879, and 1881. Finally, in 1887, a local option law was passed, but ultimately only Van Buren County remained “dry.” it was not until 1916 that the state voters again endorsed a state prohibition law.

Bastion of Free Men

Although both the ordinance of 1787 and a Canadian statute of 1792 forbade slavery in the northwest territory and Upper Canada, respectively, involuntary servitude continued in the region for many years. British traders and trappers who roamed the Lakes area after the American Revolution ignored prohibi- tions on slavery. Even the Jay treaty, which gave the United States physical pos- session of the northwest, circumvented part of the ordinance of 1787 by stipulating that all settlers and traders could “continue to enjoy, unmolested, all their property of every kind,” including slaves. thus, while no new slaves could be introduced into the region, none could be emancipated either. nor could slaves look to the northwest as a safe haven in which to escape, as the ordinance of 1787 said that all fugitive laborers from other states had to be returned to bondage. Enforcement of this law was strict and as late as 1807 Judge Woodward refused to free two fugitive blacks on the grounds that they would always be slaves by virtue of their past servitude.

As more settlers emigrated to Michigan from abolitionist areas in new England and upstate new York an increased awareness of the immorality and inhumanity of slavery arose. in 1827 the territorial legislature passed a law

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Figure 6.1 this private home, the Bonine house, located just outside of the town of Vandalia, once functioned as a station of the Underground Railroad. Credit: Judith L. Roth.

protecting free blacks from being kidnapped by slave catchers, but the law also clearly defined the black role in society by stating that blacks were neither state citizens nor possessors of any civil rights. Five years later a group of Quakers under the leadership of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, who wrote poetry and articles for William Lloyd Garrison’s abolitionist newspaper The Liberator, gathered at Adrian and organized the territory’s first antislavery society.

despite efforts by Quakers, Germans, Jews, and free blacks, Michigan was not immediately won over to the cause of abolition and intense rivalries arose over the issue. in 1833 detroit residents had to face the slavery question directly when that city underwent what a local newspaper called the “first negro insur- rection.” thornton Blackburn, an escaped slave, had lived with his wife in detroit for two years when Kentucky slave catchers arrived to return him to his master. the slavers bribed the sheriff to arrest and jail Blackburn, preparatory for his trip to Kentucky. the day following the arrest, as the prisoner was being taken from the jail, a mob of club- and pistol-wielding whites and blacks attacked the sheriff, killed him and wounded several of his deputies, freed

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Blackburn and took him to Canada. terrified detroit authorities called for a militia to quell the “uprising,” and when they arrived the 250-member black community was subjected to indiscriminate beatings and arrests. in response to this violence, Erotius P. hastings established detroit’s first antislavery society in 1834, and within four years eighteen similar associations were functioning in Michigan.

Antislavery leaders such as Laura Smith havilland, Erastus hussey, and Sojourner truth sought freedom, civil liberty, and suffrage for Michigan’s black population. Political leaders of the Whig and democratic parties, however, were unwilling to go further than inserting a clause in the state constitution banning slavery. Rebuffed, many abolitionists joined the Liberty Party, led by James Birney of Bay City. While this party was never a major force in Michigan poli- tics, it offered an outlet for Whigs and democrats to express their displeasure with the positions taken on slavery by the major parties. that dissatisfaction was present, and growing, is evidenced by the fact that in 1840 the Liberty can- didate for president received 1 percent of Michigan’s popular vote, in 1844 the figure reached 7 percent, and in 1848, under the Free Soil banner, 16 percent; the 1848 figure would have been even greater had not the democratic candidate been Senator Cass, who received many votes from state loyalty. Ultimately, abo- litionist success did not come in politics, but rather through efforts to assist escaped slaves to reach free soil by means of an “Underground Railroad.”

the Underground Railroad was so named because it provided secret trans- portation and used railroad jargon in its messages. Each hiding place was a “station,” its owner the “stationmaster,” slaves were “fares,” and escape routes were “lines.” the operation was so secretive that each stationmaster knew only the next station, never the preceding one; thus, if a stationmaster was arrested the chain of stations could not be traced to its usual point of origin in either Kentucky or Missouri. Stations, which could be farmhouses, barns, caves, hay- stacks, groves of trees, or anything capable of concealing the runaways during the day, were located at ten- to fifteen-mile intervals. At night, slaves would be led on foot or loaded into a wagon bed and covered with hay, and then go to the next station. occasionally a sympathetic trainman would transport them in a boxcar, making rare instances when the system was truly a railroad.

Stationmasters were alerted to the arrival of runaways by coded messages placed in the personal column of the local newspaper. For example, an adver- tisement selling “light brown fillys and brown and tan pups,” meant that young girls and several mulatto children were arriving.

there were two main routes across the state. the Central Michigan Line began at Cassopolis and ran through Schoolcraft, Climax, Battle Creek, Marshall, Albion, Parma, Jackson, Michigan Centre, dexter, Ann Arbor,

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Figure 6.2 the famous Underground Railroad had several routes to transport runa- way slaves to freedom. on this map, the heavy lines indicate the routes used during the years 1840–60.

Ypsilanti, Plymouth, and detroit. A Southern Line started at either hillsdale or Morenci, and went through Adrian, tecumseh, Ann Arbor, Ypsilanti, Plymouth, and detroit. in case of discovery, alternate terminals were selected. if detroit was being watched by slave catchers, either Mount Clemens or Port huron were used to transport slaves into Canada.

Perhaps the best example of Michigan’s antislavery fervor in the 1840s is the case of Adam Crosswhite, a mulatto from Kentucky, who, with his family, fled

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in 1844 via the Underground Railroad and settled in Marshall. in January 1847, their former master sent four slave catchers to bring them back to Kentucky. As they neared the town, an ex-slave known only as “Auction Bell” roused the resi- dents, who met the Kentuckians at the edge of the city. Charles t. Gorham, a prominent businessman, stepped forward and said that Crosswhite was a free man, and a struggle would ensue if they tried to seize him. the raiders were arrested, charged with breaking and entering, assault and battery, and illegal possession of firearms, and jailed. in the meantime, Crosswhite and his family were escorted to Canada.

having lost Crosswhite, the Kentucky master filed suit in federal court seek- ing damages from Gorham and the other Marshall men who had foiled his attempt to recover his lost property, but the case was dismissed. in mid-1848, Cass, in an attempt to win Southern support in his bid for the presidency, requested that another trial be held, with a United States Supreme Court Justice presiding. in this trial a carefully selected jury found the Marshall men guilty and ordered them to pay $1,925 restitution. the fine was quickly raised by

Figure 6.3 in this broadside supporters of the Underground Railroad, known as “Stockholders,” are asked to contribute clothing, tools, and farm equipment to twenty- nine former slaves who arrived safely in Canada via the detroit Underground Railroad. Courtesy of the detroit historical Society.

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abolitionists, but Cass’ role strengthened the belief that democrats were the party of slavery and could not be trusted by the foes of that institution.

Another incident that angered Michigan residents also occurred in 1847. Robert Cromwell, who had escaped from his owner in Missouri in 1840 and grown prosperous as a barber in Flint and detroit, was located by his former master who went to detroit to reclaim him. the owner bribed the sheriff to bring Cromwell to the courthouse where he would be seized by the owner and his henchmen. Cromwell arrived, was seized and dragged kicking and scream- ing into the courtroom. district Judge Wilkens, a noted abolitionist, was pre- siding, however, and he refused to sign a writ allowing Cromwell to be reclaimed. Meanwhile, Cromwell’s shouts had attracted the attention of William Lambert and George de Baptiste, two prominent abolitionist leaders, who organized a crowd, freed Cromwell, and took him to Canada. the mob then turned on the Missourian, who was beaten, charged with kidnapping, and jailed. After serving six months while awaiting trial, he was found not guilty. his lengthy pretrial incarceration served as warning to other slave catchers of the treatment they could expect in Michigan.

other futile raids were made throughout the late 1840s, with Cass County being a special target because of its large black population and proximity to the indiana state line, which facilitated escape. By 1850, Michigan had become so unsafe for slave agents that Senator henry Clay of Kentucky denounced the state as a “hotbed of radicals and renegades.”

in an attempt to stop the Underground Railroad and appease irate Southerners who were threatening civil war, Congress passed the Compromise of 1850 which included a stronger Fugitive Slave Act. By the terms of this law, each state was required by federal statute to return all runaway slaves to their masters. Michigan residents ignored the law and continued the Underground Railroad. one observer noted in 1851 that Underground Railroad traffic increased because the Fugitive Slave Law gave it “more vitality, more activity, more passengers, and more opposition, which invariably accelerates business.” in a further show of disregard for federal law, in 1855 the Michigan legislature passed a Personal Liberty Law requiring local prosecutors to defend escaped slaves and forbidding the use of county jails to detain runaways. By 1855 opposition to the Fugitive Slave Act was so widespread that detroit newspapers carried accounts of “Underground Railroad operations,” which detailed the number of daily arriv- als in the city. Michigan had earned the reputation of being a bastion of free men.

As one of the nation’s foremost antislavery centers, Michigan attracted many of the country’s leading abolitionists. on March 12, 1859, Frederick douglass, the black abolitionist, spoke to a detroit audience which included John Brown. After the speech, Brown met with douglass and local abolitionists to tell them

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of his planned raid on harpers Ferry. douglass urged him to dismiss the idea as too risky. detroiters disliked the idea also, but only because it did not go far enough. they proposed destroying every church in the South on a given Sunday so that all supporters of slavery could reach hell at the same time. After Brown’s abortive raid and subsequent capture, Michigan abolitionists thought about rescuing him but decided that a dead martyr was more valuable to their cause than a live failure.

the Underground Railroad continued to exist throughout the 1860s, but all of the more than 50,000 slaves who reached Canada, and the thousands more who remained in Michigan to start new lives, had been transported before 1862. on February 7, 1870, a celebration was held in detroit to mark the official closing of the system. George de Baptiste put the feelings of all into words when he hung a sign on his business door that read: “notice to all stock- holders in the Underground Railway. this office is closed. hereafter all stockholders will receive dividends according to their merit.”

King of the Beaver Islands

during the late 1840s and early 1850s residents of the northern part of the lower peninsula were less concerned with the extension of slavery than with the extension of Mormonism. James Jesse Strang, leader of a band of dissenters opposed to Brigham Young’s polygamy policy, took his followers in 1845 from Salt Lake City, Utah, to Racine, Wisconsin, and two years later, in January 1847, to the Beaver islands in Lake Michigan. Strang’s coming enabled Michigan to be the only state ever to have a king ruling over a portion of its territory after its admission to the Union.

trouble quickly arose between the Mormons and their Gentile, or non- Mormon, neighbors at Mackinac. Fears spread through the Gentile community that hundreds more of the “clannish and ornery Mormon marauders” would follow the initial settlers. Since nearly all of the Gentiles at Mackinac were Catholic, they were furious at the Mormon contention that only Mormons were God’s chosen people and would inherit the earth, while all nonbelievers would be slain by the Lord. Animosities grew rapidly, and by the summer of 1847, Gentiles were both verbally and physically assailing Mormons. in response, Strang announced that Gentiles were morally bankrupt and survived only by the insidious practice of giving liquor to indians in return for furs. Concerned that Strang might destroy their profitable business ventures, Mackinac resi- dents bribed ship captains not to bring Mormons to the Beaver islands and to warn prospective settlers that they would be slain if they tried to join the

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Figure 6.4 James Jesse Strang ruled a Mormon settlement on the Beaver islands and made both himself and the Mormons a political force in Michigan. image taken from an original 1856 daguerreotype from the collection of John hacjicek, Mormonism.com. Used with permission.

Mormon colony. Among Gentiles, the cry arose that “the only good Mormon is a dead Mormon!”

Publicly Strang insisted that he was not giving serious attention to Gentile ravings. he claimed that his only interest was to gain complete economic and political control of Mackinac and then to make Mormonism a political force in Michigan. to accomplish this, he expected violence would be required, and he was willing to use it. he told his followers that their enemies were God’s enemies and that a holy war was necessary to purge the land of its bad blood.

Conditions further deteriorated when Strang announced that on July 8, 1850, he was to be crowned king of the Beaver islands. Gentiles scoffed, held pageants depicting Strang being crowned with a spittoon, and pledged to throw “King Jimmie” into Lake Michigan. they determined to prevent the coronation

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by attacking Beaver island on July 4, and each participant was told to bring his own gun, ammunition, chewing tobacco, and whiskey. Strang learned of the plot and prepared a counterattack. After Mormon cannon fired one shot at the invaders the attack ended, and four days later Strang was crowned.

As king, Strang claimed he had God-given power to “execute judgment, overthrow the rebellious, punish the wicked, rule the nation, and declare laws.” to Strang, anyone who did not pledge him total loyalty was a traitor. this pre- sented political problems, however, as the Beaver islands were legally part of Mackinac County and subject to state laws. Following a series of arrests for petty violations, Strang realized that state statutes were supreme. he then decided to enter politics, gain power, and have the Beaver islands made into a separate county under Mormon control.

in 1850 Strang ran a slate of candidates against an anti-Mormon ticket. Even Strang admitted surprise when Mormon bloc voting resulted in the election of his candidates to both the state legislature and county judgeship. Strang finally had his mandate.

As a warning to state authorities and Gentiles, Strang published the follow- ing threat, under the guise of a “revelation from God,” in his newspaper in February 1851.

Let your fear be upon all men; and the terror of you upon your enemies; for this is the day of vengeance of the Lord, and of your recompense upon your enemies.

Arise and thrash, for i will make thy power iron; the tread of thy foot shall crush; thou shall break in pieces many people, and shall consecrate their spoil unto God, and their dominion to the Lord of the whole earth.

Babylon the Great shall perish before thee. her cities shall be given to the flames, and the inhabitants to the sword; her government shall be broken to pieces and her dominions taken away.

this was a declaration of war upon Michigan, and it made Strang a national figure who was both feared and respected by each major political party. the Whigs and democrats could not afford to anger Strang and risk losing the Mormon vote in what was expected to be a close election in Michigan in 1852, but neither could they afford to appear so weak that they were appeasing a self- proclaimed king.

in early 1852, President Millard Fillmore, a Whig, decided that his party could gain more votes nationally by being anti-Mormon. ironically, his decision was based on popular hostility against Brigham Young in Utah, but since Young headed a large, powerful group in the Far West, the President proved his

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anti-Mormonism against Young’s enemy, the weaker and more accessible Strang.

With orders to prosecute all Mormons who defied United States law, the fed- eral district attorney for Michigan set out for the Beaver islands on the warship Michigan, which was laden with cannon, marines, and deputy marshals. the district attorney seized Strang and thirty-one others and threatened to hang them from the yardarm of the ship if they resisted arrest. Strang assured him that they would go peacefully and stand trial in detroit. At the trial Strang pleaded that, like Christ, he was being persecuted for his religious beliefs. to the amazement of the district attorney, his carefully selected jury acquitted all the defendants on the grounds that America allowed religious toleration. triumphantly Strang and the others returned home, and soon afterward the king was elected justice of the peace, township supervisor, chairman of the Board of health, and member of the state legislature. in the november elec- tions, he delivered the entire Mormon vote to the democratic Party and, as a reward, the democratic legislature redistricted the state and made the Beaver islands a separate county.

Strang believed that he was invincible and he became lax in his control over his followers, concentrating instead on preventing future Gentile inva- sions. this was an error because many Mormons resented Strang’s ever- growing power over their lives. Anti-Strang sentiment gained a leader when a minister, who had been deposed from the church hierarchy for drinking, drew up a plan to join with Gentiles and overthrow the authoritarian ruler. Strang learned of the plot but ignored it, insisting that he was invulnerable to attack.

in June 1856, the warship Michigan anchored in the harbor of St. James, but the captain refused to tell Strang why his ship was there. Strang flattered him- self by thinking that it had been sent to protect him, as a state legislator, from the rumored assassination plot. Finally, on June 16, an officer invited Strang to come aboard and speak with the captain. When Strang reached the dock, three Mormon plotters shot him, leapt into a longboat manned by a crew from the Michigan, and were taken to the ship. the captain then took the assassins to Mackinac where they were greeted by cheering mobs of well-wishers offering them cigars and whiskey.

After Strang’s death his followers lost all sense of power and direction. Soon a drunken mob of Gentiles attacked the islands, looted homes and stores, raped women, seized land, livestock, and farm equipment, burned the church and Bibles, and drove all 2,500 Mormons from the islands. Within two weeks of Strang’s death, his people were scattered from Green Bay to Chicago, and the kingdom was ended.

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Under the Oaks

the 1840s and 1850s saw sweeping political, as well as social, change. during its early years of statehood Michigan was strongly democratic since most set- tlers were adherents of the agrarian philosophies of thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. From 1836 to 1854 democrats controlled the statehouse for all but two years, and their brief stint out of office in 1840–41 was a result of voter reaction against the depression of 1839 rather than a strengthening of their Whig opposition. during this period the legislature was always domi- nated by democrats, and in every presidential election except 1840, that party’s candidate easily carried the state. only a hope that internal factionalism would eventually destroy the democrats kept the Whig Party functioning.

Whig hopes did have a basis in fact since the democrats were so badly split that at times it appeared that they attacked each other more vigorously than they did the Whigs. the state party was divided into four major branches: (1) detroit-based federal patronage appointees who owed their allegiance to incumbent officeholders; (2) fiscal and philosophical conserva- tives who sought retrenchment in spending and maintenance of the status quo on slavery and other controversial issues; (3) young, liberal abolitionists who were deemed “dangerously radical” by conservatives; and (4) disgruntled west- erners who felt the eastern half of the state had too much influence. despite deep animosities, on election day these warring groups came together and gained victory for the party.

Unfortunately for the Whigs, they too were split, but, unlike the democrats, they were unable to reconcile their differences for even a day. Conservative merchants and large landholders filled the party treasury but were unwilling to take time from their business ventures to do organizational work or run for office. Party machinery, therefore, fell to young, more liberal men, most of whom were lawyers and abolitionists. difficulty arose when conservatives refused to support these “radical” candidates, thereby assuring defeat. Con- servatives, however, refused to accept responsibility for party losses, choosing instead to blame them on the solidly democratic Catholic vote.

As the Whig Party swung to the left, many of its conservative members bolted to the American or Know-nothing Party, which was opposed to Catholics and immigrants. Conservative democrats, fearing both alien rule of America and civil liberties for blacks, also joined. the Know-nothings, who received their name by replying “i know nothing about it” to police interroga- tions concerning destruction of Catholic property, were never a major force in Michigan politics and had disappeared from the state scene by 1856. however, in 1855, at the height of conservative fears, the party did manage to win brief

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control of local governments in Marshall, Pontiac, Battle Creek, Mt. Clemens, Kalamazoo, and Grand Rapids—all of which had large Protestant and/or ethnic groups with old World hatred toward Catholics.

to further complicate the political picture, many Whig and democratic lib- erals and abolitionists joined the Free Soil Party. By 1850, Michigan, like the rest of the country, was on the threshold of a major political realignment.

during the 1850s the dominant political issue in Michigan, and the nation, was slavery and its extension into the Western territories. the Compromise of 1850 forestalled the outbreak of a civil war over the question, but displeased nearly everyone. northerners claimed that maintaining the Fugitive Slave Law was immoral, while Southerners said that the law should be strengthened even more to assure their constitutional right to protection of personal property. the issue broke open again in 1854 with the passage of the Kansas‒nebraska Bill, which repealed that section of the Missouri Compromise of 1820 forbidding slavery in any territory north of a line extending from the southern boundary

Figure 6.5 After the founding of the Republican Party at Jackson, mass meetings, such as the one called at Mason, were held throughout the state to rally support for the new party. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #00235.

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of Missouri. the new law said that residents of the affected region could vote on whether or not to allow slavery. this plan of “popular sovereignty” had first been proposed by Cass in his 1848 campaign but had been rejected by northerners who feared expansion of slavery throughout the country and Southerners who believed that since most western settlers were northerners it was part of a plot to surround and isolate slave states.

Passage of the Kansas‒nebraska Bill caused a popular uproar throughout the north. in Michigan, protest meetings were held at detroit, Pontiac, Albion, dexter, Kalamazoo, and numerous other communities. in early 1854, antislav- ery democrats and Whigs met with Free Soilers to plan strategy. Joseph Warren, radical editor of the Detroit Tribune, urged a political union “irrespec- tive of old party organizations, for the purpose of agreeing upon some plan of action that shall combine the whole anti-nebraska, antislavery sentiment of the State upon one ticket.” Members of all parties seconded this idea and a call went out for a mass meeting to convene at Jackson on July 6. nearly 1,500 persons assembled on that date and because no building was large enough to accom- modate them they gathered in an oak grove. delegates took the name Republican because they were battling for personal freedom and “against the schemes of aristocracy.” A platform calling for repeal of the Kansas‒nebraska Bill and the Fugitive Slave Law was drafted by Jacob howard, a prominent detroit attorney and former Whig congressman who was active in the Underground Railroad. Austin Blair, a Free Soiler from Jackson, felt that the platform was too mild and should call for the ending of slavery throughout the nation, but delegates rejected his substitute platform. Finally, candidates for state offices were chosen and a ticket consisting of four Free Soilers, four Whigs, and two democrats was agreed upon.

to the amazement of most national political observers the new party not only elected Kinsley S. Bingham governor and Jacob howard attorney general, but also won control of the state legislature. the strength of the party grew, and in 1856 it retained all the state offices and control of the legislature, delivered the electoral votes of the state to John C. Frémont, and swept all four congres- sional seats. With the election of Zachariah Chandler to the Senate in 1857, Republican control of the state was nearly complete. By 1859, when Moses Wisner, of Pontiac, was governor, and Bingham was promoted to the Senate, the Republican Party was firmly in the hands of “radicals” who were willing to destroy slavery and the power of the democratic Party at any cost—even civil war.

Republican strength in its early years was based on several factors. First, abo- litionists were attracted to the party because of its antislavery position; this sup- port was made concrete when the Republican legislature of 1855 passed the

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Personal Liberty Law. Second, reformers, who were tired of democratic delays in implementing laws for women’s rights and prohibition, turned to the new party, and their support was rewarded by passage of a temperance law and pledges to work for female suffrage. third, all Protestant churches, except Lutheran, turned to the Republicans, as did the Know-nothings, as a force to combat the Catholic influence in the democratic Party. Fourth, farmers, who had been repeatedly denied an agricultural college by the democratic legisla- ture, voted Republican. Again, Republicans kept faith with their followers, and in 1855 the legislature authorized creation of Michigan Agricultural College outside Lansing. the party was also aided by developing an image of being the friend of both business and labor. Even the new state constitution of 1850, writ- ten by a democratic-controlled convention, seemed to benefit the Republicans. While the document was intended to restrict powers of the governor and legislature, the Republicans used it to set precedents. When their attempts were successful, it strengthened their hold on the government, and when they failed, it was not because of malice but rather a misinterpretation of the wording of the law. Finally, Republicans were fortunate to attract young, vigorous, popular men as candidates, which offset the initial democratic advantage of having older, well-known men such as Lewis Cass, Robert McClelland, Alpheus Felch, and John Barry as their nominees. By 1860 the state democratic organization was in disarray and Michigan was rapidly gaining a reputation of being one of the most Republican states in the Union.

For Further Reading

While no secondary works exist on early temperance movements in Michigan, several vivid firsthand recollections are available as articles. Among the best are J. Fitzgibbon, “King Alcohol, his Rise, Reign, and Fall in Michigan,” Michigan History, ii (1917); Floyd B. Streeter, “history of Prohibition Legislation in Michigan,” Michigan History, ii (1917); and A. d. P. Van Buren, “temperance in Pioneer days,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, V (1882) and “our temperance Conflict,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Xiii (1888). newspapers, especially the Ann Arbor Whig and Detroit Free Press, also give extensive coverage to the debates over prohibition legislation.

the workings of the Underground Railroad and abolition groups are described in detail in Martha Aiken, “the Underground Railroad,” Michigan History, Vi (1922); Charles Barnes, “Battle Creek as a Station on the Under-ground Railroad,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXXViii (1912); William hobart, “the Crosswhite Case,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXXViii (1912); and John C. Patterson, “Marshall Men and Marshall Measures in State and national history,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXXViii (1912). An excellent national

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overview of the development of the abolition movement is Gilbert Barnes, The Anti- Slavery Impulse, 1830–1844 (new York: Peter Smith, 1933).

Strang and his Mormon colony have been virtually ignored by historians for nearly four decades. the best works on Strang, although hostile to the extreme, are Milo Quaife, The Kingdom of St. James (new haven: Yale University Press, 1930) and o. W. Riegel, Crown of Glory (new haven: Yale University Press, 1935).

Michigan’s role in the antislavery movement is analyzed well in Maurice d. ndukwu, “Antislavery in Michigan: A Study of its origin, development, and Expression from the territorial Period to 1860,” an unpublished 1979 doctoral thesis for Michigan State University, and John W. Quist, Restless Visionaries: The Social Roots of Antebellum Reform in Alabama and Michigan (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1998). William Mcdaid, “Kinsley S. Bingham and the Republican ideology of Anti-Slavery, 1847–1855,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 1991) examines the political roots of the antislavery impulse in Michigan.

Many volumes have been published on the formation of the Republican Party. Standard works are William Stocking, Under the Oaks (detroit: The Detroit Tribune, 1904); Floyd B. Streeter, Political Parties in Michigan, 1837–1860 (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1918); and William Livingstone, A History of the Republican Party (detroit: W. Livingstone, 1900). A more recent volume by Ronald B. Formisano, The Birth of Mass Political Parties in Michigan, 1827–1861 (Princeton, nJ: Princeton University Press, 1971) details value conflicts present in society which helped the Republicans. other useful, though often dated, volumes include Wilmer C. harris, Public Life of Zachariah Chandler (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1917); Sister Mary Karl George, Zachariah Chandler. A Political Biography (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1969); the Detroit Post and Tribune’s memorial edition, Zachariah Chandler: An Outline Sketch of His Life and Public Service (detroit: Detroit Post and Tribune, 1880); Jean J. L. Fennimore, “Austin Blair: Political idealist,” Michigan History, XLViii (1964); and henry M. Utley, Michigan as a Province, Territory, and State, 4 vol. (new York: the Publishing Society of Michigan, 1906). Election results and all basic information on Michigan politics may be found in the annual Michigan Manual.

defense of the nation

By 1860 Michigan was solidly Republican and was expected to be instrumental in the election of that party’s first President of the United States. Because of his firm antislavery convictions, close personal friendship with Zachariah Chandler, and residency in new York (which, in 1860, was the birthplace of 25 percent of Michigan’s population), Senator William h. Seward was the choice of state Republicans for the presidential nomination. in Chicago’s Wigwam, which was decked with boughs of northern Michigan pine, the state’s twelve votes were cast on each ballot for Seward. When the nomination went to Abraham Lincoln, the leader of the Michigan delegation, Austin Blair of Jackson, told the convention that Michigan would never lose its affection for Seward but would join with him in support of Lincoln. he then pledged a Republican majority of 25,000 votes in the state for “the gallant son of illinois.”

the campaign was spirited, with Seward visiting the state to speak for the Republican ticket, and Stephen A. douglas, the democratic presidential nomi- nee, keynoting democratic rallies throughout the lower peninsula. the state Republican ticket was headed by Blair, with James Birney of Bay City, son of the famous abolitionist leader, running for lieutenant governor. democrats coun- tered by nominating for governor John Barry of Constantine, a conservative who had held the position twice previously. in november, Republicans scored an overwhelming triumph, electing Lincoln and Blair by majorities of slightly more than 20,000, capturing every state office and congressional seat, and win- ning all but two seats in the state senate and ten in the state house.

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Following Lincoln’s election, talk of Southern secession gripped the nation. President James Buchanan did not appear willing to try to save the Union, and took the position that secession was illegal, but so was any attempt by the fed- eral government to prevent it. Buchanan’s weakness led Michigan’s elder states- man, seventy-eight-year-old Secretary of State Lewis Cass, to resign, saying that he had seen the Constitution born and now he feared that he was seeing it die.

once South Carolina left the Union in december 1860 events occurred at a rapid pace. outgoing governor Moses Wisner addressed the state legislature and urged adoption of a strong resolution in support of the Union and the Constitution. in his emotional message he told the legislators,

this is no time for timid and vacillating councils, when the cry of treason and rebellion is ringing in our ears. . . . Michigan cannot recognize the right of a state to secede from this Union. We believe that the founders of our government designed it to be perpetual, and we cannot consent to have one star obliterated from our flag. . . . i would calmly but firmly declare it to be the fixed determina- tion of Michigan that the federal constitution, the rights of the States, must and shall be preserved.

on January 2, 1861, Blair was sworn in as Michigan’s thirteenth governor. in his inaugural address, he warned that the Union had to be maintained at any price, that secession was revolution, and that such treasonous activity had to be punished. Following the lead of the new governor, the legislature emphatically rejected an invitation from Virginia to send delegates to the Washington Peace Conference which was being held in an attempt to devise a nonviolent solution to the nation’s problems. in the refusal resolution, the legislature expressed the sentiment of a majority of the state’s citizens by stating that “concessions and compromise are not to be entertained or offered to traitors.” Senator Chandler, Michigan’s most virulent Republican legislator, concurred with this action and wrote Blair that a civil war was desirable because the blood of patriots and tyrants was the “natural manure” of the tree of Liberty and that “without a little bloodletting” the Union would not be “worth a rush.” Michigan would not tol- erate compromise on the questions of Union and the extension of slavery into the territories.

on March 15, 1861, the state legislature gave Governor Blair broad powers to furnish men “by draft, voluntary enlistment, or otherwise” to serve in a federal army to put down any rebellion against the central government. this authori- zation took on added importance when the news of the shelling of Fort Sumter reached detroit. on April 13, the Detroit Free Press ran the headline: “the Blow at Last Fallen. War! War! War! the Confederate Batteries open on Sumter Yesterday Morning.” three days later Blair met with state officials, businessmen,

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and civic leaders to raise money to finance equipping one infantry regiment in order to meet the state’s quota in Lincoln’s call for volunteers. Pledges for $81,020 were received and Michigan’s first ninety-day volunteers, the 1st Michigan infantry, were mustered into the United States Army on May 1. the 1st Michigan infantry arrived at Washington on May 16, and it is said that Lincoln was so pleased with this tangible demonstration of Western support for the war that he tearfully exclaimed, “thank God for Michigan!”

War Politics

on January 2, 1862, Blair addressed a special session of the state legislature which he had assembled to vote on tax measures to finance the war effort. in his message he attacked the Lincoln administration for its conduct of the war and singled out for special criticism the president’s refusal to turn the struggle into a crusade to end slavery:

he who is not for the Union, unconditionally, in this mortal struggle, is against it. the highest dictates of patriotism, justice, and humanity combine to demand that the war should be conducted to a speedy close upon principles of the most heroic energy and retributive power. the time for gentle dalliance has long since passed away. We meet an enemy, vindictive, bloodthirsty, and cruel, profoundly in earnest, inspired with an energy and self sacrifice which would honor a good cause, respect- ing neither laws, constitutions, nor historic memories, fanatically devoted only to his one wicked purpose to destroy the government and establish his slaveholding oligarchy in its stead. to treat this enemy gentle is to incite his derision. to protect his slave property is to help him to butcher our people and burn our houses. no. he must be met with an activity and purpose to equal his own. hurl the Union forces, which outnumber him two to one, upon his whole line like thunderbolt. … if our soldiers must die, do not let it be of the inactivity and diseases of camps, but let them at least have the satisfaction of falling like soldiers, amid the roar of battle, and hearing the shouts of victory. Let us hope that we have not much longer to wait.

in response to this stirring appeal, the legislature passed a resolution stating that “Michigan does not hesitate to say that . . . slavery should be swept from the land, and our country maintained.”

two days later, the Republican legislative caucus selected Jacob M. howard, of detroit, to fill the vacancy in the United States Senate caused by the death of Kinsley Bingham. howard’s nomination was opposed by outstate Republicans who supported Blair on the contention that both senators should not reside in detroit.

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War policy dominated the gubernatorial contest in 1862. Blair was easily renominated and ran on a platform calling for the unconditional surrender of the South and support of the Emancipation Proclamation as a necessary war measure. in an attempt to dissociate themselves with “Southern democratic traitors,” Michigan democrats selected Byron G. Stout, of Pontiac, a former Republican, to head a “Union” ticket. the election reflected declining northern support in the handling of the war. Blair was reelected, but only by 5,714 votes, and the Union democrats gained one seat in the congressional delegation, twenty-seven in the state house, and twelve in the state senate.

Following announcement of the Emancipation Proclamation in September 1862, an anti-Radicalism swept Michigan. the powerful and influential Detroit Free Press refused to endorse a war to end slavery and called for a negotiated settlement, saying that Lincoln had obviously become a mere puppet of the Radicals. A Monroe County newspaper editorialized that the war had been caused by northerners and that “Abolitionists in their greed of office” were determined “to prolong the strife as long as possible, destroy the country, and raise hell itself.” in Calhoun County, a prominent judge denounced Lincoln as a “damnable Abolitionist” and urged the people “to rise up and hurl him from his chair” before he further sacrificed American soldiers in an “unjust cause.”

in early February 1863, heartened by their election successes, Michigan democrats adopted a state party platform that asserted that the nation was faced with a choice between freedom and despotism. Party leaders contended that Lincoln was a tyrant who was intent on destroying civil liberties through his edicts to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, deny jury trials, limit freedom of speech and the press, and establish martial law in states not in rebellion. in impassioned speeches, delegates attacked the University of Michigan as a hot- bed of radicalism and antislavery sentiment, and they reminded the citizens of Michigan that the “United States government was entirely for white men and only white men.”

the immediate result of the adoption of this platform was the destruction of the Union democratic Party. infuriated by the new direction of their party, prominent “War democrats,” including former governors Lewis Cass and Robert McClelland, announced their allegiance to the Republican Party. to capitalize on this rift in the democratic ranks, the Republican legislature passed a resolution assuring the people of Michigan that it was

. . . unalterably opposed to any terms of compromise and accommodation with the rebels, while under arms and acting in hostility to the government of the Union, and on this we express but one sentiment—unconditional submission and obedience to the laws and constitution of the Union.

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throughout the war “Peace democrats” continued to agitate for an end to the struggle by appealing to racial prejudice and war weariness, but to no avail. Calls to restore the Union without the destruction of slavery could not succeed in a state renowned as “the bastion of free men.”

in 1864, Michigan delegates to the Republican national Convention sup- ported the renomination of Lincoln, but opposed his choice of Andrew Johnson, a tennessee “War democrat,” to be his running mate. the delega- tion stood firm for the Radical incumbent, hannibal hamlin, of Maine, and turned to Johnson only to make his nomination unanimous. At the state level, Blair, who had nearly exhausted both his personal fortune and health serving as governor, chose not to run for another term, and the Republicans nominated the wealthy Flint lumber and railroad magnate henry h. Crapo to succeed him. As in 1862, the conduct of the war was the only issue, but in 1864, this proved beneficial to the Republicans. With the news of General William tecumseh Sherman’s taking of Atlanta thrilling state voters and fill- ing them with hope that the long struggle was nearing an end, they gave the Republican ticket a vote of confidence. Republicans swept every national and state contest, regained the lost congressional seat, and won back seats in the state house and senate. Michigan voters had given a resounding message that they wanted the party that was winning the war to dictate the peace as well.

The Struggle for Freedom

over 90,000 Michigan men, approximately 23 percent of the state’s male popu- lation and over half of its military-age male population, served in the Union armed forces. Among them were 1,661 blacks, many of whom made up the First Michigan Colored infantry, which was created in late 1863. Later known as the 102nd Regiment United States Colored troops, these soldiers were sub- jected to ridicule by a large segment of the state’s residents who believed that blacks were not qualified to fight. the Detroit Free Press sneeringly referred to the regiment as the “First Ethiopians,” and the Republican Detroit Advertiser and Tribune regretfully reported high incidents of drunkenness and unruly behavior among black troops. the state’s white soldiers wrote songs telling how they were willing to prove their “liberalism” on the race issue by letting “Sambo be murdered in place of myself.” Such criticism was unfounded, however, as the 102nd campaigned in South Carolina and Florida during the last months of the war and contributed to the Union victory by destroying miles of Southern railroad.

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Another minority that served the country well was the American indian. during the war more than 200 of Michigan’s indians, including two chiefs, enlisted in the Union army to, as one put it, “protect the old banner which is the pride of all loyal American people.” An indian company, commanded by Lieutenant Graverat, of traverse City, was formed in the 1st Michigan Sharpshooters and it compiled an admirable battle record, earning commenda- tion for valor at Spotsylvania.

the “fight for freedom” also drew to its cause thousands of German, irish, and English immigrants who had not yet received citizenship but wanted to serve their new homeland. in all, Michigan raised thirty regiments of infantry, eleven of cavalry, one of artillery, and one of sharpshooters, while 482 men enlisted in the United States navy.

Michigan men fought heroically in every theater of the war. they were with McClellan on the Peninsula, Grant in the Wilderness, and Sherman on his “March to the Sea.” individual valor was shown numerous times. At Bull Run General orlando B. Willcox and his 1st Michigan infantry suffered heavy losses trying to stem the Rebel advance toward Washington. Major General israel P. Richardson, of Pontiac, one of the finest officers in the Union army, lost his life leading an assault on an enemy position at Antietam. At Gettysburg the 24th Michigan infantry, consisting mainly of men from Wayne County and part of the famed “Black hat” iron Brigade, proved that its fighting reputation was well deserved. on the first day of the battle they were called upon to hold Seminary Ridge against an overpowering Confederate force. By nightfall the iron Brigade was forced to retreat with heavy casualties. of the 496 Michigan soldiers in the fray, 399 lost their lives, but their effort had gained the rest of the Union army enough time to make strategic troop and artillery placements that resulted in the ultimate defeat of Robert E. Lee’s army. the 4th and 5th Michigan infantry fought bravely at Gettysburg as well, helping to secure Big and Little Round top, while the 7th Michigan infantry took the brunt of General George Pickett’s famous charge on the final day of the battle. Wherever Michigan men served, their commanders always praised their “skill and cool gallantry” under fire.

of all Michigan’s gallant sons who fought in the war perhaps the most famous was George Armstrong Custer, of Monroe, who commanded the Michigan Cavalry Brigade. A West Point graduate who had begun his active service as a lieutenant and aide-de-camp to General George B. McClellan, Custer rose quickly through the ranks. in early June 1862, at the age of twenty- two, he was made captain; later that month he was promoted to brigadier general, the youngest man ever to hold that title; and two years later he became the nation’s youngest major general. As a commander Custer was a striking figure. Major James h. Kidd, of the 6th Michigan Cavalry, recalled,

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he was clad in a suit of black velvet elaborately trimmed with gold lace, which ran down the outer seams of his trousers, and almost covered the sleeves of his cavalry jacket. the wide collar of a navy blue shirt was turned down over the collar of his velvet jacket, and a necktie of brilliant crimson was tied in a graceful knot at the throat, the long ends falling carelessly in front. the double rows of buttons on his breast were arranged in groups of twos, indicating the rank of brigadier general. A soft, black hat with wide brim adorned with a gilt cord, and rosette circling a silver star, was worn turned down on one side giving him a rakish air. his golden hair fell in graceful luxu- riance nearly or quite to his shoulders, and his upper lip was garnished with a blonde moustache. A sword and belt, gilt spurs and top boots completed his unique outfit.

Custer’s attire was a source of pride to himself and his men. Knowing that the most respected infantry unit was identified by its black hats, Custer had his wife make red ties, identical to his own, for each of his soldiers. Soon, to be a “Red tie” serving with “the Boy General” meant cavalry excellence.

to watch Custer lead a charge was unbelievable, and observers said that it was like seeing a “circus rider gone mad.” he would be in front of his men, waving either a saber or his hat, and yelling in his high shrill voice, “Come on you Wolverines!” he became so popular that men in other regiments would

Figure 7.1 “Come and Join Us Brothers,” a Union recruiting tool published by the Supervisory Committee for Recruiting Colored Regiments. Rare Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections Library, duke University.

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desert to try to join his force, and once 300 enlistees petitioned to serve in his command. in return for such devotion, Custer always gave full credit for his victories to his men and blamed only himself for any failure.

Custer’s war record was illustrious and earned for him the reputation of being one of the finest cavalry officers in either the Union or Confederate armies. As a reward for his valor, Custer was given the honor of receiving Lee’s surrender flag and being present in the McLean house when the Confederate leader surrendered the Army of northern Virginia to General Ulysses S. Grant. Custer’s accomplishments were so appreciated by General Philip Sheridan that he presented the table upon which Lee signed the surrender document to Mrs. Elizabeth Custer, saying that there was “scarcely an individual in our ser- vice who has contributed more to bring about this desirable result than your very gallant husband.” Grant concurred, adding that Sheridan was the best judge of officers in the army and his confidence in Custer was complete. the northern people shared in this view and in the postwar victory parades the cheers given Michigan’s hero were equal to those afforded Grant.

Figure 7.2 Major General George A. Custer, c. 1864. Courtesy of the national Archives, ARC: 558719, Loc: AnSCo-CA-10.

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While Custer was the state’s most illustrious soldier, Frank thompson was its most unusual. Private thompson enlisted in the Union army in 1861, along with scores of other Flint residents. What made this enlistment different was that in reality thompson was a male impersonator named Sarah Emma Edmonds. For several years she had masqueraded as a man while selling Bibles to earn a living. in the army she somehow managed to conceal her sex and identity for two years, during which time she served with her comrades in the 2nd Michigan infantry in the First Bull Run, Peninsula, Antietam, and Fredericksburg cam- paigns. on several occasions she served as a spy for General McClellan, generally choosing as her disguise that of a woman. in 1863, because of poor health she left the army and returned to civilian life. in 1882 she applied for a pension under her given name. Following a congressional investigation her claim was granted and in 1884 she was awarded full membership in the Veterans Association of the Grand Army of the Republic—the only woman in Michigan to receive such an honor.

Figure 7.3 Sara Emma Edmonds Seelye, shown here as Private Franklin thompson. Courtesy of Library and Archives Canada, Acc. no. 1993-483-305. Copyright: Estate of Gordon Johnston.

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Michigan’s most unusual occurrence during the war involved the passenger steamer Philo Parsons. in 1864 a group of Confederate agents devised a daring scheme to capture the warship U.S.S. Michigan on Lake Erie and use it to free several thousand Rebel prisoners held on Johnson’s island near Sandusky, ohio. the plan called for a Rebel spy to infiltrate the Michigan’s crew and, on an assigned day, drug the sailors’ noon meal, thus disabling them and making the ship easy prey for a boarding party. on September 19, 1864, at detroit, a Confederate agent booked passage on the Philo Parsons and requested the pilot to stop at both Sandwich and Amherstbergh, ontario, to pick up some friends who were unable to reach detroit in time to board. needing the fares, the pilot agreed. At Amherstbergh a crate was brought aboard that, unbeknownst to the pilot, contained guns and ammunition. once underway again, the Confederate agent and his men distributed the guns, seized control of the ship, its passen- gers and crew, and charted a course toward the Michigan.

Unfortunately for the Rebels, their plan, which had progressed smoothly, began to fall apart. the governor general of Canada had learned of the plot and, through the British embassy in Washington, warned the American govern- ment, which then ordered the arrest of the bogus crewman on the Michigan. When the Parsons steamed toward the warship, the Rebels were shocked to discover that its guns were manned and ready for an attack. Panic-stricken, the Rebels mutinied and ordered their leader to return the ship to Amherstbergh. Upon reaching that port, the Confederates scuttled the Parsons and fled. this abortive raid became more ironic when seven of the Rebels tried to return to the South and were seized and imprisoned on Johnson’s island with the captives they had sought to free.

having been involved in nearly every aspect of the war effort, it was fitting that Michigan men were involved in one of the final events of the struggle— the capture of Jefferson davis. When Lee surrendered on April 9, 1865, the 4th Michigan Cavalry, commanded by Colonel Benjamin d. Pritchard, of Allegan, was campaigning in the deep South. While in Macon, Georgia, word reached Pritchard that davis had fled Richmond and was headed toward Macon. on May 7 the 4th Cavalry received orders to search for the Confederate president and prevent him from escaping and reaching the trans-Mississippi region where he might be able to establish a new government and rally the remaining Rebel armies. three days later, Pritchard’s force arrived at the small town of irwinville and was informed by residents that davis and his party were camped about a mile and a half away. A predawn raid was made the next day, and everyone in the encampment was captured. Pritchard then delivered the most famous prisoner of war to federal authorities at Fortress Monroe in Virginia.

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As always, the war brought more tragedy than glory. nearly 15,000 of Michigan’s military contingent never returned home, while those who did never forgot the horrors of war. these men had not fought and died in vain, however, as their efforts had made certain that freedom and democracy could endure. Governor Crapo echoed the sentiments of all Michigan residents in his proclamation of welcome to the returning soldiers: “Soldiers! You have taught a lesson, not only to the enemies of your country, but to the world, which will never be forgotten.”

Life and Labor During the War

during the war the economic growth of the state quickened. Prices and wages rose steadily, demand for manufactured and agricultural goods soared, and as a result industrialists and farmers made fabulous profits.

Because of the shortage of men to work the fields, farmers turned to machin- ery. demand for reapers and mowers was so great that suppliers could not meet it. harrows, cultivators, threshers, and stump lifters became common. Bumper crops of wheat, corn, oats, and rye were sold at record prices to the government as food for the military. Loss of Southern cotton and sugar cane increased the demand for Michigan wool and corn sorghum. While the war raged, Michigan farmers achieved prosperity of which they had never dreamed.

the state’s copper-mining industry also boomed during the war, as govern- ment orders for brass buttons, copper canteens, and bronze cannons were so numerous that they could not be immediately filled. Even with the incentive of high market prices for every pound of copper produced, severe labor problems resulted in shortages. Mine owners became so desperate that they established a $90,000 fund to finance a Swedish engineer who promised to recruit laborers in Europe. this plan might have worked, as over a hundred Scandinavians arrived at detroit, but many were lured by army bonuses into the military before they could board the ship which was to take them to the upper peninsula mines. despite these setbacks, during the war 70 percent of the nation’s copper came from Michigan.

of all the state’s industries, lumbering suffered the most, but only by com- parison to mining and agriculture. At the start of the war the lumber market was glutted and, even though demand for timber steadily rose, lumbermen did not have sufficient capital to expand their facilities to meet it. By 1865 the price of lumber had doubled its 1861 level but only a fortunate few had been able to use amassed monies to purchase more timber stands. these men made

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overnight fortunes and most invested their new wealth after the war in the blos- soming railroad industry.

in the noneconomic areas of the home front, much was done for the state’s military men. in Washington, d.C., a Michigan Soldiers’ Relief Association was established to care for emergency needs of Michigan troops in the Army of the Potomac. the association solicited money, clothing, and medical supplies, as well as running a hotel, known as the Michigan Soup house, for Michigan sol- diers on leave. in Michigan a local chapter of the relief association collected food, books, clothing, and everything else that friends and relatives thought the men at the front might need. Churches collected and distributed Bibles and religious materials, while women made thousands of bandages to be sent to field hospitals and wrote regularly to loved ones to keep up their morale. Still others contributed to the war effort by purchasing state and federal war bonds. in Michigan, as in the rest of the loyal states, the Civil War was truly one of citi- zen involvement. Unfortunately, after the battlefield struggle ended, domestic political struggles continued and war hatreds lingered on for years.

For Further Reading

numerous volumes have been published concerning Michigan’s role in the Civil War. of these, George S. May, A Bibliography of Printed Sources on Michigan and the Civil War (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1962) and John Robertson, Michigan in the War (Lansing: W. S. George & Co., 1882) are invaluable resource tools. the best single volume histories of Michigan’s total involvement in the struggle are Frederick Williams, Michigan Soldiers in the Civil War (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1960) and Philip Mason and Paul Pentecost, From Bull Run to Appomattox (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1961). Frank B. Woodford, Father Abraham’s Children (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1961) is a delightful study of selected persons and events which made Michigan’s wartime role unique.

For more specific insight into selected topics, several excellent sources are available. Betty Fladeland, “Alias Franklin thompson,” Michigan History, XLii (1958) and “new Light on Sarah Emma Edmonds, Alias Frank thompson,” Michigan History, XLVii (1963) offer complete details on Michigan’s most unusual enlistee. Michigan Women in the Civil War (Lansing: Michigan Civil War Centennial observance Commission, 1963) relates the crucial role played by women in securing the Union victory. Richard Sewell, “Michigan Farmers and the Civil War,” Michigan History, XLiV (1960) and herbert Brinks, “the Effect of the Civil War in 1861 on Michigan Lumbering and Mining industries,” Michigan History, XLiV (1960) describe the economic impact of the war on Michigan. J. h. Kidd, Personal Recollections of a Cavalryman (ionia: Sentinel Printing Co., 1908) and Washington Gardner, “Civil War Letters,” Michigan History, i (1917) put

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forth the human side of the struggle. Jean Fennimore, “Austin Blair: Civil War Governor,” Michigan History, XLiX (1965) offers an excellent survey of a Michigan wartime leader. the role of Custer is further recounted in Edward G. Longacre, Custer and His Wolverines: The Michigan Calvary Brigade, 1861–1865 (Conshocken: Combined Publishers, 1997). the oft-told capture of Jefferson davis is examined through the accounts of Colonel B. d. Pritchard in Paul d. Mehney, “Capturing a Confederate,” Michigan History (May–June 2000). Jeffrey Charnley, “Michigan’s A. S. Williams and the Civil War: A Century of neglect,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 1986) recounts the career of one of Michigan’s forgotten political generals, while Martin hershock, “Copperheads and Radicals: Michigan Partisan Politics during the Civil War Era, 1861– 1865,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 1992) offers an overview of the deep divi- sions within state politics. three more recent examinations of Michigan’s role in the Civil War are Richard Bak, A Distant Thunder: Michigan in the Civil War (Ann Arbor: huron River Press, 2004); Jack dempsey, Michigan in the Civil War (Charleston, South Carolina: history Press, 2011); and William Kimball, Among the Enemy: A Michigan Soldier’s Civil War Journal (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2013).

Radicals and Reformers

national politics during the thirty-five years following the Civil War tradition- ally has been depicted as the “Republican Era,” a time of one-party rule, scan- dal, incompetency, and general insensitivity toward the social problems manifesting themselves in a rapidly changing America. Yet, this picture is mis- leading. Passage of legislation such as the interstate Commerce Act and the Sherman Anti-trust Act belies the myth that unregulated business ran the nation. Although politicians were reluctant to discard immediately the Jeffersonian theory of limited government, they did accept the notion of federal responsibility for social and economic reforms, as well as limited regulation of business. it is equally erroneous to characterize the period as one of solid Republican dominance. After 1872 the democratic Party was always competi- tive in presidential contests and often controlled the house of Representatives. the United States Senate was continuously in Republican control, but rarely did the victorious party have more than a three-vote margin. Because of the closeness of party strength, both major parties relied on emotional speeches, bands, and parades, rather than issues to bring the faithful to the polls. Avoidance of controversial policy questions was common, as party leaders feared alienating any segment of voters. Consequently, many groups felt left out of the political process and created their own parties in the hope of mustering enough support to convince a major party to adopt their platforms to gain more votes.

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Michigan politics were a reflection of the national scene. ostensibly Michigan was a state that could be relied upon to deliver its electoral votes for the Republican presidential candidate. it was thought to be so safely in the Republican column during this time that no native son was ever seriously con- sidered for a presidential nomination, as that honor went to men living in “swing states” whose electoral votes were in doubt. Every United States senator from 1857 to 1900 was Republican, and Michigan democrats sent only eleven men to the house of Representatives between 1860 and 1895. Republicans con- trolled the governorship for all but four years during this time and dominated the state legislature. Yet, Republican dominance was largely illusory. numerous Republican gubernatorial candidates triumphed only because democrats and minor parties split the opposition vote. Judicious reapportionment and crea- tion of gerrymandered districts were the only ways Republicans could retain power over the state’s congressional delegation and state legislature, which elected United States senators. German and irish immigrants, who had moved in great numbers into detroit, were opposed to Republican pledges for prohibi- tory liquor laws and used their influence to weaken Republican control over Michigan’s largest city. Republicans also suffered internal rifts over the issues of paper money, tariff revision, and detroit’s stranglehold of party machinery. thus, while Republicans represented Michigan’s dominant party, their power rested upon an eroding foundation.

Black Suffrage Agitation

Like most northerners, Michigan residents were ambivalent on the question of black suffrage. Even though Michigan was in the forefront of the antislave movement, in 1850 a proposed amendment to the new state constitution call- ing for black enfranchisement was defeated by a 7–1 margin. After the war, Senators Jacob M. howard and Zachariah Chandler strongly backed Radical Reconstruction measures and passage of the thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, but at home in Michigan, in 1867 a proposed new state constitution calling for black suffrage was defeated 110,582 to 71,333. Before the election, democrats and moderate Republicans waged an emotional campaign claiming that blacks were neither mentally competent to cast an intelligent vote nor equals of white men, and they expressed fears of a mass immigration of blacks to Michigan if the consti- tution passed. Radical Republicans argued that it was illogical to support black suffrage in the South and oppose it in Michigan, but the soundness of their position was overlooked by the voters.

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in 1870 an amendment eliminating racial qualifications for suffrage was narrowly passed by the state’s voters. however, residents of the fifteen counties with the largest black population voted against the amendment by sizable majorities. Cynics claimed that the referendum did not mark any change in racial attitudes, but merely a narrow vote of confidence in the newly passed Fifteenth Amendment to the federal constitution, which negated state “white only” clauses to restrict suffrage.

despite having fought vigorously against black suffrage, democrats eagerly wooed black voters once they had become eligible for the ballot. their efforts were stymied, however, as Republican newspapers, such as the Detroit Tribune, reminded blacks of the 1863 draft riot in which “. . . a mob of democrats hunted down and murdered the friends and relatives of the very colored men whose votes they now unblushingly seek.” Black delegates were well represented at Republican political conventions, and blacks received patronage positions at all government levels. Republicans also supported civil rights legislation and ran black candidates for office. Republicans were, as the democratic Detroit Free Press lamented, the blacks’ “best friends.”

The Quest for Women’s Suffrage

Blacks were not the only group seeking the ballot following the Civil War as in 1867 delegates to the constitutional convention were deluged with petitions advocating women’s suffrage in Michigan. Proponents responded by drafting an amendment granting the franchise to females, but it was defeated 34–31.

Except for giving women the right to vote in school elections, little was done in Michigan during the years 1867–70 to promote women’s suffrage. in 1870, the Michigan Suffrage Association and the northwestern Association were founded, and through their efforts on March 19, 1874, a women’s suffrage amendment to the state constitution overwhelmingly passed the legislature. the amendment then was placed on the november ballot to receive the approval of the electorate necessary for it to become law. this referendum was the second of eighteen such votes that would be held in the state between the years 1867 and 1910. Supporters expected that it would succeed because Michigan was a progressive state with a large population, many of whom were descendants of settlers from new England and new York, where women’s suf- frage had its origins. The Nation magazine forecast that the “proposal of change” in Michigan would have “greater impact than in any other state in the west.” Confident of victory, optimistic suffragists fervently urged passage of the amendment.

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the Michigan campaign depended heavily upon appearances by suffrage leaders such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. however, “importation of foreigners” who had “grown gray in denouncing the abuse of men, and bemoaning their own unhappy condition” was resented by much of the Michigan press, irrespective of their editorial position on the suffrage issue. Apathy was the major factor, however, working against passage, as most voters did not feel strongly about the question.

in november, the amendment was crushed by a vote of 135,957–40,077. A contributing cause to the defeat was that so-called liquor interests dissuaded irish and German voters from supporting women’s suffrage on the grounds that it would guarantee passage of prohibition legislation. Susan B. Anthony noted bitterly that in Michigan “every whiskey maker, vendor, drinker, gambler, every besotted man was against us.”

Following the defeat of 1874, the suffrage movement lapsed into inactivity until 1884 when the Michigan Equal Suffrage Association, with Mary doe as president and Governor Josiah Begole as vice-president, was founded at Battle

Figure 8.1 Elizabeth Cady Stanton, seated, and Susan B. Anthony, late 1800s. Library of Congress, Washington, d.C., LC-USZ61-791.

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Creek. Shortly thereafter, Michigan’s two United States senators, thomas W. Palmer and omar d. Conger, made impassioned speeches in Congress advocating national women’s suffrage, but to no avail. in 1908, another consti- tutional convention was convened, but, once again, the resultant new docu- ment failed to include a provision for complete female voting privileges, although women taxpayers were allowed to vote on bond issues. Finally, in 1920, after ratification of the nineteenth Amendment to the federal constitu- tion, an amendment was added to the Michigan constitution giving women equal voting rights.

Senatorial Contests of 1869 and 1871

in 1866, former governor Blair, who had long aspired election to the United States Senate, mounted a campaign to unseat Chandler. to avert a party split, mutual friends of the two contestants proposed a compromise whereby Blair would withdraw from the race and support the incumbent, who, in turn, would back Blair for the next Senate vacancy in 1871. Blair refused the offer and chose to actively attack Chandler. this proved disastrous since the state legislature was predominantly in favor of Chandler and reelected him by a crushing 75–3 margin.

two years later, Blair joined William howard of Grand Rapids and thomas W. Ferry of Grand haven in the quest for Jacob howard’s place in the Senate. Blair’s cause once again was doomed. in the nominating caucus Republicans from the western side of the state demanded the seat as a reward for furnishing constant Republican majorities. Blair might have weathered the storm of geo- graphic protest, but he could not ride out the turbulence generated by the pub- lication of a private letter he had written in which he slandered both howard and Ferry and characterized all other senatorial possibilities as “corrupt scoun- drels.” this personal attack further alienated Blair from party regulars, who gave the nomination to Ferry.

The Liberal Republican Movement

in the 1868 gubernatorial contest, henry P. Baldwin, of detroit, easily won election, and two years later was reelected, but only by half of his previous mar- gin. this indication of declining strength concerned state Republican leaders who sought to maintain party power by having the legislature gerrymander congressional districts so that the heavily democratic counties of Washtenaw,

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oakland, and Macomb were split and placed piecemeal with overwhelmingly Republican areas.

during Baldwin’s administration, projects initiated by his predecessor, henry Crapo, were completed. A geological survey of the upper peninsula was made, lock capacity at Sault Ste. Marie was tripled, a ship canal was built from Lake Superior to Portage Lake, and nearly 2,000 miles of railroad track were laid in his first two years in office. he supported expansion of the school for the deaf, dumb, and blind at Flint and the asylum for the insane at Kalamazoo, as well as construction of a home for indigent and needy children at Coldwater. in addition, Baldwin recommended to the legislature that a commission be estab- lished to study the state’s penal, reformatory, and charitable institutions. the study was made, and the governor strongly advocated most of the suggested progressive reforms.

Michigan’s declining support for the Republican Party was indicative of national sentiments. Revelations of scandal in President Ulysses S. Grant’s administration alienated many of the party faithful. Following Grant’s renomi- nation in 1872, men such as Charles Francis Adams, Charles Sumner, and Carl Schurz bolted the party and founded the Liberal Republican Party. in Michigan, Liberal Republicans were led by the state’s most disgruntled politi- cian, Austin Blair. the former Radical governor echoed the call of the national Liberal organization by urging amnesty for all former Confederates, an end to “bloody shirt” campaigning by Republicans, and elimination of corruption in politics. to further sever his past ties to the regular Republicans, Blair sought, and received, the Liberal Republican nomination for governor to oppose the Republican candidate, John J. Bagley, of detroit. As might be expected, Blair led the Liberal ticket to a staggering defeat. only two counties gave either Blair or the Liberal candidate for President, horace Greeley, a plurality. Blair received only 36 percent of the vote, as angry Republicans denounced their wartime leader as a “traitor” and showed their wrath at the polls. once again what super- ficially appeared to be a great show of strength was really more of an indication of opposition weakness.

The Campaign of 1874

Republican fortunes seemed to take another turn for the worse in 1873 when a severe economic depression gripped Michigan and the nation. State farmers, hit hard by the crisis, joined the Patrons of husbandry, or Grange, in an effort to mobilize their political strength. Within five years Michigan’s Grange mem- bership was the ninth highest in the nation. Since most Michigan farmers

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belonged to the Republican Party, it was faced with mass defections unless it proved responsive to agrarian demands for inflation, prohibition, and regula- tion of railroads. Unfortunately, Republicans were deeply split on each of these issues.

during the Civil War, the federal government had issued paper currency, called “greenbacks,” to expand the amount of money in circulation and finance the war. Following the conflict, a move was begun to redeem all paper funds with gold and silver and to halt printing of “soft money.” Michigan’s congres- sional delegation mirrored national and state indecision on this question. Senator Chandler and all but two of the state’s nine congressmen supported resumption of specie, or “hard money,” payments, while Senator Ferry and the other congressional members opposed it. Ferry argued that the depression had been caused by insufficient currency in circulation, which resulted in lower spending and business closings; to Ferry, further reduction would lead only to more suffering, and, to avoid that, inflation was the only solution. Emotions grew so heated that when Congressman omar d. Conger warned that unless the economy improved and business increased wages for workers a labor revolt could occur, he was denounced by “hard money” Republicans as being “Communist.” Congressional action calling for limited resumption was a com- promise which pleased neither side, and currency agitation continued for over two decades.

Prohibition was another divisive issue, even though Michigan had had a prohibition statute in effect since 1855. the Republican Party had long been associated with prohibition, primarily as a means of linking democrats to “whiskey guzzling” irish Catholics. Prominent Republicans joined “Red Ribbon Clubs,” led petition drives for prohibitory legislation, and spoke at antiliquor rallies. however, following the Civil War, Republicans were faced with a dilemma. German-Americans, who had a proclivity to imbibe beer, had sup- ported the Republican Party because of its position on slavery, but now that that question had been resolved they began to demand that their party alter its stand on prohibition. Republican fears increased when state democrats pledged in 1872 to support temperance rather than prohibition, which drew many Germans from the Republicans. Caught in the midst of this maelstrom, Republican leaders sought the shelter of silence, hoping that by ignoring the liquor question it would fade from public attention. When the issue refused to die by itself, Governor Bagley settled the matter in 1875 by recommending, and receiving from the legislature, repeal of the 1855 statute and the institution of a system of taxation and licensing to regulate liquor traffic.

the question of business regulation, especially control of railroads, was equally damaging to Republicans. Most of the party’s prominent members were

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businessmen who had invested heavily in railroads and who were often lobby- ists for special business interests. After the Crédit Mobilier scandal, railroad companies were viewed with a critical eye by a reform-minded electorate, and because the scandal had occurred under Grant’s administration the Republican Party came under special scrutiny. once again, Republicans were caught in the midst of an impossible situation: to come out strongly for regulation would alienate the major contributors to the party, but to oppose regulation would imply that Republicans did not care about stopping illegal business practices.

in light of these problems, it is not surprising that the Republicans suffered reverses in 1874. Governor Bagley was reelected by only 3,000 votes, but the party nearly lost three congressional seats and barely retained legislative control.

Zachariah Chandler: Down but Not Out

democratic resurgence in Michigan in 1874 had an important impact on national, as well as state, politics. Zachariah Chandler’s Senate term expired in 1875, and with the Republican majority in the state legislature reduced to ten his reelection was not assured. during his eighteen years in office “old Zach” had alienated many moderate Republicans by his “coarse behavior,” intemper- ance, unyielding support for black rights, and unending “waving of the bloody shirt” in opposition to any reconstruction policy urging reconciliation with the South. Blatant use of machine politics gave him, and the so-called “detroit Ring” of Chandler partisans, complete power over all federal patronage, much to the dismay of younger moderates led by Governor Bagley. Because of his close ties to the Grant administration, Chandler was tainted by the scandals which came to light during the President’s second term. these factors com- bined to make Chandler vulnerable to defeat. When the legislature convened in January 1875, a small number of young Republican lawmakers, mostly from rural southwestern Michigan, joined with democrats to oust Chandler and replace him with the respected moderate Republican justice of the Michigan Supreme Court, isaac P. Christiancy.

Chandler bitterly vowed revenge on those “traitors” who had defeated him, and eagerly accepted Grant’s offer to serve as secretary of the interior to retain some base of political strength. in 1876 he was made chairman of the Repub- lican national Committee and was instrumental in orchestrating the events that led to the election of Rutherford B. hayes.

two years later Chandler was chosen chairman of the Michigan Republican State Committee and brilliantly directed the 1878 campaign. Republicans

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suffered reverses nationwide, but in Michigan Governor Charles Croswell was reelected to a second term, the entire Republican state ticket was elected, and every congressional district was captured by the Republicans. While this vic- tory was more a result of factionalism among democrats, Greenbackers, and Prohibitionists than a solid endorsement of Republican policies, nevertheless Chandler was jubilant, for once again he was “King of Michigan politics.”

in January 1879, amid reports of marital strife and domestic scandal, Senator Christiancy resigned his seat under pressure from President hayes, who then appointed him minister to Peru. this paved the way for a possible return to the Senate for Chandler. Respected and powerful Radical congressmen omar d. Conger and henry Waldron, both of whom aspired promotion to the Senate, threw their support to “the greatest Radical of them all,” leaving only ex- Governor Bagley to contest Chandler. the opposition was futile, and Chandler won easily. Eyeing the presidential nomination in 1880, Chandler continued his attacks on “Rebel Brigadiers,” as democratic congressmen were derisively dubbed, and warned the nation not to forget past treason committed by Southerners and democrats. in november 1879, after delivering one of his famous harangues against democratic policies, Chandler suffered a fatal stroke. With his passing an era ended in Michigan politics. Radicals and moderates began a grim struggle to claim Chandler’s leadership mantle, which fur- ther factionalized the already divided Republican Party. the “citadel of Republicanism,” as party officials proudly called Michigan, was beginning to crumble.

From Chandler to Pingree

the battle for power first manifested itself in the selection of Chandler’s succes- sor. Governor Charles Croswell sought the seat for himself but did not want to suffer the adverse repercussions which invariably arose from self-appointment to higher office. thus, he selected Judge Fernando Beaman, of Adrian, who was to serve until the term expired in 1881 and then step aside for Croswell. however, Beaman refused to serve, citing age and ill-health, which forced Croswell to nominate another “weak” caretaker. his choice was former Governor Baldwin, a selection which further alienated young moderates in the party, who vowed to oppose Croswell in the future. two years later, when Baldwin sought reelection, he was opposed by Congressman Conger and ex-Governor Bagley. Conger and Baldwin made an arrangement whereby in case of a stalemate between them the one with the lesser votes in the conven- tion would withdraw and support the other to assure Bagley’s defeat. Baldwin

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did so and Conger was sent to the Senate. the means used to secure his defeat so infuriated Bagley that he moved to California where he lived out the brief remainder of his life. once again the “old Guard” had triumphed.

this election was even more significant because it so closely followed the bitter struggle for the gubernatorial nomination in 1880 between wealthy lum- berman david Jerome of Saginaw, thomas W. Palmer of detroit, and Francis B. Stockbridge of Kalamazoo. After a prolonged contest filled with allegations of bribery, fraud, and slander, Jerome emerged triumphant. in november, the Republican presidential candidate, James A. Garfield, swept to victory in Michigan by a nearly 50,000-vote margin and carried Jerome into office on his coattails.

Republican newspapers characterized the 1880 election as a “clean sweep” and a “victory by an old time majority,” but this enthusiasm proved unfounded. in 1882 democrats and Greenbackers joined forces to create a Fusion Party. their gubernatorial standard-bearer was Josiah Begole, a respected, popular former Republican “soft money” congressman from Flint. Governor Jerome came under attack for being aloof, impersonal, intemperate in his drinking, and a tool of vested business interests, and lost his bid for reelection in a close contest. For the first time since the creation of the party in 1854, Republicans had lost control of Michigan’s statehouse. More importantly, Republicans dis- covered that, if their opponents united against them, they were a minority party.

Fusionist control proved short-lived and in 1884 detroit lumberman Russell Alger recaptured the governor’s chair for the Republicans, but only by a mere 4,000 votes. had Begole not been stung by charges of collusion with railroad men in the letting of contracts, his reelection would have been secure.

Public sensitivity to scandal had been heightened by the 1883 contest for the United States Senate seat. Knowledgeable observers were confident that the incumbent, thomas W. Ferry, would easily be nominated for a third term. however, during the convention, rumors spread that Ferry had been engaged in several questionable financial matters. his denials of any wrongdoing were overshadowed by a charge by detroit Mayor William thompson that Ferry had offered him a bribe in return for his support. After nearly two months of strug- gle and eighty-one ballots, the Republican legislative caucus settled upon thomas W. Palmer, a wealthy lumberman and former supporter of Zachariah Chandler, for the senatorship. Palmer’s election was a milestone of sorts in Michigan politics as it marked the last time a member of the Chandler faction would achieve political prominence.

the years 1886–90 were politically tranquil. to calm outstate fears that the Republican Party had fallen into the grasp of the detroit-based and

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urban-oriented Michigan Club, the party selected Cyrus G. Luce, a Branch County farmer and former head of the Michigan Grange, to run for governor in 1886. his narrow election over the Fusion candidate, former democratic congressman George L. Yaple of Mendon, demonstrated the continued stagna- tion of Republican growth in the state.

the man who ultimately replaced Chandler as Republican kingmaker was James McMillan, a wealthy detroit businessman. As state Republican chair- man, McMillan established a strong political machine. his personal fortune, close ties with railroad and utility magnates, links with the Grand Army of the Republic Veterans Association, and support of the upper peninsula based on his insistence that the region always be represented on the state ticket, formed the nucleus of his political strength.

McMillan’s far-reaching influence was shown in the 1887 senatorial race. Senator Conger enjoyed widespread support among the people, but not state legislators, and numerous prominent, wealthy Republicans sought to deny him a second term by using their fortunes to purchase his seat. Moreover, there was pressure from the solidly Republican western side of the state to be represented in the Senate. McMillan, who coveted Palmer’s place in 1889, knew that if

Figure 8.2 Republican rally in Coldwater, 1896. Courtesy Archives of Michigan, negative #04961.

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Conger, who lived in Port huron, was reelected, the 1889 bid would go to a westerner rather than himself; thus he threw his influence and money behind Francis Stockbridge. With McMillan’s aid, Stockbridge narrowly defeated Conger and was sent to Washington as Michigan’s second millionaire senator.

The Pingree Era

the decade of the 1890s opened with continuing reverses for state Republicans. in the 1890 election, democrats seized control of the statehouse for only the second time in thirty-four years and also gained a majority in the state senate. the only Republican “rising star” was the young, dynamic, progressive mayor of detroit, hazen S. Pingree, who had amazed everyone, including his con- servative Michigan Club backers, by forging a coalition of businessmen and ethnic groups that carried him to victory in a bastion of democratic strength.

As mayor, Pingree set the standards that later “progressives” utilized to bring about urban reforms. he constantly battled for the common man against all vested interests, which won him the love of the people and the hatred of his conservative supporters, especially Senator McMillan. When utility companies refused to lower their rates, Pingree called for municipal ownership of gas and light companies; when street railroad firms refused to reduce fares, the mayor threatened to veto their franchise renewal requests and to establish a city- owned transit system; when strikes occurred, Pingree urged arbitration rather than indulging in the common practice of calling in the state militia to act as strikebreakers; and when the depression of 1893 caused massive hunger, Pingree set aside vacant city lots in which the poor could plant vegetable gar- dens. to aid those impoverished by the economic collapse, the mayor asked wealthy detroiters to make financial contributions to a relief fund, but his for- mer backers refused. to shame them, Pingree sold his valuable prize horse at public auction and donated the proceeds to the relief program.

Calls for increased taxes on business, with revenue going to assist the needy, earned Pingree the enmity of nearly every prominent detroit Republican. Acting from revenge, his former friends attempted to discredit Pingree and ostracize him from the city’s elite social circle. they nicknamed the mayor “Potato Patch Pingree” and warned city residents that hordes of potato beetles were headed for detroit. in addition, his memberships in exclusive clubs were not renewed, banks refused to extend him credit, and his preferred church pew was taken from him. Such petty acts of vindictiveness only increased Pingree’s popularity with the masses, and he was reelected twice with ever-larger margins.

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Pingree soon discovered that many of his proposals for municipal reform were being killed in the conservative Republican state legislature. to be in a position to give more assistance to detroit, he sought the Republican guberna- torial nomination in 1892 and 1894, but was blocked by Senator McMillan, chairman of the state Republican committee. in 1896, many Republicans real- ized that their presidential candidate, William McKinley, would have difficulty carrying Michigan on his own, and, in order to assure the success of the national ticket, they urged that Pingree receive the nomination for governor. this was done, and McMillan angrily resigned as state chairman so that he would not have to campaign for a “repugnant” gubernatorial candidate.

during the campaign, Pingree amazed everyone by urging Republicans to split their tickets and vote for him and William Jennings Bryan, the democratic presidential candidate, whose position on flexible currency was closer to Pingree’s own views. the Detroit News predicted that a Pingree triumph would be the “greatest personal victory ever achieved by any man in the field of

Figure 8.3 hazen Pingree capitalized on his political position by having his company name its best shoe the “Governor.” Pingree shoes were said to be “honest and feel best.” Courtesy of the collection of Linda Gaio.

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Michigan politics.” Pingree campaigned hard and won election by 83,000 votes, which ironically was enough to pull McKinley through as well. once elected, Pingree again astounded observers by announcing that he was planning to remain the mayor of detroit while serving as governor. told that serving in two offices would constitute a conflict of interest, Pingree reluctantly relinquished his mayoral duties.

As governor, Pingree continued to fight for equalized taxation, improved labor standards, and an end to corrupt business practices. Unfortunately, most of Pingree’s plans were stopped by a conservative, pro-McMillan bloc in the state senate, whom Pingree derisively called the “immoral nineteen.” Frustrated, in 1901 Pingree relinquished the governor’s chair to his conservative Republican successor, Aaron Bliss, and retired to private life.

Pingree’s political legacy was that of social reform. he attempted to revitalize the democratic process and introduce innovative approaches to challenges posed by a new urban society. By skillfully welding a coalition of immigrants and reformers he managed to transcend traditional party lines to defeat the entrenched conservative machine that had dominated Michigan politics for decades. through Pingree’s leadership, Michigan was well prepared to enter an urban-oriented twentieth century.

For Further Reading

While no volume deals exclusively with Michigan politics during the post–Civil War period, insight into the political machinery at work can be gained from William Livingstone, History of the Republican Party (detroit: W. Livingstone, 1900); harriette M. dilla, Politics in Michigan (new York: Columbia University Press, 1912); and Stephen B. and Vera h. Sarasohn, Political Party Patterns in Michigan (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1957). Sister Mary Karl George, Zachariah Chandler: A Political Biography (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1969) offers an excellent account of the senator’s federal career, but neglects his impact on state politics. Melvin holli, Reform in Detroit: Hazen S. Pingree and Urban Politics (new York: oxford University Press, 1969) is a superior study of the “Father of Urban Progressivism.” Radical Republicanism in Michigan is treated in George M. Blackburn, “Radical Motivation: A Case history,” Journal of Negro History (April 1969) and James C. Mohr (ed.), Radical Republicans in the North: State Politics During Reconstruction (Baltimore: Johns hopkins University Press, 1976). donald C. Swift and Lawrence E. Ziewacz, “the Election of 1882: A Republican Analysis,” The Journal of the Great Lakes History Conference, i (1976) discusses the first Republican gubernatorial defeat in the post–Civil War era. other useful material may be found in Richard M. doolen, “the national Greenback Party in Michigan Politics,” Michigan History (June 1963); John Lederle and

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Rita Feiler Aid, “Michigan State Party Chairmen,” Michigan History (June 1957); Lawrence E. Ziewacz, “the Eighty-first Ballot: the Senatorial Struggle of 1883,” Michigan History (September 1972), and Bruce A. Rubenstein, “omar d. Conger: Michigan’s Forgotten Favorite Son,” Michigan History (September–october 1982). Elizabeth Giese (ed.), Michigan’s Women’s Suffrage: A Political History (Lansing: the Michigan Political history Society and the Michigan Women’s Studies Association, 1995) and Lawrence E. Ziewacz, “thomas W. Palmer: A Michigan Senator’s ‘Masterly Argument’ for Women’s Suffrage,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 2000) offer insight into the politics of the crusade of women’s suffrage. Philip VanderMeer, “Political Crisis and third Parties: the Gold democrats of Michigan,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 1989) examines the impact of the currency question on Michigan politics.

Early Ethnic Contributions

in 1860 Michigan’s population was 749,113, but by 1890 it had almost tripled, reaching 2,093,889. detroit, Michigan’s largest city, grew at an even more phe- nomenal pace during that period, increasing from 45,619 to 205,876 or nearly 450 percent. Much of this increase in population was a result of foreign immi- gration. Between 1860 and 1900 over 700,000 new inhabitants migrated to Michigan, of whom almost 400,000 came from foreign lands. in 1870 detroit ranked fourteenth among the nation’s cities in the size of its foreign-born popu- lation, and by 1890, one-fourth of its population was foreign born.

Michigan and Immigration Encouragement

As early as 1845 the state of Michigan actively initiated a policy of attracting new settlers from Europe. Reacting to a joint resolution of the legislature, intro- duced by State Senator Edwin M. Cust of Livingston County, calling for estab- lishment of an office of Foreign Emigration in new York, Governor John Barry signed the bill into law March 24, 1845. on April 19, the governor appointed John Almy, of Grand Rapids, as new York agent for landowners seeking to attract settlers to their sparsely populated lands in ottawa and Kent counties. Almy was paid $60 for two months’ work and an additional $30 for the cost of preparing a pamphlet describing Michigan’s attractions.

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Almy wrote a six-page pamphlet, State of Michigan—1845—To Emigrants, which gave general information about the state, praised its resources, and included a map. over 5,000 brochures were printed and distributed to potential immigrants. Although Governor Barry was impressed with Almy’s efforts and offered to extend his contract for sixty additional days, Almy declined.

interest in state-promoted immigration activities did not cease with Almy’s retirement. in early 1849 Governor Epaphroditus Ransom sought to encourage German and dutch settlers to emigrate to Michigan. he reinstituted the office of emigrant agent and selected Edward h. thomson, a former state senator from Flint, to fill the position. By May, thomson was in new York making contacts with shipping officials. Soon thereafter he prepared a forty-seven-page brochure entitled The Emigrant’s Guide to the State of Michigan. Printed in English and German, this pamphlet gave a brief description and history of the state, including information about “its rails, climate, markets, agriculture and commercial advantages, imports and exports, the laws relating to education, and many other details of interest and importance to prospective immigrants.” during the remainder of 1849, more than 14,000 of these glowing advertise- ments were printed and distributed. An attempt was made in 1850 to continue thomson’s position, but newly reelected Governor Barry refused to act upon a bill that would have provided for funding for the agent, and thomson was recalled.

nine years later, thomson, then a member of the state house of representa- tives, offered a joint resolution for the appropriation of $2,500 to employ an immigration agent. having passed both houses of the legislature, the proposal was then signed into law by Governor Moses Wisner. Subsequently, two Germans, Rudolph diepenbeck and George Veenfliet, were appointed to encourage immigration by establishing and manning offices in new York and detroit, respectively. diepenbeck had 5,000 copies of thomson’s booklet reprinted and distributed. By 1861 the agents had been so successful that Governor Wisner reported that in two years more than 1,500 German emi- grants, who possessed “a cash capital of $150,000,” had been brought to Michigan.

the Civil War halted further extension of the emigration agent program, but in 1869 the legislature appropriated $5,000 to hire an emigrant agent to reside in Germany. Max E. Allardt, a lawyer and real estate agent from East Saginaw, was appointed to fill the position. he first made his headquarters in Frankfurt and then moved to hamburg. Allardt wrote an eight-page booklet, Der Michigan Wegwiser (the Michigan Guide), of which approximately thirty dif- ferent issues were published and distributed primarily in Germany, Bohemia, and hungary. in 1872, Allardt reported to Governor John J. Bagley that 2,722

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Germans had settled in Michigan as a result of his efforts. the governor, how- ever, was not convinced that the results warranted the expense of maintaining a foreign office, and in 1874 Allardt was recalled.

Allardt’s removal did not end state involvement in active immigrant recruit- ment. in 1881, Governor david Jerome named Colonel Frederick Morley, a former detroit newspaper editor, to be commissioner of immigration with his office in detroit. Like his predecessors, Morley prepared and distributed an advertising brochure. his effort was on a grand scale, as it was 144 pages in length and had a distribution of 42,000 copies. Four years later, Governor Josiah W. Begole, citing that the yearly expense of $11,500 was too high and that Michigan had a surplus of workers, abolished Morley’s position. Begole’s action, for all practical purposes, ended state involvement in emigration work. once again, Michigan had been an innovator, as six other states followed its example in active promotion of foreign settlement.

Figure 9.1 in 1827, Washtenaw County residents formed a society to furnish infor- mation on the soil, climate, and desirability of life in Michigan to prospective emigrants. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #05260.

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Germans

no group was more eagerly recruited for settlement than the Germans. Staunchly religious, family oriented, industrious, and educated, Germans were viewed as ideal residents for Michigan.

German Lutheran missionaries and settlers arrived in the Ann Arbor area in the 1830s, and by 1855 an estimated 5,000 Germans resided in that region. in 1840 a substantial group of German Catholics founded the settlement of Westphalia in Clinton County, and five years later German Lutherans estab- lished Frankenmuth in Saginaw County. Between 1846 and 1855 a combina- tion of poor harvests and the failure of the liberal revolt of 1848 in Germany sent more than 3 million Germans across the Atlantic ocean. of that number, many came to Michigan to live with relatives and start new lives. thus, by 1860, Michigan’s German population was nearly 39,000.

Germans made many contributions to Michigan’s heritage, especially in the area of education. Michigan’s basic school laws were derived from the Prussian

Figure 9.2 native language appeals, such as this one in German, were made by the state in an effort to attract immigrants. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #03393.

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model, and Bishop Caspar Borgess founded a center for higher education that ultimately became the University of detroit. Germans were also prominent in lumbering and mining. in the southwestern portion of the state, they pioneered in fruit and berry growing, which became the foundation for the nationally known Benton harbor Fruit Exchange.

Attempts were made to preserve native cultural traditions through German- language newspapers, schools, churches, fraternal organizations, and organized tours to Germany. With the outbreak of World War i, German-language news- papers were ordered by the federal government to be translated for every post- master before distribution. Speaking and teaching the German language were forbidden, and people with German names were urged by the government either to change them or run the risk of being arrested as traitors. Consequently, World War i resulted not only in the military defeat of Germany, but also in the destruction of much of Michigan’s Germanic cultural heritage.

Canadiens and Canadians

Because of its location, Michigan has always been a source of refuge for Canadians. in 1837–38, following an unsuccessful revolt, hundreds of Canadian soldiers fled across the detroit River to avoid punishment. in the 1840s, British free-trade policies caused a depression in Canadian timber and shipbuilding industries and many workers sought employment in Michigan. during the American Civil War thousands of Canadians came to Michigan to work or join the Union army. Between the years 1870 and 1890, many French Canadiens became disgusted with the failure of the Canadian government to open land for settlement and came to Michigan to work in mining and lumber camps in order to earn enough money to purchase a homestead. the 1890 census reported that there were 63,565 Canadians and 15,436 Canadiens “over ten years of age and engaged in gainful occupations” in Michigan. of these, nearly 32,000 were farmers, fishermen, or miners, while another 17,000 were engaged in personal or domestic service. Manufacturing occupations attracted approxi- mately 18,000 Canadians and Canadiens, and professional service engaged another 1,200. Most immigrants from across the detroit River settled in Wayne County, but sizable numbers also migrated to the state’s lumber and mining centers in Saginaw and Marquette counties.

English-speaking Canadians melted into the mainstream of American society willingly and easily, but the French-speaking Canadiens were very concerned with preserving their cultural identity. to accomplish this, they established national societies, French newspapers, and Roman Catholic

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parishes run by Canadien priests. that they ultimately failed in their goal was more a result of scattered settlement patterns than lack of zeal.

the first national society in Michigan was the Lafayette Society, which was founded in 1857. the Association St. Jean-Baptiste was formed in 1864 with the objective of offering a platform for discussion of religious and political ques- tions. the societies grew, and in 1869 they invited Mederic Lanctot to speak on the occasion of the centennial of napoleon’s birth. in the course of his address, Lanctot said that Quebec should sever its ties with England and become part of the United States. Members of the French-speaking population were split on this issue, and from that date on dissension over the question of annexation of Quebec destroyed the societies.

With the decline of the national societies, social activity centered around the church, but as years went by only the older French Canadiens persisted in read- ing native-language newspapers and in making pilgrimages to Quebec. By 1920 a new generation had arisen, seeking assimilation with the rest of Michigan’s English-speaking population. Consequently, little remains of Canadien culture in Michigan.

Dutch

one of the more organized immigration efforts undertaken by an ethnic group was that of the dutch. during the 1840s, a combination of religious dissatisfac- tion, high taxes, and potato blight convinced many members of the dutch Reformed Church that they should leave holland. After rejecting Java and South America as potential settlement sites, the dutch decided upon the United States. in September 1846, Reverend Albertus Van Raalte, along with his family and fifty-three others, sailed to new York. From there they managed to reach detroit, where they planned to spend the winter before continuing their trek either to iowa or Wisconsin. Prominent detroiters and state legislators per- suaded the dutch to stay in Michigan because it had an established population which was “better educated, more religious, and more enterprising” than that in areas farther west.

Unlike other immigrants, the dutch went to the extreme western side of the lower peninsula and purchased an area between the Grand and Kalamazoo riv- ers, where the Black River flows into Macatawa Bay. this location, far from other communities with which to trade, caused financial hardships, and the settlers had to request loans from the netherlands to sustain them. the dutch also had problems with their indian neighbors. in 1847, the indians, who had sold a portion of their land to the dutch, planted their crops and then, as was

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their custom, left to spend the summer hunting and fishing. the dutch, being unfamiliar with indian habits, assumed that their neighbors had abandoned the land, and they gave it to new settlers. When the indians returned and found their crop land overrun with whites, they demanded that the invaders leave. A temporary settlement was reached, but by 1849 dutch‒indian relations had deteriorated to such a level that the indians sold their remaining land in the area to the dutch and moved north to traverse Bay. dutch settlements grew at Grand haven, Zeeland, holland, Grand Rapids, and Kalamazoo, and by 1874 over 5,000 dutch called Michigan their home. Known as excellent farmers, the dutch earned a reputation for growing celery and made Michigan a leader in its production. today, the famous windmills in holland, the annual tulip Festival, and the netherlands Museum stand as testimony to the heritage of Michigan’s early dutch settlers.

Cornish and Irish

originally from Cornwall, a peninsula in England traditionally known for its copper and tin mines, the Cornish represent one of Michigan’s most interesting ethnic groups. By the 1850s ores in their native land were becoming depleted and many Cornish found their way first to the lead mines of Wisconsin and then to the copper mines in Michigan’s houghton and Keweenaw counties. Later, they settled in towns such as ishpeming, iron Mountain, and iron River near the Marquette iron range, and in Bessemer, Wakefield, and ironwood along the Gogebic range.

the Cornishmen were strongly independent, staunchly Methodist, and blessed with mining expertise. Because of this latter talent, they generally were hired to serve in a supervisory capacity, either as shift bosses or mine captains. Excellent wages, ranging from $65 to $100 a month according to the amount of work each man contracted to do, encouraged workers to write home and urge their relatives to come to Michigan. Legend has it that every time laborers were needed for the mines Cornishmen would quickly recommend a “Cousin Jack” in Cornwall who was eager to come and work.

Some Cornish went into iron mining, but most preferred to mine copper deep in the earth rather than do “bloody ditch digging” for iron. of the Cornish immigrants who were not miners, nearly all were either Methodist preachers or social workers. By 1900 most of Michigan’s Cornish population lived in the houghton area of the upper peninsula, but large Cornish communities also existed in Grand Rapids and detroit.

during the years 1846–50, ireland’s great potato famine caused more than 900,000 irish to emigrate to the United States, and thousands of these new

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settlers came to Michigan. in Lenawee County so many newcomers arrived that part of the area was named “the irish hills.” Statewide, the irish popula- tion reached 46,000 by 1900, with strongholds in Wayne, Kent, houghton, and Marquette counties.

Unlike most other immigrants, the irish came to Michigan solely to find work. having few possessions, many irishmen traveled from county to county mining, digging canals, laying railroad tracks or selling merchandise, especially linen goods. others, who chose to remain in urban centers, became active in public service employment, particularly in the police and fire departments.

irish immigrants were devout Roman Catholics who looked to the church for strength and guidance. they preferred to live in isolated irish communities, such as detroit’s “Corktown,” where they could control their own politics, speak openly against Protestants and Englishmen, reminisce about ireland, read Catholic newspapers, and generally feel free.

Figure 9.3 A typical “Cousin Jack,” 1900. the Cornish were well known for their tin and copper mining acumen and ranked among the world’s greatest hard-rock miners. during the mid-1800s the mines failed in Cornwall and many “Cousin Jacks” and “Jennies” immigrated to the mining regions of north America. Photo courtesy of the California department of Conservation CGS library G.W. Starr Collection, Cd 98-001, Photo A5188.

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the irish became powerful in the democratic Party and dominated detroit politics until the late 1800s. As more non-irish immigrants arrived in detroit, the irish began to feel threatened both economically and politically. despite their long history of being persecuted and discriminated against in this coun- try, the irish started a campaign to stop all further immigration to the United States, thereby eliminating new laborers and anti-irish voters. Failing in this, the irish steadily lost power in the state and urban governments, and in the twentieth century only Frank Murphy, Frank Fitzgerald, Frank Kelley, and Patrick Mcnamara achieved statewide political recognition and influence.

Scandinavians

in 1850 there were only 107 Scandinavians living in Michigan, but by 1890 the number had swollen to over 37,000. danes, Swedes, Finns, and norwegians came to Michigan for various reasons. Some were lured by pamphlets that

Figure 9.4 “Just up. Ascending from the depths of a Copper Mine.” Postcard showing miners of the Calumet and hecla Mine, shaft no. 2, in Calumet. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs division, detroit Publishing Company Collection, LC-d4-19051.

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extolled the state’s climate and soil; others were recruited by agents for mining, lumbering, or railroad companies; many came to live with relatives and start a new life; still others were drawn to communities such as Grand Rapids which advertised for Scandinavian settlers; and some came simply to avoid military service in their native countries. Regardless of the reasons for their coming, Michigan welcomed Scandinavians as residents because, like the Germans, they were literate, hard-working, religious, and willing to become assimilated.

Swedes constituted the largest number of Scandinavians in Michigan, having strongholds in Kent and Muskegon counties in the lower peninsula and Marquette, Gogebic, houghton, and iron counties in the upper peninsula. Bates township, in iron County, was regarded as “Little Sweden” because 90 percent of its residents were Swedish. Most Swedes left their native country because of a lack of available farmland, but ironically, once in Michigan, most found jobs in the lumbering and mining industries rather than in agriculture.

Finns, while not as numerous as the Swedes, had as great an impact on the state. Generally Lutheran, Finns believed in strict discipline. they formed

Figure 9.5 Suomi College and theological Seminary, a Finnish school, located in hancock, Michigan. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs division, detroit Publishing Company Collection, LC-d4-19054.

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numerous temperance associations, workingmen’s unions, benefit societies, choirs, and physical culture groups. dancing, card playing, and theater attend- ance were forbidden, but all aspects of education were encouraged. in 1896 Suomi College was founded in hancock, and in 1981, it was the only Finnish institution of higher learning in the United States. Finns were also interested in preserving their cultural heritage and published their own newspapers, calendars, and dual-language dictionaries. thus, like all other immigrants, Scandinavians helped mold Michigan’s society.

The New Immigration

After 1890, most immigrants to the United States came from Southern and Eastern Europe, especially Poland, hungary, Yugoslavia, and italy. these immi- grants were in striking contrast to their earlier counterparts, as they were usu- ally illiterate, unskilled menial laborers, who chose to live in native-speaking urban ghettos, usually in detroit, and refused to become assimilated into American society. despite hostility, these new immigrants did represent the ideal future citizen because they worked hard, were thrifty, craved the status that money would bring, and believed that diligent effort would result in upward social mobility. By 1920 Michigan had 63,000 Poles, 20,000 hungarians, 56,000 italians, and 25,000 Yugoslavians as residents.

this influx of new immigrants caused unrest among native-born Americans and earlier immigrants. Fearing loss of their jobs to these newcomers, they gen- erally agreed with the sentiment expressed in the Manistee Broadaxe that it was “time to get out of the asylum business, time to cease to be a dumping ground for the vicious, delinquent product of other nations.” the American Protective Association of Michigan, which had been founded in 1890 to save “real Americans” from an influx of Catholics, Mexicans, and orientals, grew in strength and supported restricted immigration laws. Finally, in 1924, Congress passed the national origins Act, which restricted the total number of immi- grants allowed into the country to 164,000 per year, of whom fewer than 20 percent could come from Southern Europe and none from Asia. thus, the “Melting Pot” was closed, but the contributions of immigrants to Michigan’s economic, cultural, and political development cannot be minimized. truly, Michigan grew on the muscles of immigrant labor.

in 2012, a new initiative, “Welcoming Michigan,” was instituted to once again encourage immigrants to make Michigan their home, raise families, and start businesses in the Great Lakes State. if this effort is as successful as those of the past, Michigan will undergo tremendous economic and cultural advances.

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For Further Reading

the two most recent general treatments of immigration and nationality groups are C. Warren Vanderhill, Settling the Great Lakes Frontier: Immigration in Michigan, 1837– 1924 (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1970) and George P. Graff, The People of Michigan (2nd ed., Lansing: Michigan dept. of Education, Bureau of Library Services, 1974). the role of the emigration agent is covered in two articles from Michigan History, William L. Jenks, “Michigan immigration,” XXViii (1944) and daniel E. Sutherland, “Michigan Emigrant Agent: Edward h. thomson,” LiX (1975). John Russel, The Germanic Influence in the Making of Michigan (detroit: University of detroit Press, 1927) covers German contributions. Aleida J. Pieters, A Dutch Settlement in Michigan (Grand Rapids: the Reformed Press, Erdmans Co., 1923) is a dated, but useful, story of the dutch immigration. A. C. todd, The Cornish Miner in America (Glendale: Clark Co., 1967); A. L. Rowse, The Cousin Jacks: The Cornish in America (new York: Scribner, 1969); and John Rowe, The Hard Rock Men: Cornish Immigrants and the North American Mining Frontier (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1974) are three excellent works on the Cornish. Sister Mary R. napolska, “the Polish immigrant in detroit in 1914,” Annals of the Polish Roman Catholic Union Archives and Museum, X (1945–46) gives good information on the Poles in detroit.

there are numerous articles in Michigan History concerning ethnic groups in Michigan. Some of the best include: James E. Jopling, “Cornish Miners of the Upper Peninsula,” Xii (1928); James Fisher, “Michigan’s Cornish People,” XXiX (1945); Lois Rankin, “detroit nationality Groups,” XXiii (1939); John Wargelin, “the Finns in Michigan,” XXiV (1940); henry S. heimonen, “Agricultural trends in the Upper Peninsula,” XLi (1957); and Josias Meulen dyke, “dutch Settlements north of Muskegon: 1867–1897,” XXXi (1947).

Grain, Grangers, and Conservation

Because of Michigan’s present status as one of the nation’s foremost industrial centers, its long agricultural heritage is often overlooked. As late as 1935, Michigan had more than 18.5 million acres under cultivation and approxi- mately 20 percent of its population listed their occupation as “farmer.” By 1970, however, agriculture accounted for a mere 4 percent of the state’s production income, and only 1.5 percent of the state’s residents were farmers. Between 1982 and 2005 the decline continued as the amount of farmland in Michigan was reduced from 10,940,000 acres to 10,100,000 acres, and the number of farms dwindled to 53,000. At the turn of the twenty-first century, Michigan was losing 233 acres of farmland daily to urban sprawl, placing it fourth behind Florida, California, and Colorado in number of acres being sold per day to developers. Equally disturbing is that only 8,000 of Michigan’s 53,000 farms generate revenue of more than $100,000 annually, and most of these are large agribusiness operations. the era of family owned and operated farms is rapidly coming to an end.

despite a steady decline in the number of farmers and in the amount of acres tilled, improved methods of soil usage, high yield seed, and modern equipment have resulted in increased agricultural production. Without question, agricul- ture is still an important aspect of Michigan’s economy, as shown by the 2005 apple harvest of 790 million pounds, valued at $100,000,000, and the more than 208 million pounds of cherries produced annually in Grand traverse County.

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Climate and Soil

Michigan residents are fully aware that the state’s climate is unpredictable and can change drastically, within the same area, in a matter of hours. Much of this instability is caused by Michigan being a peninsula, as surrounding waters, espe- cially Lake Michigan, greatly affect the state. during the summer months, winds crossing Lake Michigan are cooled, thereby creating a more even climate along western Michigan than anywhere else in the state. Along the Lake Michigan shore the nights are not as cold and the days not as warm as they are farther inland. the western coast also has more sunny days because the land is warmer than the water; thus, westerly winds carrying moisture do not condense and form clouds. in the autumn, Lake Michigan is usually fifteen to twenty degrees warmer than the land and, as a result, the western shore of Michigan has long, mild falls. Autumns, however, are overcast because when the warm, moist lake air comes in contact with the cooler land, it condenses and forms clouds. during the winter, it is this same pattern that causes heavy snowfall in the southwest corner of the state.

Knowledge of climatic conditions is crucial to farmers, who must be aware of the length of the growing season, number of days free from killing frost, and the amount of average rainfall. As might be expected, Michigan has a wide vari- ation in each of these areas. the average number of frost-free days extends from 180 in Berrien County in southwest lower Michigan to ninety in the extreme upper peninsula. Even this is not constant, however, as frost has occurred in the lower peninsula as late as mid-June. Rainfall in the state is nearly perfect for agriculture, with heaviest amounts falling during the growing season of May through July and the least precipitation occurring at harvest time. Average yearly rainfall ranges from twenty-eight inches in drier sections, such as the thumb, to thirty-six inches along the indiana border.

Variations are also found in the state’s soil composition, and it is not unusual for even small farms to contain several types of soil, each suited to grow only certain crops. All Michigan’s soil was originally glacial drift that was carried south by an advancing ice mass. over long periods of time, the crushed rock weathered and was moved by rivers and streams throughout the state, creating deposits of clay, sand, and swampy muck. Because of the wide range of climate and soil, a great many crops flourish in Michigan.

Effects of the Civil War

the 1860s marked an important transitional period in Michigan’s agricultural history. during the early years of statehood, much of Michigan remained in a

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state of nature. in the early 1850s, a rapid increase in cultivation occurred and the amount of acres put under the plow tripled between the years 1850 and 1860. this massive clearing and tilling is all the more remarkable because it was accom- plished almost entirely by hand tools and ox-drawn plows. throughout the 1850s new machinery was introduced to the nation’s farmers. Michigan agriculturalists were intrigued by Cyrus McCormick’s reaper, John deere’s steel plow, Jerome Case’s thresher, and a harvester combine invented by their fellow Michiganian hiram Moore of Climax, but they did not purchase many of them. two reasons dictated this reluctance to mechanize their farms. First, most Michigan farms were not developed sufficiently for efficient use of machines. Land was still in the process of being cleared, and stump-cluttered fields made machinery impractical. Second, most early farm machinery was horse- powered and, during the pre–Civil

Figure 10.1 the McCormick Reaper was first used by Cyrus McCormick in 1831. By 1849 over 2,000 McCormick Reapers had been sold. one man drove the horse while another raked the grain off in sheaves to be tied into bundles, ushering in a new era in farm- ing. The Abilene Reflector (Abilene, Kan.), 29 May 1884. Chronicling America: historic American newspapers. Library of Congress. Courtesy of the Kansas State historical Society.

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War years, Michigan farmers did not own enough horses to operate the new machinery. in the 1830–60 period, settlers used oxen as their primary draft animals. one settler recalled that “in the early days the men who cleared the land used oxen exclusively and the poorer farmers used them for driving about. i don’t know how the country could have been cleared if it had not been for oxen. hauling the forest trees, pulling stumps, and turning over the new soil would have been too heavy work for the strongest draught horses.” Although oxen were excellent for clearing and hauling, they moved too slowly to power farm machinery and it was only after the fields had become developed that oxen were replaced by horses.

in the realm of scientific agriculture most frontier farmers were quite back- ward. they operated under the traditional tenet that a man should work a piece of acreage until it was exhausted and then simply move to another plot. Land seemed limitless and it was deemed foolish to invest money in, and labor upon, depleted soil when fertile virgin territory was readily available. As the state became more settled and land began to grow scarcer, this attitude altered. Farmers realized that productive soil was limited, and they began to practice intensive, rather than extensive, agriculture. Farm journals of the 1850s con- tained advice on methods to improve land, livestock, and crops. one farmer, angry because his neighbors refused either to experiment with new breeds of livestock or improve their land through proper plowing, wrote the Michigan Farmer magazine that he was “sorry to say that a majority of the farmers in this rich town of Grand Blanc . . . do not believe in raising durham cattle, Spanish sheep, or Suffolk pigs, and some of them think a common two horse plow is just the thing to till corn, and that blind ditches will not pay.”

the movement toward commercial farming was accelerated by the opening of Michigan Agricultural College in May 1857 to “improve and teach the science and practice of agriculture.” Many state legislators claimed that the school was a waste of money because it was impossible to learn farming from a book. Enough farmers in the state, however, realized that if fertile land was limited, it was essential that soil presently under cultivation be carefully cared for to prolong its productivity. More knowledge concerning fertilizers, crop rotation, cultivation, and pest control was needed, and farmers believed that such information would best be provided by an institution that taught scientific agriculture.

Another reason for farmers’ slow acceptance of commercial farming was cost. Most Michigan farmers were closer to poverty than wealth, and farm machinery was expensive. A single-horse thresher adapted to the needs of small grain growers cost $128 in the mid-1850s, and most farmers would have had to borrow money to purchase not only the machine but also the horses necessary to operate it. high equipment costs, coupled with low prices for farm products, reinforced farmers’ traditional conservatism and delayed widespread adoption of mechanized farming.

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the Civil War had a major impact on Michigan agriculture. When the war began in 1861, a severe manpower shortage hit Michigan farms as large num- bers of men enlisted in the Union armed forces. the shortage was alleviated temporarily by women, children, and elderly men working in the fields, but the only permanent solution was mechanization. Farmers began to buy machinery on an unprecedented scale. A Pontiac farmer wrote to Country Gentleman magazine that “. . . over two hundred and fifty mowing machines have been sold in this town this season, and the demand was not fully met. Men are of no account now except to vote—steam and horse do the work.” the secretary of the Kalamazoo County Agricultural Society noted in 1864:

What a providence, surely, to the American farmer during the present scarcity of labor—the war taking off such a large proportion of the best bone and muscle of the country—that one man, through the aid of improved implements for plant- ing, cultivating, harvesting and threshing, can do the work of ten, at least, under the old-fashioned mode.

Figure 10.2 the Gale Manufacturing Company began in 1853. the Albion manufac- turer was one of the nation’s foremost producers of farm equipment. Stock Certificate, 1900. image courtesy of Stocklobster.com.

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Although these statements are exaggerated, it is evident that farm machinery was being used on a wider scale and, for the first time, Michigan had modern farming.

the Civil War also improved the farmers’ financial situation and allowed them to make substantial investments both in equipment and land improve- ments. the federal government spent nearly $6.8 billion during the Civil War for transportation, forage, and subsistence of the army, and much of this amount went to American farmers through price increases on food. For exam- ple, in August 1861, red wheat, a major Michigan crop, was listed by the detroit Board of trade at 84¢ per bushel. By the end of the war, red wheat was selling for $2.25 per bushel.

Soldiers’ wages were another source of income for many farm families. the federal government disbursed more than $1.3 billion in wages to Union mili- tary men, and since many soldiers and sailors were farmers, a portion of this money found its way back to the farm. Massive spending by the federal govern- ment created inflation, which helped farmers by enabling them to repay their mortgages with devalued dollars. the war-related financial factors of inflation, increased demands for farm goods, and increased prices combined to give the economic stimulus needed to modernize Michigan’s farms. had it not been for the Civil War, commercial farming would have evolved at a much later date.

Modernization of farming brought with it increased agricultural income and an improved standard of living. during the late 1860s, many farmers moved from log cabins into spacious, white frame houses. to make life more comfort- able, farmers bought luxury items such as sewing machines, carpeting, books, furniture, and even bathtubs. A popular luxury item was the screen door, because, as a farm woman recalled,

Mosquitoes were one of the torments of early settlers for they had no screen doors or screens for the windows. As dusk came on they would make a smudge by putting damp chips in a pan and setting fire to them. this pan placed in front of a door would make a smoke screen which kept the pests out. Soon after i was married (1866) we had a screen door which was the first one seen in this neighborhood.

other items, once manufactured in the home to save money, were now pur- chased: patent soap substituted for lye soap, kerosene lamps were used instead of candles, and baking powder replaced soda and sour milk. With fewer house- hold chores and new labor-saving devices in the fields, much of the drudgery inherent in the old style of farming disappeared and life for farmers and their families became more pleasant and prosperous.

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one luxury that still eluded most rural Michigan women was professional medical attention. this void often was filled by midwives, known affectionately as “Angels of Mercy.” occasionally these women possessed training, but most relied merely on practical experience. they traveled throughout the farm com- munities lending their skills, especially in delivering babies, and usually included as many as ten days of postnatal care as part of their service. While there are few written records regarding these women, the role they played in nineteenth and early twentieth-century Michigan should not be forgotten.

By 1870, modern commercial agriculture, based on mechanization and sci- entific knowledge of soil, seeds, and livestock, was firmly established in Michigan. this change brought with it a new public evaluation of farmers and their profession. Governor henry h. Crapo articulated this new rural image in a speech to the state legislature:

Agriculture is no longer what it was once regarded by the majority of other profes- sions of men, and partially admitted by the farmer himself to be a low, menial employment, a mere drudgery, delving in the soil, a simple round of labors, in which no thought, or mind, or study, was necessary, but it is becoming recognized as a noble science. Formerly, any man who had merely sufficient sense to do just as his father did before him, and to follow his example, and imitate his practice, was regarded as fully competent to become a farmer; and the idea of applying

Figure 10.3 the delos Snyder farmhouse about 3 miles south of Albion, as it looked in 1890. the home was replaced in 1896 with a new farmhouse that still sits there today. image courtesy of Frank Passic, Albion historian.

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science—of agricultural chemistry—to the business, was sneered at by many of the farmers themselves, denounced as ‘book farming,’ and resisted as an unwarranta- ble encroachment upon their own peculiar prerogatives. But at the present time the cultivation of the soil has justly come to be regarded as one of the most noble and dignified callings in which an educated and scientific man can be engaged.

The Patrons of Husbandry

Following the Civil War, several farm organizations emerged, the first of which was the Patrons of husbandry, or as it was more commonly known, the Grange. Founded in 1867, the Grange was a social, cultural, and educational group intended to bring farm men and women together in a spirit of community cooperation.

the first Michigan Grange chapter was established on June 10, 1872, and by the end of that year six more chapters had been founded. As the effects of the

Figure 10.4 By the turn of the twentieth century, Michigan farmers were using both the traditional horse-drawn wagons and modern machinery in their fields. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #05056.

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depression of 1873 ravaged the farm community, more Grange chapters sprang up as farmers desperately sought ways to bring about economic salvation. By october 1875, Michigan had the ninth largest Grange membership in the nation with 605 chapters and 33,196 members.

By 1873, the purposes of the Grange had become political and economic. Attacks on railroads, business monopolies, and banks were common. in Michigan, Grangers supported laws to regulate railroads and, in 1874, the state Grange passed a resolution demanding “such legislation as will control and regulate the carrying trade of our country and compel all railroad companies to carry passengers and freight at reasonable and uniform rates.”

As part of their program, Grangers established the first large-scale coopera- tive movement in the nation’s history. Stores, grain elevators, warehouses, fac- tories, and insurance companies were created. in Michigan, the cooperatives were very conservative and were operated by county councils and local agen- cies. A state agent was empowered only to make contracts with manufacturers and dealers. By the late 1870s, firms in detroit and Chicago were hired to act as agents for filling orders and selling produce, as Grange members realized that they did not possess the experience necessary to make the cooperatives financially successful.

When prosperity returned to the farmers in the late 1870s, Grange member- ship rapidly declined. A revival was begun in 1881 but the Grange never again

Figure 10.5 Grange meetings, such as this one held in december 1888 at the ingham County Pomona hall, were major social events for those in Michigan’s rural communi- ties. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #03439.

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sought political and economic power. today, Grange chapters still exist but, once again, they are primarily socially oriented.

Kellogg and Post

Closely linked to Michigan’s grain industry was the rise of Battle Creek as the “breakfast food capital of the world.” on September 5, 1866, the Seventh day Adventist Church founded a sanitarium in Battle Creek to promote a regimen of water baths, diet, rest, exercise, fresh air, and health food for its members. dr. John harvey Kellogg was named physician-in-chief of the institution, and he was later joined by his brother Will Keith Kellogg. in 1894, the Kellogg brothers, seeking a more digestible substitute for bread, developed the wheat flake. W. K. Kellogg further developed the process, perfected the corn flake, and founded his own company in 1906. Unfortunately, operation of the

Figure 10.6 Postum, a beverage made primarily of roasted wheat and molasses, was created by C. W. Post as a caffeine-free coffee substitute. Postum was in production until 2007. Photo courtesy of www.javaholics.net.

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company created an irrevocable split between the Kellogg brothers. dr. John Kellogg sold his stock in his brother’s company and attempted to establish a competing firm. After a number of lawsuits, in 1920 W. K. Kellogg was granted exclusive rights, except in some minor instances, to use the name “Kellogg” for his cereals.

Meanwhile, in 1891, a young businessman named C. W. Post was hired to work at the Battle Creek sanitarium. impressed by the food served there, in 1894 he began marketing a cereal coffee called “Postum.” Four years later he began producing Grape-nuts cereal and was on his way to becoming a multi- millionaire. Kellogg and Post had made Battle Creek the heart of the breakfast food industry.

in 1999, however, the Kellogg Company, while still the world’s leader in ready-to-eat cereal, announced it was considering closing most of its historic Battle Creek plant as a result of declining sales caused by increased competition from store brand cereals and consumer preference for “eat-on-the-go” hot meals rather than dry cereal.

Agriculture in the Late Twentieth and Early Twenty-first Centuries

Michigan farmers did not share in the economic boom that swept the nation following World War i. Prices for farm products were low and costs for new equipment were rising. in an effort to gain economic security, some farmers turned to other occupations by choice, but countless others were forced to seek new jobs because they lost their farms through delinquent taxes or foreclosure. Consequently, during the 1920s the number of farms in Michigan declined by 13.5 percent, which meant that approximately 2 million fewer acres were being cultivated.

Many of the remaining farmers turned to specialty crops. Farmers living near urban centers raised poultry, dairy cattle, fruit, and vegetables. Along Lake Michigan, cherries became the staple crop. in the thumb and Saginaw Valley, beans and sugar beets were major cash crops. Southwestern Michigan farmers grew onions, celery, and mint. in the northern lower peninsula, potatoes, cattle, sheep, and hay were the rule, while the upper peninsula was primarily a dairy region.

the depression drove farmers even deeper into economic ruin. Subsistence farming and sharecropping became common. ironically, while farm prices sank to new lows, various new deal programs improved the quality of rural life. Most notable among these were federal road construction projects and the

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Rural Electrification Act, which brought electricity to four times as many Michigan homes in 1940 than had had access to it ten years earlier.

during the years 1950–2001, the number of farms continued to decline, while average farm size rose. Constant improvement of agricultural techniques increased productivity to such a degree that one modern farm worker now pro- duces enough food for twenty people, whereas a century ago a lone laborer produced enough for only four persons.

Another continuing problem affecting Michigan is the high cost of farming. Land prices have soared, wages have risen steadily, and machinery and fuel expenses have become excessive. Conservative estimates show that a person wishing to embark upon a career in agriculture requires a minimum capitaliza- tion of $100,000. As costs spiral upward, increasing numbers of farms will fall into the control of major agricultural corporations, who can raise revenue through sales of stock in their “agribusinesses.”

despite hardships and declining numbers, Michigan’s farmers remain an important force in the state’s economy. Michigan raises sixty major, and sixty- five lesser, commercial crops and ranks in the top three producing states for more than twenty crops, leading the nation in production of tart cherries, black beans, cranberry beans, dry peas, blueberries, and niagara grapes. in 2005 Michigan ranked second in production of dairy products from cows, navy beans, dry beans, red beans, carrots, and celery; third in apples, asparagus, snap beans, sweet cherries, sod, and Concord grapes; fourth in cauliflower, potatoes, sweet potatoes, melons, and cucumbers; and fifth in mushrooms, bell peppers, plums, and sugar beets. As well, in 2005 Michigan ranked first in the country in production of flowering bedding plants and flowering hanging baskets; second in gladiola and potted Easter lilies; and fifth in potted poinsettias. Michigan also produced 66 million pounds of blueberries, 22.4 million pounds of peaches, and 5.2 million pounds of strawberries in 2005. Monetarily, Michigan’s agricultural output resulted in sales in 2005 totaling $37 billion.

Waste of Wildlife

While frontier farmers depleted much of Michigan’s soil through wasteful agri- cultural techniques, hunters and fishermen wantonly destroyed much of the state’s wildlife. Commercial fishermen strung huge gill and trap nets through spawning beds to catch thousands of fish. Such practices had a built-in weak- ness, however. the fish were netted as they swam toward the spawning grounds and thus they never had an opportunity to reproduce. Fish living in inland waters fared little better, as fishermen pursued them with hooks, nets, and even

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dynamite. Perhaps the best example of the scope of waste involved in fishing concerned the grayling, a beautiful game fish that thrived in the Manistee and Au Sable rivers. this fish was not only beautiful, with a dorsal fin having a rain- bow of colors, but was also delicious. overeager sportsmen sought the grayling avidly, often measuring their skill by the number of bushel barrels they filled. in 1871, a party along the Au Sable caught so many grayling that they left more than 2,000 on the shore to rot.

Birds were sought with equal vigor. Quail, grouse, and prairie chickens were killed in such numbers that in many southern Michigan areas they were extinct by 1865. the prairie chicken, for instance, was hunted with every type of gun available. Most popular was the swivel, or punt, gun, which was similar to a small cannon placed on a pole and fired one-half pound of lead balls at a time.

the most tragic example of aviary slaughter involved the passenger pigeon. these beautiful birds arrived in Michigan in early March and remained until early autumn. When they returned to Michigan, residents recalled that the flocks were so large that they blocked out the sun for several hours. Unfortunately, like the grayling, passenger pigeons were delicious as well as

Figure 10.7 “Arctic Grayling,” by Robert W. hines. U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service.

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beautiful. Because they brought between one and two dollars apiece in the mar- ketplace, professional hunters systematically attacked their nesting places using poles, nets, guns, axes, and fire either to kill or capture the birds. Most slain birds were salted and shipped to markets in Chicago and new York. Many cap- tured birds were distributed to state and national shooting clubs, where during tournaments they would be released one at a time to be fired upon by target shooters—they were live “clay pigeons.”

the most devastating slaughter of these birds occurred in Petoskey during March through June 1878. Professional hunters moved in on roosting birds and toppled their low-lying nests, while others set up nets to snare fleeing pigeons. By June, more than 1 million passenger pigeons had been slain in Petoskey. Massacres such as this continued until by 1914 the species had become extinct.

Similar mass executions were performed by hunters upon deer, especially the Virginia whitetail. deer were shot, trapped, poisoned, and snared. hunters shot them as they crossed streams and set out lanterns to cause them to “freeze” at night at the sight of the light, thereby creating an easy target.

While this was occurring, efforts were being made to try to preserve some wildlife. in 1859, the Michigan legislature passed a law forbidding the killing of deer from January 1 to August 1 and the hunting of wild turkey, partridge, and woodcock from February 1 to october 1 annually, so that mating could occur and the species replenish. A five-dollar fine was imposed upon violators, but enforcement was lax. By 1863, laws had been passed to protect swans and bea- vers, and the use of swivel guns was prohibited. in 1871, legislation to protect the grayling and trout was enacted and the use of gill nets was outlawed. ten years later, Michigan passed the landmark Anti-Market hunting Act in response to reports that more than 100,000 deer had been slain in the state dur- ing 1880 by commercial hunters. this law made it illegal to kill any deer or game birds except for consumption within the state. no longer could slain wildlife be shipped to national markets. ironically, more than 100 years after the passage of the Anti-Market hunting Act, Michigan remains one of the fore- most states in the killing of deer for noncommercial purposes, with nearly 1 million being slain during the hunting seasons of 1998–2000.

Laws are meaningless without strict enforcement and, in many localities, that was difficult to obtain. thus, in 1887, Michigan became the first state in the nation to hire a full-time game warden. William Alden Smith, the initial game warden, was effective and obtained 220 convictions in his first year in office, compared to a mere twenty-two the previous year.

in the early 1900s, a massive reforestation program was instituted to plant new trees to provide cover for wildlife. Game farms were established to raise

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birds and animals for transport to areas where they had become extinct or greatly diminished in number. Fish-breeding centers were created, and foreign fish, such as the carp, were imported. By 1920, nearly all the conservation prin- ciples in practice today had been adopted in Michigan. the Wolverine State has always been in the forefront of the conservation movement, and with Michigan State University’s forestry, fishery, and wildlife programs, it remains among the nation’s leaders in seeking new ways to protect wildlife and the environment. Michiganians’ pride in this endeavor, however, must be tempered by the reali- zation that such programs were made necessary because of the senseless waste of natural resources and wildlife that was practiced by the state’s citizens during the early and mid-nineteenth century.

For Further Reading

no works have been published dealing exclusively with Michigan’s agricultural growth. County histories and the Michigan Farmer magazine offer some insight into rural life, but they are limited in scope. two articles have been written concerning the effects of the Civil War on Michigan farmers: Joseph J. Marks (ed.), “Effects of the Civil War on Farming in Michigan” (Lansing: Michigan Civil War Centennial observance Commission, 1965) and Richard h. Sewell, “Michigan Farmers and the Civil War,” Michigan History, XLiV (december 1960). the rise of the Grange is recounted in Ford trump, The Grange in Michigan (Grand Rapids: dean hicks Co., 1963); Solon J. Buck, The Granger Movement (Cambridge: harvard University Press, 1913); and Kenyon L. Butterfield, “Recent Grange Work in Michigan,” Outlook (September 17, 1898). Statistical analysis of land usage may be found in Lawrence M. Sommers (ed.), Atlas of Michigan (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1977). An excellent account of conservation is Eugene t. Peterson, Conservation of Michigan’s Natural Resources (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1960). Pauline Adams and Emma S. thornton, A Populist Assault: Sarah E. Van De Wort Emery on American Democracy, 1862–1885 (Bowling Green State University Press, 1989) chronicles the career of a Michigan woman as a political and social activist. Laura Bennett-Kimble, “Sweet Smell of Success,” Michigan History (March–April 2000) succinctly traces the history of the state’s sugar beet industry. Roger Rosentreter, “Cereal City,” Michigan History (July– August 1999) and Benjamin K. hunnicut, Kellogg’s Six-Hour Day (Philadelphia: temple University Press, 1996) offer insights into Battle Creek and its dominant industry.

development of intellectual Maturity

in many ways, Michigan has been a leader in educational development. during British rule, public schools were established for children of soldiers and fami- lies living at, or near, military outposts, while private schools were opened for the offspring of officers and wealthy merchants. As settlers trickled into Michigan from the East, they brought with them the Puritan beliefs that educa- tion was godly, ignorance the tool of the devil, and a moral society could only result from an educated citizenry. As a result of this background, it was easy for Michigan to uphold the wish of the ordinance of 1787 that “schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged” in the northwest territory.

School Laws and Financing

in 1809, the territorial council passed a law imposing on families with school- age children a tax of $2 to $4 per child to support public education. While this levy was rarely collected, it did set the precedent for taxation to maintain schools. Eighteen years later the territorial legislature adopted a primary-school law based on that of Massachusetts. Under this act, every township with fifty or more residents had to hire a teacher “of good morals” to offer instruction, over a six-month period, in reading, writing, arithmetic, English, French, and decent behavior. if a township possessed over 200 inhabitants, it was required to have a “higher school” which offered advanced training in the basic skills as well as

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Latin. in 1829 this law was revised, and the provision regarding the types of schools to be maintained according to population was repealed. Under the amended law each township was to elect five Commissioners who would divide the township into districts. in each district, three men would then be elected to supply reports to the superintendent of common schools and oversee all educa- tional matters. these early statutes, even though never fully enforced, created the cornerstone for Michigan’s program of public education by establishing that schooling was to be nondenominational, state operated, and tax supported. they also made clear that while individual localities could run their own pri- mary schools, the state retained the right to determine curriculum, set the length of the school year, and inspect institutions of learning for adherence to state regulations.

Michigan’s public-school system during the early years of statehood is reputedly based on ideas formulated by Reverend John d. Pierce and General isaac Crary as they sat under an oak tree near their Marshall home. this story has made the tree famous as the state’s “educational oak,” but it should be noted that the two men had engaged in extensive research before finalizing their plans under the shady oak boughs.

during the winter of 1834–35, Crary, an attorney, and Pierce, a member of the home Missionary Society of the Congregational Church, studied Victor Cousin’s Report on the Condition of Public Instruction in Germany and Parti- cularly Prussia. Cousin, a leading French philosopher, educator, and member of the French Council of Public Education, said that in Germany the state super- vised a highly efficient centralized program of public education. impressed by this report, and convinced that such an authoritarian system would not be inconsistent within a democracy, Crary and Pierce, who had been delegated to write the article on education for the proposed Michigan constitution, incorpo- rated several German concepts into their document. Consequently, Article X of the first Michigan state constitution included many liberal, farsighted, and innovative ideas on education. For example, this 1835 constitution authorized the state to hire a superintendent of public instruction who was to watch over “not only the primary schools, but also the university, the academies, and schools of other kinds.” While several other states had created a similar position by an act of the legislature, only Michigan had the post made permanent by its constitution. the constitution also stated that libraries should be created as soon as possible in every township and that schools had to be open a minimum of three months every year.

Financing of schools was determined by the new constitution as well. Under the ordinance of 1785, section sixteen of every township in the northwest territory was set aside for educational purposes, with funds raised by the sale

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of public lands therein having to be spent in support of schools. By this provi- sion, Michigan received approximately 1 million acres of land. the average sale price proved to be $4.58 per acre, which was less than half of what state officials hoped to receive, but was still $1 per acre more than the average in indiana and illinois and nearly $3 more than that in Wisconsin. the money raised, known as the primary school fund, was either banked or invested, with the interest divided annually among each school district that had been open at least three months during the year. the amount each district received was determined by the number of pupils between the ages of five and seventeen who had attended school. Later, this fund was augmented by tax monies on railroads, telephone and telegraph companies, and a percentage of estate and inheritance taxes. Financing of schools through the primary school fund and primary interest fund continued until 1964 when the state legislature, in accordance with the new state constitution, passed a law that all funding of education should come from the state general fund.

Figure 11.1 School operating costs, tuition payments, and courses offered in the Pontiac Union School in 1851 are detailed in this announcement to the parents of schoolchildren in the district. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #00086.

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the 1835 constitution also expanded the ordinance of 1785 to include support of higher education. Under its provisions, “the monies obtained from public land sales granted by the United States for the support of a University, shall be, and remain, a permanent fund for the support of said University with such branches as the public may hereafter demand for the promotion of literature, the arts and sciences, and as may be authorized by the terms of such grant.” Moreover, the state persuaded the federal government that funds from land sales should be given to the state, rather than townships, for disbursement.

despite receiving land grants and other monies, Michigan did not always have free public education. in the early years “rate bills,” or tuition statements, were issued by local governments to each family having children in school. Since each child was “rated,” or taxed, whenever parents were short of money they simply kept one or more of their children home to reduce their school tax. Moreover, parents were expected to share in the payment of the teacher’s salary, provide a portion of his or her housing, and help furnish firewood for the schoolhouse. As a result of these additional demands, many poor families, who felt that they could not contribute their fair share toward the maintenance of the school and were too proud to accept offers for free schooling, refused to send their children to be educated.

John d. Pierce, who became Michigan’s first superintendent of public instruction upon the recommendation of his friend isaac Crary, who had been elected the state’s first representative to Congress, urged the necessity of state funding for public schools. he sought to create a comprehensive school system that would be properly staffed and uniformly supervised. in his report to the legislature in 1837, he said that the state should

place the public schools upon high and educated ground, to make them adequate to the wants of the whole community; to place them on such footing as to furnish the best instruction, not only in the more common, but in all the higher branches of elementary knowledge; so that those who send to them may have the satisfac- tion of knowing that their children are receiving good instruction, as the wealth of the indies can provide.

Unfortunately, the legislature refused to pass a law for statewide free primary public education until 1869.

in the meantime, detroit took a bold initiative and, in 1844, established a free public high school. Subsequently several other cities did the same. this was not always a popular step, however. in 1873 a group of Kalamazoo citi- zens filed a suit against their city for using taxes to support the local high

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school. the court upheld the city’s position, but the decision was appealed to the state supreme court. on July 21, 1874, Justice thomas M. Cooley spoke for the majority of the court in upholding the lower court verdict. in his ruling he said,

if these facts do not demonstrate clearly and conclusively a general state policy, beginning in 1817 and continuing until after the adoption of the present Con- stitution in the direction of free schools in which education, and at their option the elements of classical education might be brought within the reach of all the children of the state, then, as it seems to us, nothing can demonstrate it. We might follow the subject further, and show that the subsequent legislation has all con- curred with this policy, but it would be a waste of time and labor. We content ourselves with the statement that neither in our state policy, in our Constitution, or in our laws, do we find the primary school districts restricted in the branches of knowledge which their officers may cause to be taught or the grade of instruc- tion that may be given, if their voters consent in regular form to bear the expense and raise the taxes for the purpose.

Cooley’s opinion helped convince state residents of the propriety of state- funded education. Pierce’s dream had finally become an accepted reality.

Teachers, Students, and the “Little Red Schoolhouse”

Like all states, Michigan had the famed “little red schoolhouses,” so named because they were both little and painted red—a color chosen because it was common, inexpensive, and did not show dirt. Michigan had so many of these schools that a traveler from new York remarked in 1872 that Michigan should be renamed “the School house State.”

Before the Civil War nearly all schoolhouses were made of logs, but after 1865 most were of frame, and later brick, construction. initially, nearly all were one-room structures, usually eighteen-by-twenty feet, and were cold, drafty, and poorly lit. A stove furnished heat in winter, but rarely were lamps available to augment natural light. Schools generally housed twenty to thirty students, ranging in age from five to seventeen years. Long planks served as desks, while planks placed at a lower level formed bench seats. in the front of the room, which was near the warmth of the stove in winter and the open door in the spring and autumn, was the teacher’s table on which were kept an ink- well, quill pens, a cherry ruler used both to draw straight lines and crack knuckles, and a birch rod to assure proper classroom behavior. Since it was

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commonly believed that boys were “totally depraved,” discipline was stern and intended to embarrass the offender. Common punishments were having to wear a dunce cap while sitting in a corner, sitting with the girls, and standing

Figure 11.2 Students and teacher of oakgrove School, Cooper township, Kalamazoo County, ca. 1900. From the collection of the Kalamazooo Valley Museum, #61.373.E.

Figure 11.3 district #3 school, Pavilion township, Mi, ca. 1895. From the collection of the Kalamazooo Valley Museum, #64.171

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on one leg for an hour in front of the class. Usually schools had no black- boards, texts, or paper. during the pre–Civil War years paper was so expensive that students wrote their alphabet and lessons with their fingers in trays of moist sand. Likewise, during that period, reading was often taught from a book the child brought from home, usually the Bible. By the 1870s, however, readers, spellers, arithmetic books, and geography texts were furnished, and many rural school districts were consolidating to form “union districts” in order to furnish a higher quality of education. nevertheless, one-room schools were still the rule in Michigan until the late 1920s.

teachers were often ill-trained persons who viewed their occupation as a temporary means of earning a living until something better presented itself. Each school district set its own hiring standards and, in many instances, the only requirements were that the teacher be able to read, write, do arithmetic, and be able to defeat the strongest boy in school in a fistfight. Consequently, women usually were hired to teach only during the summer when the biggest boys were working in the fields and only small children were in school. Low standards were matched by low salaries, and in the late 1880s, even a wealthy community such as Saginaw paid its male teachers a meager $7 a week and females only $4.

Lack of standards brought many totally unqualified persons into the class- room, and often physical cruelty was the result. in Clare, for example, a teacher was fired in 1878 for beating a boy about the head so severely that the lad’s eardrums burst and bled. After being removed, the man found another teaching position almost immediately in a nearby town that admired his “physical approach” to learning. other instances of excessive punishment included breaking a student’s leg with a rod and giving fifty lashes for throwing snow- balls during recess. during the 1870s and 1880s teachers maintained, however, that such force was necessary because students were bringing loaded revolvers, knives, and dynamite caps to school. A popular saying of the time was “i’m going to fill your head with lead,” and many students seemed to want to take a literal interpretation of that warning. in any case, savage abuse was common in nearly all schools during the late nineteenth century.

Even though it was common knowledge that many public schoolteachers were incompetent, the state legislature did not pass a law requiring that teach- ers needed at least one year of training until 1925. As late as 1928, anyone with three years’ experience could receive a lifetime teaching certificate from the state. Quality of instruction was so poor in the public schools that in some areas of the state parents chose to send their children to federally supported indian schools which paid teachers higher salaries and demanded much more rigor- ous qualifications to be hired.

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despite their lack of professional competence, in 1852 Michigan teachers formed a union. the Michigan State teachers’ Association, which became the Michigan Education Association, lobbied for better financing of schools and increased salaries for teachers. Membership grew slowly, however, and it was not until the early 1900s that more than 1 percent of the state’s teachers joined the union.

Student attendance was irregular. Parents considered their children as a source of cheap labor, and school was a luxury that could not be afforded dur- ing planting and harvesting seasons. to avoid this problem, schools generally opened in mid-october, after the harvest, and closed in late March, before planting. this schedule gave the district enough flexibility to miss a few weeks and still be open the three months necessary to be eligible for state aid. A com- pulsory attendance law was not passed until 1871, and then it only required children between the ages of eight and fourteen to attend school for at least twelve weeks. in 1883 the length of attendance was increased to sixteen weeks, but the law was rarely enforced. Finally, in 1905, the legislature passed an act requiring all children between the ages of seven and sixteen to attend school for a full nine-month academic year, and funds were allocated for districts to hire truant officers to enforce the law.

Higher Education

the first plan for higher education in Michigan came in 1817 when territorial Judge Augustus Woodward drafted a grandiose scheme for a Catholepistemiad, or University of Michigania. Woodward had previously written a book in which he categorized all human knowledge into thirteen areas and thus he proposed a college with a professorship in each of those subjects. the professors and head of the university were also to “establish colleges, academies, libraries, museums, atheneums, botanic gardens, laboratories, and other useful literary and scien- tific institutions.” Woodward’s idea was not merely to create a college but rather to establish an outline for a “complete system of education extending from the lowest grade of primary school to the highest level of college,” supported by a 15 percent increase in public taxation, lotteries, and tuition payments. Unfortunately, Governor Lewis Cass was unable to find thirteen qualified men to fill the professorships. Finally, Reverends John Monteith and Gabriel Richard were hired to run the single-building institution, with the former responsible for seven subjects and the latter six.

the university was a disaster. it was too expensive for the struggling territory to support, and its name elicited derisive laughter. Even Cass could not

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pronounce its title and referred to it as the “Cathole-what’s-its-name.” in 1821 territorial officials repealed the law providing for the Catholepistemiad and then empowered twenty-one trustees to “establish colleges, academies, and to inspect them, to make laws for the government; to appoint all members of the teaching body, fix their salaries, discharge them if thought best; and to control funds.” however, no action was taken.

in 1837, Superintendent Pierce urged the state legislature to create a university, with branch campuses throughout the state, that would be con- trolled by a Board of Regents. in March of that year, the legislature passed a bill establishing the University of Michigan, that was to have three departments: law, medicine, and literature, science, and the arts. As Pierce had suggested, a Board of Regents was appointed and given power to control the university and create nondegree-granting branch universities. the legislature also provided for the eventual founding of departments of agriculture and teacher educa- tion, as well as a school for female education whenever sufficient funds were available.

the University of Michigan opened in 1841 with two professors, one in mathematics and the other in language, and six students. Branch campuses were created at Pontiac, Monroe, Kalamazoo, detroit, niles, White Pigeon, tecumseh, and Romeo, but by 1846 financial support had been withdrawn and all were closed.

during its first years in existence, the University of Michigan was beset by problems. the medical school did not open until 1850 and the law school until 1859. Angry citizens complained about fraternities on campus and immorality caused by nonministerial faculty. Churches lobbied for a religiously oriented university and, as a compromise, the Board of Regents, who were badly split on the issue, agreed to choose future faculty both for their academic qualifications and religious affiliations. dissension continued, and only the passage of a new constitution in 1850, which provided for an elected Board of Regents with complete control over the university and its fiscal policy, saved the institution from ruin.

the appointment of henry tappan as president in 1852 gave the University of Michigan a great boost. A Presbyterian minister from new York and a distin- guished scholar, tappan proved to be the leader who set the university on the road to becoming “the harvard of the West.” Like Crary and Pierce, tappan was an enthusiastic admirer of German universities which stressed scholarship and science. the new president announced that he intended to establish a grad- uate program and hire faculty solely on their academic credentials. immediately criticism was leveled at tappan. Religious groups attacked him for his hiring practices; farmers were incensed at his refusal to start a school of agriculture;

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and supporters of vocational education claimed that he was an “elitist” because of his emphasis on science and classical subjects. When prohibitionists, aboli- tionists, and women’s rights advocates joined the anti-tappan forces, the regents removed him in 1863, but his leadership had put the university on solid ground.

not all Michigan residents favored the University of Michigan’s dominance in higher education. Church-supported schools began in Michigan in 1833 with the opening of Kalamazoo College, and within twenty-five years colleges had been established at Adrian, Albion, olivet, and hillsdale. Each was ham- pered, however, by a state law which gave the University of Michigan a monop- oly in granting degrees. Furthermore, as long as the democrats were in power, tappan, a leader in that party, could convince the legislature that his university would suffer severe enrollment declines if other universities were allowed to grant degrees. When the Republicans gained control in 1855, they fulfilled a campaign pledge and passed a general college bill that established specifica- tions by which colleges could be created and issue diplomas. Following the pas- sage of this law, church-supported colleges flourished, and in 1980 there were over thirty such institutions in Michigan.

Republicans delivered another campaign promise in 1855 by passing a law authorizing the establishment of an agricultural college to be located within ten miles of Lansing. in May 1857, Michigan Agricultural College opened with eighty-one students, each of whom was required to spend four hours a day working on the college farm in addition to his classroom studies. in 1862, Congress passed the Morrill Act which authorized grants of public land to states for the purpose of supporting the education of farmers and mechanics.

Figure 11.4 Michigan Agricultural College (Michigan State University), East Lansing, c. 1912. Library of Congress, Washington, d.C., Control #2007662299.

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Michigan received 240,000 acres under this act and the funds derived from the sale of the land assured the financial stability of the nation’s “pioneer land grant college,” which is today Michigan State University.

Vocational and technical colleges began in Michigan during the late 1800s. the Michigan School of Mines, now Michigan technological University, opened in 1885; the detroit institute of technology began in 1909; and General Motors institute in Flint, now Kettering University, was created in 1916. the first normal or teacher training school west of the Allegheny Moun- tains was started at Ypsilanti in 1852 and by 1903 normal schools had been opened at Ann Arbor, Mt. Pleasant (Central Michigan University), Kalamazoo (Western Michigan University), and Marquette (northern Michigan University).

Women’s Education

Both public and private schools in Michigan generally were coeducational, although many segregated women into a “female department.” Educational leaders urged coeducational schools on all levels, but voters saw little need for it above primary grades since it was believed that females did not require higher education to do “women’s work” at home.

Prior to 1855 five private female seminaries had been created in the state. hoping to receive funding from the new Republican legislature, new schools for women were opened in Lansing and Marshall. When no financial assistance was given, the Marshall school closed in 1859 and the Lansing seminary shut down in 1871, later selling its buildings to the State School for the Blind. Church schools continued to operate “female colleges” or “female departments,” and several even awarded the degree of “Mistress of Arts.” After the Civil War, coeducational higher learning finally triumphed and, in 1870, both the University of Michigan and Michigan Agricultural College admitted women.

Special Education

the 1850 state constitution said that “institutions for the benefit of those inhabitants who are deaf, dumb, blind, or insane shall always be fostered and supported.” Following the direction of the constitution, in 1854 the legislature provided for the establishment of an institute in Flint for the education of the deaf, dumb, and blind. in 1879 a separate school for the blind was founded at Lansing.

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to care for delinquent children, a Boys Vocational School was begun at Lansing in 1855 and a similar school for girls was created in 1879 in Adrian. From 1873 until 1935 a home at Coldwater was operated to support orphans and children of poor parents. in 1936 it was converted into a home for mentally disabled children.

Prior to 1949, relatively few school districts held classes for the mentally handicapped. A partial state reimbursement program for school districts was instituted in 1949, and five years later the legislature passed a law allowing counties to levy special taxes for the implementation of handicapped children’s programs. Although not totally solving the problem of educating the mentally handicapped, this marked a huge stride forward.

Recent Educational Advances

At present there are fifteen state-supported colleges and universities, and over 200,000 students attend private and parochial schools in the state. Regional universities, such as the University of Michigan at Flint and dearborn, are growing in popularity, as are the state’s twenty-eight community colleges. Adult education programs are drawing increasing numbers of participants. Without question, Michigan is maintaining its position as a leader in educational progress.

As proof of its continuing innovative spirit, Michigan has been in the fore- front of two controversial programs. in 1993, under the urging of Republican Governor John Engler, the legislature established charter schools as another means for educating Michigan’s students. these schools receive public funding from the state on a per student basis, but they do not get state aid for facilities and cannot levy taxes or bonds. in 1994, there were eight charter schools in the state, and by 2006, the number had reached 230, with 100,000 students enrolled. Supporters of these schools claim that they offer an educational alternative for children attending failing public schools, as well as providing a stimulus for public schools to improve their performance. opponents argue that charter schools merely drain money from public schools. A study by the Great Lakes Center for Education Research and Practice found that in the 2006–07 aca- demic year, nearly half of Michigan’s charter schools were performing better than the public schools in their surrounding areas, which led the head of the Michigan Association of Public School Academies to state that charter schools should be permitted to expand in the state.

the second innovation was the creation of the Michigan Virtual University to train students and workers through online computer courses. Governor

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Engler, who envisioned the virtual university as being the cornerstone of his administration’s strategy to make Michigan a major high-technology state, funded the concept with money raised from fees paid into the Michigan Renaissance Fund by American indian gambling casinos. Beginning with the Michigan Virtual Automotive College in 1996, Governor Engler hoped eventu- ally to have a Virtual information technology College, as well as virtual col- leges offering degrees in teacher education, tourism, aviation, and accounting. traditional colleges, however, feared that on-campus programs would be diminished, and that the quality of higher education in Michigan would suffer because of the lack of direct classroom contact between professors and students.

in the case of both charter schools and virtual universities, the battle over their effectiveness will rage well into the twenty-first century. one thing is cer- tain, and it is that the outcome of those battles will determine the future of public education in Michigan for decades to come.

Social and Cultural Enrichment

Even the earliest pioneers agreed that not all intellectual growth was gained in school. Consequently, various aspects of cultural development were fostered. For example, interest in the theater existed in detroit as early as 1816 when amateur theatricals were presented by army officers. Although women did not perform in the plays, they painted scenery and made stage properties. in 1830 a barn was converted for theater use. during the Civil War a theater was built, but it burned in 1867; however, in that same year the detroit opera house was finished. From 1850 to the turn of the century, German theaters operated in detroit, presenting plays by such authors as William Shakespeare, Frederich Schiller, and heinrich Laube. outstate, many ornate opera houses were con- structed, and as prosperity reached the mining districts of the western upper peninsula, opera houses, some of which seated over a thousand people, were erected at Calumet, houghton, hancock, Lake Linden, and Laurium. during the last decades of the nineteenth century, theaters also housed speakers on the Chautauqua circuit.

in the area of painting, the first “artist of record” in Michigan was James o. Lewis, who did portraits of Father Gabriel Richard and Lewis Cass. Lewis was commercially unsuccessful and had to resort to engraving and die making to support himself. t.W.o.P. (Alphabet) Burnham, of whom little is known, painted the famous picture of the state election of 1837, which was done “in the satirical fashion of hogarth,” and now may be seen in the detroit

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institute of Art. J. M. Stanley and Alvah Bradish were two other noteworthy portrait painters before the Civil War, while in the postwar era Robert hopkin, William B. Conely, and Geri Melchers gained fame. in 1875, detroit could boast of the founding of the detroit Art Association, whose purpose was “to provide exhibitions of works of art and as soon as practicable to establish a permanent Gallery of Paintings and Sculpture in this city and to increase the knowledge and enjoyment by such means as may be deemed expedient.” thirteen years later the detroit Museum of Art was opened, and, in 1927, a $4-million structure was completed on Woodward Avenue to house the collec- tion that was now known as the detroit institute of Art.

Architecture also played a role in the state’s cultural development. during the 1830s and 1840s, the Greek Revival style was popular, and Marshall became the “architectural capital of Michigan.” the best example of Greek Revival found in that city is the dr. Andrew L. hays house, but the entire city is rich in architectural interest. Michigan has given the world three great architects: Albert Kahn, the greatest factory architect in history, who designed the General Motors Building in 1920, and who was also responsible for the Clements Library and hill Auditorium on the campus of the University of Michigan; Eliel Saarinen, a Finnish immigrant, who designed the Cranbrook School and institute of Science, and the Kingswood School for Girls; and Eero Saarinen, Eliel’s son, who designed the dulles Airport in Washington, d.C., the Columbia Broadcasting System Building in new York, and the John deere Building at Moline, illinois.

in the area of literature, a local commentator wrote in 1939 that an “upper case author” was as “rare as a skunk bear” in Michigan, and concluded that Michiganians were “better at building automobiles that are works of art than we are at fashioning great sonnets, we make better furniture than novels, we con- coct better breakfast foods than drama.” this alleged lack of great authors may result from problems of definition and categorization. does birth alone qualify a state to claim an author as its own? if so, Edna Ferber, who was born in Kalamazoo, and Ring Lardner, who lived in niles as a youth, could be consid- ered “Michigan authors.” if authors are claimed by a state simply because they used the state as the location for their works, then Michigan can be proud of James Fenimore Cooper, who set his Oak Openings in Kalamazoo; Washington irving, whose Astoria reflected the Michigan fur trade; henry Wadsworth Longfellow, whose “hiawatha” immortalized the upper peninsula; and Ernest hemingway, whose Torrents of Spring concerned workers at a Petoskey pump factory. Unfortunately for Michigan, however, fifteen years of residence is gen- erally regarded as the “rule of thumb” for claiming authors as “one’s own.”

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While none of Michigan’s native sons or daughters has been recognized as a literary giant, many have done some excellent work. in the nineteenth century some of the best Michigan novels included Caroline Kirkland, A New Home, a tale of pioneer life in Livingston County; Major John Richardson, Wacousta and Matilda Montgomery, which used Pontiac’s uprising and the War of 1812, respectively, as historical backdrops; and Constance Fenimore Woolson, Anne, a story of Civil War Mackinac.

Lumbering activities have been the theme for several volumes, such as Stewart Edward White, River Men and Blazed Trail; Eugene thwing, The Red Keggers and Man from Red Keg; and harold titus, Timber. Rural life is realisti- cally depicted in G. d. Eaton, Backfurrow, which is considered by some critics to be a “masterpiece among Michigan novels.”

Michigan’s most prolific writer was James Curwood of owosso. Several of his novels, most notably Courage of Captain Plum and Green Timber, are set in

Figure 11.5 one of the world’s premier industrial architects, Albert Kahn is responsi- ble for changing the urban landscape of the Motor City. Courtesy of the detroit historical Society.

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Michigan. While critics say that his plots were predictable and the characters stereotyped, his works were commercially successful and several were made into movies.

in more recent times, Michigan’s finest authors are harriette Arnow, who wrote The Dollmaker, a poignant tale of a Kentucky family in wartime detroit; Michigan Supreme Court Justice John Voelker, who, under the pen name Robert traver, wrote such highly popular novels as Small Town D.A., Troubled Shooter, and Anatomy of a Murder; and Larry Smith and Jim harrison, whose The Original and Wolf, respectively, deal with the changes caused by com- mercialized exploitation of the wilderness.

While tales of ships and shipwrecks on the Great Lakes have been told by many authors, most notably dana thomas Bowen and Walter havighurst, no one has captured the stories with as much grace and poignancy as Jim Clary of St. Clair, the foremost maritime artist of the Great Lakes. during the past three decades, Clary has produced more than 350 paintings, written two books on Great Lakes ships and shipwrecks, participated in an early expedition to

Figure 11.6 the General Motors headquarters in detroit was the second largest office building in the world when it was completed in 1922. Courtesy of the detroit historical Society.

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discover the Titanic, and had his most recent book, The Last True Story of the Titanic, nominated for a Pulitzer Prize. Visitors to his gallery in downtown Port huron can relive, through his paintings, prints, and books, the history and drama of life on the Great Lakes.

Michigan has never been blessed with a poet of the stature of a Carl Sandburg or Robert Frost, but the state can claim at least three famous versifiers. Will Carleton gained fame as “the Poet Laureate of Michigan” for his “over the hill to the Poor house.” his writings on rural life earned him favorable comparison with indiana’s James Whitcomb Riley. Edgar Guest, whose homely writing earned him the title of “the Poet of Mother, home, and heaven,” was revered by thousands of readers during the early and mid-twentieth century. While not as popularly acclaimed as Guest and Carleton, perhaps Michigan’s most influ- ential poet was theodore Roethke of Saginaw, who won a Pulitzer Prize and a national Book Award during his career. his most noted work, “My Papa’s Waltz,” gained him worldwide praise.

Michigan has given the nation more than its share of notable persons in the entertainment industries. Among the more recognizable Michigan-born per- sonalities are comedians tim Allen, david Allen Grier, tim Meadows, Gilda Radner, Andy Richter, Sinbad, david Spade, danny thomas and Lily tomlin; singers Sonny Bono, Alice Cooper, Mark Farner, Glenn Frey, Madonna, ted nugent, iggy Pop, della Reese, Smokey Robinson, Kid Rock, Bob Seger, and Stevie Wonder; actors Justin Bartha, Kristen Bell, Selma Blair, timothy Busfield, dave Coulier, Pam dawber, dann Florek, Max Gail, Lee Majors, Ed McMahon, harry Morgan, George Peppard, terry o’Quinn, Steven Seagal, tom Selleck, tom Skerritt, tom Sizemore, Courtney B. Vance, and Robert Wagner. Special recognition for their contributions to their home state must be awarded to actor/comedian Jeff daniels and producer/director Michael Moore. in the 1990s, daniels founded the Purple Rose theatre in Chelsea to bring high-quality theatrical performances, usually reserved for residents of major metropolitan areas, to suburban audiences. Moore, in 2005, established the traverse City Film Festival, which in its second year sold more than 72,000 tickets and brought approximately $5 million into the traverse City economy.

Michigan’s residents were also very much interested in music, with nearly every city of any size having a town band. our heritage of music appreciation is today carried forward by excellent music programs in high schools and colleges and through the efforts of local symphonies. the interlochen Music Camp, founded in 1927 by Joseph Maddy, has achieved national prominence and has placed Michigan firmly on the world’s “musical map.”

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in education, literature, and the arts, Michigan has always been active. Culture and mental stimulation have always been an integral part of the state’s growth and have brought the state respect and admiration throughout the nation.

For Further Reading

the growth of public education is discussed in George L. Jackson, The Development of State Control of Public Instruction in Michigan (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1926) and Martha Bigelow, Michigan: Pioneer in Education (Ann Arbor: Bulletin no. 7: Michigan historical Collections, University of Michigan, 1955). A comprehensive treatment is provided by four volumes in the Munson history Fund “history of Education in Michigan,” which include Floyd R. dain, Education in the Wilderness (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1968); Charles R. Starring and James o. Knauss, The Michigan Search for Educational Standards (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1969); donald W. disbrow, Schools for an Urban Society (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1968); and Willis F. dunbar, The Michigan Record in Higher Education (detroit: Wayne State University, 1963).

Cultural and social activities are detailed in the following articles from Michigan History: J. B. deise, “Entertainment in Early detroit,” XXX (1946); Mark o. Kisterl, “the German theatre in detroit,” XLVii (1963); Melvin h. Miller, “the Chautauqua in Lansing,” XL (1956); Clyde h. Burroughs, “Painting and Sculpture in Michigan,” XX (1936); and Willis F. dunbar, “the opera house as a Social institution,” XXVii (1943).

Useful articles on Michigan literature and architecture include: Arnold Mulder, “Authors and Wolverines,” Saturday Review of Literature (March 4, 1939); Francis X. Scannell, “the novelist and Michigan,” Detroit Historical Society Bulletin, XXi (1964); douglas noverr, “new dimensions in Recent Michigan Fiction,” Midwestern Miscellany no. 2 (1974); and Wayne Andrews, Architecture in Michigan (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1967). the best biography of Roethke is Allan Seager, The Glass House (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991). An interesting compilation of Michigan authors is dave dempsey and Jack dempsey, Ink Trails: Michigan’s Famous and Forgotten Authors (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2012).

For a glimpse into Michigan’s maritime history see Walter havighurst, The Long Ships Passing (new York: the MacMillan Company, 1944), and two volumes by dana thomas Bowen, Memories of the Lakes (daytona Beach: dana thomas Bowen, 1946) and Shipwrecks of the Lakes (daytona Beach: dana thomas Bowen, 1952). Jim Clary has authored Ladies of the Lakes I and Ladies of the Lakes II (West Bloomfield: Altwerger and Mandel Publishing, 1989 and 1992). Clary’s art is discussed extensively in Sheryl James, “Ship to Shore,” Michigan History (november–december 1998).

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other more recent contributions recounting Michigan’s cultural history include Clarence A. Andrews, Michigan in Literature (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992); Jerry herron, After Culture: Detroit and the Humiliation of History (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1993); Larry B. Massie, From Frontier Folk to Factory Smoke: Michigan’s First Century of Historical Fiction (Avery Color Studios, 1987); and Judith A. Eldridge, James Oliver Curwood: God’s Country and the Man (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1993).

Wood and Rails

during the years 1860–1900, Michigan’s commercial development was domi- nated by the sawing, harvesting, milling, and marketing of timber. tens of thousands of men were employed in this enterprise, while hundreds more, mostly recent emigrants from new England, used their financial acumen to amass fortunes as “lumber barons.” these wealthy men then utilized their money to influence the state’s politicians and judges. Because lumbering was so critical to Michigan, its politicians did everything in their power to protect it. When a bill to aid the victims of the great Chicago fire was introduced in the house of Representatives in March 1872, Representative omar d. Conger, of Port huron, threatened to defeat it by having it recommitted to his lumber- oriented Committee on Commerce unless a provision allowing Canadian lumber to enter the United States duty free was deleted. the congressman claimed that, as written, the bill would “be injurious to the lumbermen of Michigan and the laboring people of Michigan,” and that if Chicago were to be reconstructed, it would be with timber purchased from Michigan and Wisconsin; if not, Conger assured his colleagues that Chicago would “remain in ashes throughout eternity.” the offensive section was then removed and the relief bill passed. Seemingly limitless strength rested with lumbermen because of their wealth.

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Finding the Timber

Even though southern Michigan was covered with lush stands of sugar maple, beech, ash, oak, and hickory, the region was virtually ignored by lumbermen because hardwood trees had a limited market value. demand was for the creamy white cork pine and norway pine found in abundance in central and northern Michigan. Clearing of these pine forests, whose lumber was used primarily for home building and home furnishings, occurred at the rate of 33,000 acres per year during the last four decades of the nineteenth century. By 1882, the Saginaw Valley had contributed over one half of the 8 billion board feet of white pine cut throughout the entire old northwest. Unfortunately, indiscriminate cutting, lack of reforestation, and devastating conflagrations caused by careless milling procedures nearly made the stately white pine extinct. today a small number are preserved in the hartwick Pines State Park near Gaylord to serve as a reminder of Michigan’s natural beauty before the coming of avaricious lumbermen.

to find the location of the best timber, lumbermen hired “pine scouts” or “timber cruisers” to walk the forests and mark on maps the sites of stands of choice trees. Whenever possible, indians were employed for this task because of their intimate knowledge of the woodlands. having found the best sites, the scouts then estimated the probable lumber yield in board feet (one board foot equals a board one foot square and one inch thick), and reported on the prox- imity of the timber stand to waterways by which the cut logs could be floated to mills. Lumbermen paid their scouts with one third of the timber on the prop- erty selected, thereby assuring that the men would select the sites that would result in the largest monetary return. After receiving the scouting reports, lum- bermen filed claims at the nearest Government Land office and purchased the land for $1.25 per acre.

occasionally a timber scout invested his returns in the lumbering business and became a “baron” himself. david Ward of Port huron began his career as a surveyor and “land looker” for lumbermen. in the early 1850s, he started to purchase timber lands in Michigan and Wisconsin, and, by the time of his death in 1900, he was proud to be known as “the richest man in Michigan,” with an estate valued at over $10 million.

Competition was fierce, and lumbermen went to great lengths to acquire heavily timbered lands, especially in the Saginaw Valley region which pos- sessed both the best white pine and waterways. A major obstacle, however, was that much of the choicest land was held by indians either as reservations or homesteads. Because until 1870 the federal government refused to permit indians to sell any timber on their property, lumbermen had to seize the trees

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illegally. Generally, simple theft was utilized; lumbermen entered reservations, cut trees, and hauled them away. in 1871, henry W. Sage, one of the state’s fore- most lumber barons, ordered flagrant cutting of timber on the isabella indian Reservation near Mt. Pleasant. After receiving numerous indian complaints, the government sent an agent to investigate. he discovered that Sage had cleared over 10,000 acres and had been aided in this criminal act by former

Figure 12.1 Before large numbers of whites arrived in Michigan, the region was covered by forests. Base map data source from RS&GiS, Michigan State University (www.rsgis.msu.edu).

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Congressman John F. driggs, of Saginaw. no prosecutions were ever made, however, since it would have been impossible to find a judge in Michigan who would rule against a man such as Sage. Practices such as this were so common that during the years 1860–80 over 1 million board feet of timber, with a mini- mum value of $36 million, was stolen from indian reservations.

When indian land was held as homesteads, capable of being purchased, unscrupulous speculators and “timber sharks” used every available means to acquire it. Cheap sewing machines and parlor organs, which missionaries and teachers had taught indians to accept as symbols of civilization, were sold with land mortgages taken as collateral. When indians failed to meet payment dead- lines, the goods were repossessed and the land seized as payment. Some specu- lators induced indians to borrow $50 or $100 to improve their property. Mortgages served as collateral, and repayment dates were set for winter months when indians were least likely to be able to meet payments. if payment was made, indians still lost their land, for whites showed them a clause in the

Figure 12.2 during the 1887 cutting season this teamster and his horse-drawn sled would transport as much as 100,000 pounds of sixteen-foot logs at one time. Courtesy of Edwards hines Lumber Company.

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contract stating that they were obligated to pay a large attorney’s fee for han- dling the arrangements. Another method used in cheating indians was to lend drunken indians money and demand repayment, with interest, the following day. Creditors threatened imprisonment for indians refusing to sell their prop- erty to cover the debt. Widows with dependent children were special targets for swindlers. A favorite ploy was to purchase timber from widows and have them sign what was claimed to be a receipt but was actually a deed. A similar trick was for agents of lumbermen to go among starving indians in winter, claiming to be representatives of charities, and offering them $5 to purchase food; in return, indians, who were unable to read, signed receipts which were actually deeds to their land. occasionally, physical violence would be used to force recalcitrant indians to sell their land, and men were hired to burn indian houses and bludgeon the owners with clubs and iron rods.

two of the major land frauds in the state involved prominent residents of Saginaw—Arthur hill and Ezra Rust. in 1872, hill ordered the burglary of a safe containing the Michigan indian Agent’s plat maps showing exact locations of property to be granted as homesteads to indians. he copied the maps, sent scouts to examine the timber on each site, and purchased the best from unwit- ting indian owners, who had never seen their new land, for a minimum price, much below its market value. the agent brought suit against hill for stealing government documents, but despite testimony against the lumberman by his hired thieves, hill was given only a reprimand by a judge who did not wish to earn the wrath of the powerful lumbering community.

in 1864, Ezra Rust illegally gained control of 15,000 acres of choice isabella County pine land, which had been reserved for indian ownership, by bribing two indians to buy it and then immediately sell it to him. indians protested the “Rust Purchase” for six years without success. then, in 1870, two Saginaw lum- bermen, George F. Williams and timothy Jerome, whose brother, david, was a state senator and later became a member of the Board of indian Commissioners and governor of Michigan, joined Reverend George Bradley, the missionary at the isabella indian Reservation, in a scheme to further defraud indians. the lumbermen instructed Bradley to meet with the indians and announce that Jerome and Williams would prosecute Rust and restore indian property, free of cost, if the indians would sign a contract authorizing the action. the chiefs asked Bradley to read the contract to them but he refused. they were eager, however, to have their land returned, and knowing that Bradley was a “minister of God” they did not think that he would do anything wrong and signed the agreement. Subsequently they discovered that they had agreed to allow Jerome and Williams to choose land for them on the restored property, to prohibit all indian improvements on these selections for ten years, and to retain exclusive

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timber privileges during this ten-year period. the indian agent notified the government that this contract was made through deception, and, after four years of litigation, it was nullified. Unfortunately, as in so many cases, nearly all the valuable timber was removed before a court decision was reached. Michigan was truly a state run by lumbermen for lumbermen.

Cutting and Milling

once the timber was acquired it had to be cut and milled. to do the cutting, lumberjacks, or “shanty boys” as they called themselves, were hired. While men of all nationalities were employed, most woodsmen were either irish, French Canadien, American indian, or plain Yankee farm boys.

despite Paul Bunyan tales and movie caricatures, shanty boys were neither happy and carefree nor healthy and robust. their life was rigorous, dangerous, and tedious. Every morning, except Sunday, they rose at 3:30 and breakfasted on pancakes, steak, potatoes, and coffee. At five o’clock, they began work. At noon, a lunch of meat, potatoes, vegetables, and pie was delivered to them. the meal was taken to the men so that a minimum of working time would be lost. Work continued until sundown, when the men returned to camp for a dinner of roast beef or pork, gravy, potatoes, vegetables, fresh bread, and pie. After a brief period of socializing, bunkhouse lights were out by nine o’clock.

Living conditions were not nearly so good as the food. Usually a camp had a single bunkhouse to hold sixty to one hundred men. Windowless and heated by a stove, the bunkhouse was a gloomy, poorly ventilated, depressing building. Bunks consisted of mattresses of branches and hay sacks for pillows. A com- mon complaint was that every man had bedbugs for his bunkmate. Rules were strict, and the use of alcohol was forbidden. often it seemed that tobacco and fist fighting were the only permissible forms of relaxation. in fact, fighting became a way of life in logging camps, and, as the cutting season grew longer, tempers became shorter and any minor incident could result in a brawl. Moreover, the work of a shanty boy was conducive to illness and injury. For example, in 1884–85, approximately 40,000 men were working in Michigan forests. of this number, nearly 3,000 were hurt in accidents, and a like number were sick for extended periods. Considering the nature of their work, however, perhaps it is amazing that the numbers were so low.

For this privilege of working long hours in a dangerous job, and living in deplorable conditions, a shanty boy received $20 to $28 per month, but wages were not paid until all the logs had been sold the following spring. Lack of ready money was not a hardship, however, as all room and board was furnished for

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the men, and had they been paid sooner, they merely would have gambled their wages away.

Generally lumbering operations took place during September through March, and the snowier the winter the better it was for logging. Shanty boys designated as “choppers” and “sawyers” used felling axes and, in later years, seven-foot crosscut saws to fell trees and cut them into sixteen-foot lengths; then “trimmers” and “swampers” lopped off all branches. the logs were then dragged by men called “skidders” to a timber trail where “loaders” put them on either a “Big Wheel” cart or horse-drawn sled. to facilitate transporting logs in winter, lumber companies constructed roads to the nearest river and then waited for a heavy snowfall. When snow covered the road, a sled, dubbed “the sprinkler,” was put into action. this sled, which carried a huge water tank with plugs on each side, traversed the road, dousing it with water to create a thick layer of ice. After several applications of water, the icy path permitted a sled carrying fifty tons of logs to be drawn effortlessly by two horses. if snowfall in the cutting area was not heavy, men were sent to neighboring regions to bring back wagonloads of snow to spread on the roadway. Sand was placed on steep grades to slow the loaded sleds, but often the load shifted forward, crushing both the teamster and horses.

When the logs arrived at the riverbank, they were placed at seven-mile inter- vals in piles twenty to thirty feet in height and then branded. Marking was criti- cal because every company in the area floated its logs to mills together, and company identification was possible only by branding. over 3,500 log marks were registered in Michigan, but even branding did not eliminate all problems. Logs were marked on one end with a hot iron; however, “log rustlers” often came to the riverbank and altered brands to aid either themselves or another company. if the brand could not be altered easily, the end of the log was sawed off and a new mark embedded. Finally, companies hired inspectors to patrol the riverbanks and apprehend thieves.

in April, when the frozen rivers thawed, all the logs were rolled into the water, and the log drive began. thousands of spectators lined the shores to view the annual spectacle of rivers literally jammed from bank to bank with logs. Even after railroads made logging operations practical in all seasons and allowed for mill constructions at sites other than mouths of rivers, many com- panies continued to use river drives. in fact, this practice was not discontinued until 1911.

Sawmills had been operating in Michigan since 1805 at detroit and 1822 at Sault Ste. Marie, but these early mills cut timber for home building rather than commercial sale. once lumbering became a major industry, mills sprang up in nearly every town located at the mouth of a river. Main lumbering centers were

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Menominee in the upper peninsula and Saginaw, Bay City, Alpena, Ludington, Port huron, Grand haven, traverse City, Muskegon, and Petoskey in the lower peninsula. Large mills were highly mechanized, two-story structures which used a V-trough with a forked chain conveyor belt to lift logs from the river to the second-story cutting room. there, logs were sawed into boards sixteen feet in length and one inch thick. Conveyor belts then piled the boards. nothing was wasted at the mills, as even sawdust was kept and used to fuel machinery. not all mills were large, however, and for every mill in Michigan that cut more than 10 million board feet annually, there were fifty or sixty cutting less than that number.

Fire

Without question, fire was the greatest threat facing lumbermen, and unfortu- nately it occurred with distressing regularity. twice, however, major blazes dev- astated large portions of the state. on october 8, 1871, the same day that Chicago began burning, fires started along the western Michigan shoreline and quickly spread across the state to Lake huron. in terms of monetary loss and

Figure 12.3 “First train West of the Alleghenies,” Michigan’s first railroad, the Erie and Kalamazoo, had a wood-burning engine and a converted stagecoach serving as a passenger car. Courtesy of Willard Library.

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human suffering, Michigan’s fires were far more costly than the Chicago confla- gration. the town of holland was destroyed; students at Michigan Agricultural College struggled bravely to save Lansing from being engulfed in flames; and in the thumb district, 90 percent of the homes were leveled, while twenty-three townships were severely burned and another eighteen suffered partial burning. Lumbermen defensively claimed that gale-force winds had carried sparks from Chicago across Lake Michigan to the Michigan shore, but in truth the fires in Michigan were a result of careless milling and logging that caused sparks to ignite tinder-dry forests.

ten years later, the thumb was again ravaged by fire. huron, tuscola, Sanilac, and Lapeer counties were swept by flames so intense that potatoes and onions were roasted in the ground and fish boiled in the rivers. one hundred twenty- seven people lost their lives from either the fire or the typhoid epidemic that followed, and the monetary loss caused by destruction of crops and timber exceeded $2 million. Another noteworthy feature of this fire was that the State Relief Committee, organized in Port huron by Senator Conger, requested the newly formed American Red Cross, headed by Conger’s close friend Clara Barton, to aid Michigan’s disaster victims. the Red Cross, whose effectiveness had never been tested, immediately responded and proved its worth by fur- nishing food and clothing to ease the suffering of the needy.

Nature or Money

despite the effects of these fires, as late as 1900, Michigan was still the nation’s leading pine producer. Between the years 1860 and 1900, Michigan gave forth over 200 billion board feet of timber. Put in other terms, this meant that over 1 billion of the state’s trees had been cut. historians of the lumber industry note that this represented enough lumber to floor the entire state of Michigan with pine boards one inch thick and still have enough remaining to cover Rhode island or to construct fifty plank roads, sixteen feet wide and one inch thick, from new York to San Francisco. More significant, perhaps, is that, in terms of monetary value, Michigan’s “green gold” was worth over $1 billion more than all the “yellow gold” mined in California.

Lumbering had both a negative and positive impact on Michigan. negative factors centered around the environment. Forests were destroyed, and their elimination forced animals to leave their native homes. thousands of other animals were slain by forest fires, while mill pollution fouled the waters and killed countless numbers of fish. Fires scorched the earth so badly that in some areas it could not be farmed for years. the environmental balance clearly was

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disrupted by the lumber industry. Positive factors, on the other hand, centered around economics. the lumber industry induced many new settlers to enter the state, created employment for thousands, offered farmers new markets in which to sell their crops, built dams, roads, and railroads, and fostered such lucrative profits that excess capital could be invested in other developing industries, such as railways. the unanswerable question “What is progress and how is it to be measured?” certainly is applicable to the state’s lumber industry.

Timber in Modern Michigan

Although Michigan is no longer known for its shipbuilding and once-famous Grand Rapids furniture, timber remains a significant factor in the state’s eco- nomic growth. in 1999, Michigan contained 18.6 million acres of timberland, of which 45.5 percent was owned by individuals, 20.1 percent by the state, 13.9 percent by the federal government, and the remainder shared among private corporations, forest industries, and local governments. timber product industries provide 150,000 jobs in the state and generate $9 billion of revenue for the state’s economy annually. the largest timber-related industry is pulp and paper, which has 235 manufacturing plants in the state. tourism and recreation directly linked to forests, such as camp sites and parks, provide another 50,000 jobs and $3 million to the state economy. Moreover, forests are the natural habi- tat for wildlife and more than 1,800 species of native plants.

Riding the Rails

Closely linked to lumbering as a source of economic growth was the rise of the railroad industry. Michigan’s railway system developed in two distinct stages. Before 1860, rail travel was primitive, dangerous, and uncomfortable. Because of limited rail accessibility to most cities, it was common for passengers either to begin or end their train journey by stagecoach, riverboat, or lake steamer. Following the Civil War, the state’s railroads entered into their “Golden Age.” tracks reached nearly every community, and the advent of dining and Pullman cars, air brakes, and standard gauge track made travel both convenient and safe.

Michigan entered the railroad business in 1830 when the territorial council granted what is thought to be the first railway charter in the old northwest to the Pontiac and detroit Railroad Company. this line, however, was never com- pleted. the state’s first working rail line, the Erie and Kalamazoo, came about as the result of a struggle between Adrian and tecumseh over which city should

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become the Lenawee County seat. Since tecumseh was larger and had access to the new military road joining detroit and Chicago, it seemed to be the logical choice. to counteract tecumseh’s advantages, Adrian residents decided to demonstrate their faith in industrial progress by supporting construction of a thirty-three-mile railroad line between their city and Port Lawrence (toledo), ohio, through the dismal, previously inaccessible region known as the Black Swamp. this was a bold proposal since the first successful railroad line in the United States—the Baltimore and ohio—had begun operation only three years earlier in 1830. Advocates of the plan claimed that passengers and freight could go by rail to Port Lawrence and then by ship either east or west. Using horse- drawn cars, the line opened in 1836 and was successful enough to earn Adrian the designation as county seat. the following year the line added the Adrian, the third locomotive west of the Allegheny Mountains, and thereby reduced travel time to Chicago by two days. Unfortunately, the Erie and Kalamazoo line went bankrupt in 1840 as a result of the nationwide depression. After being in receivership for nine years, it was leased in perpetuity to the Michigan Southern Railroad Company which later was purchased by the Penn Central Company. thus, even though the name is changed, the Erie and Kalamazoo line still is in operation.

Businessmen generally favored rail transportation for freight because it offered low cost, speed, and seasonal flexibility; no longer would cargo be una- ble to be delivered because of frozen rivers in winter or flooded roads in spring. Attempts to entice passengers met widespread resistance, however, because early railways were neither comfortable nor safe. Passenger cars were initially flatbeds with wooden benches attached. Each car was fastened to the next by three-foot lengths of chain. When the engine moved, the chains tightened, one by one, with a sudden force that hurled the riders backward. once under way, sparks from the engine rained upon the unprotected passengers. to cover themselves, many raised umbrellas that soon caught fire. Since early locomo- tives could travel only a few miles, at most, without stopping for wood and water, riders were still righting themselves and brushing their smoldering clothing when the train came to a halt. As each chain slackened, the cars crashed into one another pitching the people forward. Fortunately, the trains averaged only ten miles per hour, which spared many of the less hearty riders from seri- ous injury.

the question of rapid mobility was both an asset and a liability to early rail- road companies in their attempt to gain passengers. Riders were impressed with the opportunity to fly across the countryside at ten miles per hour for the modest fare of 4½¢ per mile. Likewise, they were supportive of company rules to assure safety by maintaining the ten mile per hour maximum speed and

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removal of all engineers who exceeded the legal limit. in truth, this limit was not imposed to protect passengers but rather to assist brakemen. Until 1869, with the invention of the Westinghouse air brake, brakemen stopped trains with a manual lever, and any speed over ten miles per hour made their task virtually impossible. in fact, by 1869, the average speed had increased to eight- een miles per hour and rolling stops had become the rule at every station. ironically, the ten mile per hour speed limit was also a source of concern for passengers. While that speed seemed to be as fast as man should ever travel on earth, it was not sufficiently fast to propel the train up steep hills. thus, it was common for riders to have to leave the train, push it up the grade, and then leap aboard as it began its descent.

in the early years of railroad travel, passengers and crewmen risked physical danger as well as inconvenience and discomfort. tracks were poorly con- structed, usually with a wooden rail being covered by a thin strip of iron. After a short period of usage, the strip would work loose and shoot through the floor of the cars like a snake striking at a victim. these iron spears, or “snake heads,” seriously injured, and occasionally killed, riders. Crewmen had to couple all cars by hand until the advent of the automatic coupler in 1893 and consequently missing fingers were considered the badge of railroad employees. Excitement and danger were the bywords of early rail travel.

Many Michigan residents objected to the spread of railroads for reasons other than danger and inconvenience. Some used moral arguments, claiming that God never intended man to move so quickly propelled by an engine spew- ing the fire of hell. Religious opposition was so widespread that several compa- nies were compelled to compromise with the moralists and promise never to operate trains on the Sabbath. Strongest opposition came from farmers who said that engines scared their animals and killed livestock that happened to be asleep on the tracks. to placate angry agriculturalists, state-owned railways reimbursed farmers for all livestock slain by their trains. this policy led many farmers to carry their old, feeble, and/or dying cattle to the tracks where their death under the wheels of a train would prove profitable. other farmers, who grew oats, expressed fear that railroads would drive them out of business by making horses obsolete.

The Great Railroad Conspiracy

Farmer hostility to railroads reached a peak during the years 1849–51. in 1846, the state legislature had voted to remove the state from the railroad business. this decision was prompted by purely economic considerations. the state had

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not yet fully recovered from the effects of the depression, and railroad profits were insufficient to meet the costs of operation, maintenance, and interest due on state-issued construction bonds. By 1846, Michigan’s indebtedness resulting from railroad ownership had reached $4 million and consequently it eagerly sold its holdings in the Michigan Central and Michigan Southern Railway com- panies to new England stock corporations for $2 million and $500,000, respec- tively. Although some citizens feared that private ownership might bring about ruthless price fixing on freight rates, the sale met little resistance either from legislators or the general public.

once in private control, railroad companies announced that they could not afford to continue the policy of reimbursing farmers for slain livestock. Moreover, the new owners said that the policy had been ill conceived because trains moved so slowly that any “reasonably agile” cow could avoid being struck and that, in any case, it was the obligation of the farmer to keep his animals away from railroad property. Enraged at this new proposal, farmers began what was known as “the great railroad conspiracy.”

throughout the southern tier of counties, farmers sabotaged rail lines. Shots were fired at passing trains, switches were opened to cause derailments, fuel piles were burned, water towers tipped, and large logs and rocks were placed on tracks. the ultimate deviltry, however, was greasing tracks on a hill so that the engine could never reach the crest and would have to return to the previous station in reverse. Miraculously no one was killed by these actions.

the worst violence occurred between Grass Lake and Jackson at the insti- gation of Abel F. Fitch, of Michigan Centre. Fitch, a wealthy farmer and community leader, ordered all types of violence against railroads, culminat- ing with the burning of the new Michigan Central depot in detroit on november 18, 1850. Furious over the arson, railroad owners hired a detec- tive to uncover the perpetrators of the crime. As a result of the detective’s findings, Fitch and forty-two others were arrested and brought to detroit for trial in April 1851. Claiming that they were “violent conspirators,” the judge set bail so high that it could not be raised. Fitch hired William h. Seward, the noted abolitionist from new York, to defend the accused farmers. the trial lingered on for five months, and Fitch died before its conclusion. his death, along with Seward’s brilliant defense, turned public opinion away from the railroad owners and to the farmers. the court verdict freed all but ten of the defendants, but the public sought freedom for them as well. in an effort to stem rising criticism, railroad owners not only requested pardons for the guilty men but also pledged to pay farmers half the value of slain livestock. Farmers accepted this offer, but bitterness between them and the railroads continued for years.

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the issues raised by this trial revealed that social and legal institutions had failed to keep pace with technological advances. Perplexing questions arose, such as: Should railroad companies be responsible for fencing their tracks? What were the limits of railroad liability for damages and injuries incurred through rail operations? What was the role of the state in assuring that justice would be meted out to its citizens? Unfortunately, no immediate answers were forthcoming.

despite these obstacles Michigan’s railroads steadily expanded, and, by 1860, three major rail systems—the Michigan Central, Michigan Southern, and detroit and Milwaukee—spanned the lower peninsula with 799 miles of track. these three lines carried over 1 million passengers and averaged nearly $3 million in freight traffic annually.

The Golden Age of Railroads

during the last four decades of the nineteenth century nearly every community sought access to a rail line since commerce and settlement seemed to follow the tracks. occasionally, entire towns would purchase railroad stock in return for a pledge that a “spur line” would be built from the main route to the town. Cities grew where railroads afforded opportunities for economic expansion by mer- chants and farmers. Many towns existed solely because of the railroads. durand, for example, survived simply because it was the junction of all the state’s rail traffic. By 1900, over 6,900 miles of track crossed the state, and railroads had become not only the major method for freight transportation but also the chief means of mass transit.

Many new railways were extremely small, poorly financed, and intended to serve only local freight traffic. typical of these limited roads, or “little fellows,” as they were affectionately called, was the Mason and oceana Line, which in 1900 owned twenty-seven miles of track, five locomotives, one passenger car, one baggage car, and two hundred thirty-two freight cars. it employed forty- one men and earned an average of $22,300 per year. Several of these short-line railroads were so lacking in funds that they did not even have a turntable and, as a result, had to make half their trips in reverse. often fuel and water would be obtained from any available source. Fallen trees and farmers’ fences served as fuel, and water would be acquired by dropping a bucket from the moving engine into a nearby stream. the latter earned these lines another nickname— “jerkwater railroads.” Many of these lines were ultimately purchased by larger railroads and several, especially along Lake Michigan, continued to serve for many years as excursion trains for tourists.

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the “golden age” of railroads affected several aspects of life for Michigan residents. Large cities, with their accompanying sprawl and filthy tenements, developed around railroads. Urban life became increasingly difficult for the lower and middle classes, as the wealthy sought refuge from the dirt and noise of the city by moving to homes farther away. As the phenomena of suburban life expanded, people who remained in the undesirable inner-city neighbor- hoods were said to live “on the wrong side of the tracks,” which really meant “near the tracks.” Even architecture was affected by the growth of rail systems. Businessmen desired to be near rail depots, and, in order to accommodate as many as possible, multilevel “skyscraper” office buildings were erected. in addition, depots were, in many instances, architectural masterworks which reflected a town’s self-esteem. Like European cathedrals in the Middle Ages, in nineteenth-century America the depot was the symbol of community pride and prosperity. While time and disuse have taken their toll on many of the magnificent Victorian columned, towered, and marbled structures, a few remain. durand, the rail capital of Michigan, has remodeled its classic station so once again rail passengers will be able to thrill to its beauty.

Railroads also provided status for travelers, as often only the wealthy and socially prominent rode trains. Railroad companies prided themselves on their service, especially in the dining cars. Every table was graced with irish linen

Figure 12.4 durand, with its architecturally striking Union Station, has been the center of Michigan’s railroad activity for more than a century. durand Union Station and Museum.

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cloths, polished silver utensils, and fresh flowers. Six-course meals, which usu- ally included a choice of lobster, pheasant, oysters, filet mignon, and fresh fruit for dessert, were available for less than a dollar. dignity and proper behavior were expected from all passengers, and conductors had the authority to remove from the train anyone who was unruly or profane.

Between the years 1880 and 1910, laws were passed by the state legislature to regulate fares and to assure publication of schedules. the most significant change, however, was instituted by the railroad companies themselves. As late as 1883, Michigan had at least twenty-seven different time zones, which made scheduled arrival of freight nearly impossible to determine. to facilitate busi- ness transactions, the railroad lines agreed in 1884 to synchronize all their clocks by a telegraphic signal each morning at exactly nine o’clock. By thus creating a standard time zone, merchants could be promised with reasonable certainty when their merchandise would arrive. this led to businessmen like- wise drawing up their hours according to the train schedules, and, as a result, Michigan had a single time zone.

A significant advance in railroad technology came from a Michigan African- American engineer, Elijah McCoy. Born in Canada and educated in Scotland, McCoy arrived in Michigan after the Civil War. he invented a steam-engine system that replaced manual lubrication with an applicator mechanism housed in the locomotive cab. thus, the engineer could precisely allocate lubricat- ing oil distribution with both speed and safety. McCoy founded the detroit Lubricator Company and ultimately patented seventy-eight inventions. When other lubricating devices came on the market, discerning engineers rejected them and demanded “the real McCoy.”

Another advance in rail travel occurred in 1886 when the first electric train in Michigan, and only the third in the United States, began operation in Port huron. Such trains, known as interurbans, went between cities and initially were an extension of electric streetcar lines. the advantages of interurban travel were speed and convenience. By adding a third rail, interurbans were able to negotiate curves more smoothly and accelerate more quickly than ordinary trains. Express runs, known as “limiteds,” reached speeds of sixty miles per hour. By 1918, Michigan had nearly one thousand miles of interurban and streetcar track, which carried nearly 380 million passengers a year for fares averaging slightly over 6¢.

it was not by coincidence that electric trolley cars were founded in Port huron, as that city was the boyhood home of thomas Alva Edison and the Michigan home of the Edison Electric Company. As a youth, Edison worked on the Grand trunk Railroad selling candy, peanuts, and popcorn to passengers traveling from Port huron to detroit. on the return run, he sold detroit news- papers to passengers and to those waiting for trains at depots along the route.

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he later set up the Grand Trunk Weekly Herald, which he printed in a baggage car until his employment with the railroad was terminated after he set the car on fire when some of his printing chemicals exploded. to celebrate its most famous son, in 2001 Port huron dedicated the thomas Edison depot Museum as a tribute to the inventor’s formative career.

Port huron has another first in Michigan railroading, as it was the site of the first international railroad tunnel, linking it to Sarnia, ontario, in 1891. in 1909, a second underwater tunnel was completed, which permitted trains to cross from detroit into Windsor, ontario.

As the number of automobiles, buses, and trucks increased in the 1920s, use of interurbans declined, and, by 1935, all had gone out of business. As Willis dunbar, the foremost authority on Michigan railroads, noted, interurbans reflected “a passing phase in the history of Michigan transportation.” A response to urbanization and the need for immediate rapid mass transit, interurbans filled the gap between the passing of horse-drawn trolleys and the coming of internal combustion vehicles.

Upper Peninsula Railroads

Most of Michigan’s rail lines were built in the lower peninsula, but a few small lines, nearly all financed by mining and lumber companies, were constructed in

Figure 12.5 the Port huron Electric Railway Company operated the first interurban system in Michigan. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #00424.

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the upper peninsula. these lines, typified by the Lake Superior and ishpeming Railroad which was only two miles in length, ran from lumber camps and mines to the nearest harbor. By 1915, the upper peninsula had nineteen rail lines, carrying $8 million of annual freight traffic, which represented 16 percent of the state’s total freight revenue.

the major difficulty that beset upper peninsula railroads was that their only land link to the nation’s markets was through Wisconsin. this, coupled with the lack of sufficient population to provide profitable passenger service, precluded sizable funding by Michigan investors. A partial solution to this problem was offered in 1883 when two wooden railroad car ferries began transporting freight cars across the Straits of Mackinac. these ferries were less than successful in their initial efforts as they ran aground three times and severely damaged both themselves and their cargo. it was soon discovered that the ferries also were not structurally sound and had a tendency to break apart in storms and rough harbor water. to try to avoid losing the ships in port, one company ordered oil to be poured into its harbor in an effort to calm the churning sea. it was not until 1896 that the first steel railcar ferry, the Pere Marquette, was put into service. While it was an immediate success and was followed by the addition of four more ferries, the ships sailed between Ludington and Manitowoc, Wisconsin, and thus were of no benefit to the upper peninsula. As the lumber and mining industries declined and regular steamship service reached the upper peninsula, rail traffic became nearly extinct.

Decline of the Railroads

Railroads began to suffer a rapid loss of popularity as both businesses and pas- sengers turned to automobiles, trucks, buses, and airplanes for rapid transit. Many small lines were either abandoned or merged into larger ones, but even major roads were nearly all forced into receivership by the Great depression. during the decade of the 1930s, freight revenue dipped 10 percent and passen- ger ticket sales plummeted 60 percent. Railroads enjoyed a brief revival during World War ii because of gas rationing, tire shortages, and the unavailability of automobiles for purchase, but following the war, another decline took place, and by the 1960s nearly all passenger trains in Michigan had been discontin- ued. As fuel costs rise and a demand for mass transit is again raised, perhaps Michigan’s railroad industry will once again grow, but it will never reach its former heights of the turn of the twentieth century.

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For Further Reading

Michigan’s lumber industry is vividly portrayed in Rolland h. Maybee, Michigan’s White Pine Era, 1840–1900 (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1964) and Lewis C. Reiman, When Pine Was King (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1952). timber frauds against the indians are fully described in Anita S. Goodstein, Biography of a Businessman: Henry W. Sage, 1814–1897 (ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1962) and Bruce A. Rubenstein, “Justice denied: indian Land Frauds in Michigan, 1855–1900,” The Old Northwest, ii (June 1976). other informative articles, all in Michigan History, are: Leo Alilunas, “Michigan’s Cut-over Canaan,” XXVi (1942); herbert Brinks, “the Effect of the Civil War in 1861 on Michigan’s Lumber and Mining industries,” XLiV (1960); and William G. Rector, “Railroad Logging in the Lake States;” XXXVi (1952). three excellent recent additions to the history of Michigan’s lumbering past are Jeremy W. Kilar, Michigan’s Lumbertowns: Lumbermen and Laborers in Saginaw, Bay City, and Muskegon, 1870–1905 (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1990); Barbara E. Benson, Logs and Lumber: The Development of the Lumber Industry in Michigan’s Lower Peninsula, 1837–1870 (Mt. Pleasant: Clarke historical Library, Central Michigan University Press, 1989); and Betty Sodders, Michigan on Fire (holt: thunder Bay Press, 1997).

the standard work on Michigan’s railroads is Willis dunbar, All Aboard: A History of Railroads in Michigan (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1969). A briefer, but equally interesting, work is Frank Elliott, When the Railroad Was King (Lansing: Michigan historical Commission, 1966). the farm revolt against railroads is superbly told in Charles hirschfeld, “the Great Railroad Conspiracy,” Michigan History, XXXVi (1952). interurban development is recounted in Junius E. Beal, “the Beginnings of interurbans,” Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, XXXV (1907). two excellent recent publications dealing with specific aspects of railroading are t. J. Gaffney, Rails Around the Thumb (Chicago: Arcadia, 2012) and Michael hodge, Michigan’s Historic Railroad Stations (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2012).

the World of Wheels

Gasoline-powered internal combustion motorcars, or “road wagons,” had been developed in Belgium and Germany as early as 1860, but they were thought of primarily as mere toys and not as possible replacements for horse- drawn carriages. Americans shared this view and even after Charles and Frank duryea, of Massachusetts, established the nation’s first automobile company in 1893 the general public remained unconvinced that “horseless buggies” were more than dangerous, expensive playthings for the idle rich. this belief was put in verse on an anti-automobile postcard near the turn of the twentieth century:

he owned a handsome touring car, to ride in it was heaven he ran across a piece of glass . . . the bill, $14.97. he started on a little tour, the finest sort of fun, he stopped too quick and stripped the gears . . . the bill, $99.41. he took his wife down to shop, to save the horses was great, he crashed into a grocery store . . . the bill, $444.88. he spent his pile of cash, and then in anguish cried, i’ll put a mortgage on the house, and have just one more ride.

it was not until Ransom E. olds, of Lansing, entered the scene that automobiles became popular in the mass market.

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Olds’ “Mobile”

in 1886, at the age of twenty-two, olds developed a steam-powered automo- bile, but he quickly turned his attention to perfecting a gasoline power- source because he believed that the inevitable boiler problems would prevent “steamers” from becoming popular. his goal was to construct a small, light- weight vehicle that would cost approximately the same as a good buggy and team of horses. By 1896 he had made his first car, but it fell short of his expectations as it was heavy, weighing 1,000 pounds, and large, having two seats and a five-horsepower engine. Following a successful test run of his invention, olds, with financial backing from Lansing businessmen, founded the olds Motor Vehicle Company. Even though the company manufactured only six cars in 1897, olds wanted to expand his operation and unsuccess- fully sought funds from new York bankers. however, a wealthy detroit lum- ber baron, Samuel L. Smith, pledged $350,000 to olds if he would relocate his body plant to detroit. olds agreed and in 1899 mass production of his cars, which sold for $1,200, began. Sales were disappointing, and olds decided to redesign his product.

in 1900 olds marketed his “dream car,” an open, single-seat, curved-dash sportster, that weighed 700 pounds, cost $300 to manufacture, and sold for $650. this car intrigued the public, and 425 new “oldsmobiles” were sold. Unfortunately, despite olds’ claim that his automobile was “built to run and it does!” mechanical failures plagued owners. Breakdowns were so common that cynics responded to olds’ slogan that his car was so well made that drivers had “nothing to watch but the road” by saying “yes, but you can get damned tired of watching the same piece of road all the time.” to silence critics, in 1901 olds hired Roy d. Chapin to drive an oldsmobile from detroit to an automobile show in new York City to prove his car’s durability. Chapin made the 820-mile journey in 7½ days; his vehicle reached an average speed of 30–35 miles per hour, while consuming 30 gallons of gasoline and an unexpectedly high 80 gal- lons of water. After the successful completion of Chapin’s trip, which the Detroit Times enthusiastically likened to the journey of Paul Revere, oldsmobile sales steadily rose, reaching 4,000 in 1903.

to promote sales further, olds turned to mass marketing. his product was regularly advertised in national magazines, including the Ladies’ Home Journal. olds sought to curry favor with women drivers by suggesting that his car would be convenient for shopping, visiting, or merely touring the countryside. Safety was also emphasized as olds noted that his car, controlled by a single depend- able lever, was a much superior vehicle for a woman than a buggy directed by the reins of a potentially unruly team of horses. in fact, superiority over horses

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was a major element of early automobile sales promotions. typical of this technique is this pro-horseless carriage poem:

it doesn’t shy at papers as they blow along the street; it cuts no silly capers on the dashboard with its feet; it doesn’t paw the sod up all around the hitching post; it doesn’t scare at shadows as a man would at a ghost; it doesn’t gnaw the manger and it doesn’t waste the hay, nor put you into danger when the brass bands play.

Even olds, on his eightieth birthday, joked that he began working on the automobile because he “didn’t like the smell of horses on the farm.” olds also sent agents to Europe to create a market, and shortly before her death in 1901, Queen Victoria purchased an oldsmobile. Moreover, oldsmobile was the first car to be immortalized in song as one of the nation’s best-known melodies became “in My Merry oldsmobile.”

Figure 13.1 A lineup of gasoline and electrical vehicles marketed by the olds Motor works in 1900. the next year saw the first large-volume production of cars in America. Courtesy: the detroit historical Society.

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oldsmobile was also the first company to issue sales manuals to dealers and instruction booklets to buyers. included in oldsmobile’s famous “don’t list” to owners were:

don’t take anybody’s word for it that your tanks have plenty of gasoline and water and your oil cup plenty of oil. they may be guessing. don’t do anything to your motor without a good reason or without knowing just what you are doing. don’t imagine that your motor runs well on equal parts of water and gasoline. it’s a mistake. don’t make “improvements” without writing the factory. We know all about many of those improvements and can advise you. don’t drive your oldsmobile 100 miles the first day. You wouldn’t drive a green horse 10 miles till you were acquainted with him. do you know more about a gasoline motor than you do about a horse? don’t delude yourself into thinking we are building these motors like a barber’s razor—“just to sell.” We couldn’t have sold one in a thousand years, and much less 5,000 in one year, if it hadn’t been demonstrated to be a practical success. don’t confess you are less intelligent than thousands of people who are driving oldsmobiles. We make the only motor that “motes.”

in this fashion olds initiated the concept of “factory authorized service” as the best means to protect the purchaser’s investment.

in 1902, following the destruction of his detroit plant by fire, olds returned his operation to Lansing. two years later, as a result of a feud with the Smith family over management policies, olds sold his stock in the company and founded the Reo Motor Car Company. in 1905 he produced a car that he believed was so perfect he did not think that it could be improved upon in the future. this car, REo the Fifth, had thirty-five horsepower, could reach forty- five miles per hour, seated five comfortably, and cost only $1,055. REo sales quickly surpassed those of oldsmobile, but by 1908 the latter had regained sales supremacy primarily because olds lost his enthusiasm for running his new company. olds continued as chairman of the board at Reo until 1936, but he never was the driving force in the industry that he had been before he became an extremely wealthy investor and philanthropist who did not have enough time to devote to his work. however, olds’ place in history was assured by his popularization of the automobile.

oldsmobile’s history was one of popularity and innovation. in 1977 it became the first General Motors’ product outside of Chevrolet to sell more than 1 million cars. it was among the pioneers in developing chrome-plated trim, mass production of automatic transmissions, and front-wheel drive automobiles, and in 1996 it reentered competitive racing, winning the World Sports Car and GtS-1 classes at daytona international Speedway. however,

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despite its history and attempt to revitalize its image, oldsmobiles were associ- ated by a younger generation of car buyers as stodgy relics of their parents’ past. Unfortunately for oldsmobile, nostalgia has no part in business decisions, and, as a result of steadily declining sales, in december 2000, General Motors announced that after 103 years of operation, the oldest automotive brand name in the nation would be phased out and become another part of history.

Henry and His “Lizzie”

As a result of olds’ success, thousands of individuals seeking quick profits entered the automobile industry and by 1907 there were 270 car-manufactur- ing companies in Michigan. Few survived, but those that did made fortunes for their owners and stockholders. one of these men who profited from olds’ efforts was henry Ford, the dearborn inventor whose feats in the automotive industry became legendary.

With financial support from James Couzens, horace Rackham, and John and horace dodge, among others, in June 1903, the Ford Motor Car Company was created. Ford sought to “democratize the car, so that everyone could afford one.” he intended to build an automobile more powerful than the oldsmobile and also light enough to travel muddy roads without getting stuck, large enough to hold an entire family, easy to operate, simple to repair, and inexpensive.

despite his hopes, the 1903 “Fordmobile,” which was quickly renamed the Model A, was not a serious threat to oldsmobile. While the Model A was the most powerful car built in 1903, it was also 400 pounds heavier than the oldsmobile and cost nearly $200 more. having sold only 658 units, the follow- ing year Ford introduced three new automobiles: the Model C, a lightweight runabout costing either $800 or $900 depending on engine size; the Model F, a small touring car that cost $1,000; and the Model B, a five passenger, four- cylinder touring car that sold for an unbelievable $2,000. during the next three years Ford continued his journey through the alphabet and produced Models K, R, S, and n. of these, only the last was successful. the Model n, even though heavier than both the oldsmobile and newly popular Buick, was powerful enough to reach forty-five miles per hour, fuel efficient at twenty miles per gal- lon, and cost only $600. Ford had finally developed a competitive car.

in 1908 Ford unveiled the automobile which made him famous—the Model t. the “tin Lizzie,” as it was affectionately dubbed, was an instant success, with 25,000 sold the first year. its popularity was ironic, however, since at 1,200 pounds and $850 dollars, it was neither light nor inexpensive.

Ford promoted the Model t as the “farmers’ car” and ran advertisements stating that “your harvest is incomplete without a Ford.” Sales soared as

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contented owners told their friends about their functional, dependable, dura- ble, and versatile car. one elated farmer wrote Ford that his Model t could do everything except “rock the baby to sleep and make love to the hired girl.” this success led to a slogan warning farmers: “don’t Experiment, Just Buy a Ford.”

Ford constantly stressed dependability and durability rather than luxury in his cars. not until 1926 was the Model t marketed in any color except black because Ford claimed that offering a selection of colors would delay production and increase costs—both things which Ford refused to do. By perfecting olds’ assembly-line technique Ford managed to increase production while reducing costs. to stimulate sales, he passed on savings to the consumer by cutting the price of his cars. in 1912 the Model t sold for $600; in 1916 only $360; and in 1924 the price was down to an amazing $290. Moreover, despite price reduc- tions, increased sales volume resulted in even higher profits. From 1917 to 1924 Ford controlled over half of the automobile sales market and in 1923 sold 1,817,891 cars. the Detroit News informed its readers that in 1923 Ford not only had become a billionaire but also that his daily income was $264,026.41. Sales continued to grow and, at its peak in 1924, Ford sold cars at a rate of 250 per hour every 24 hours for 300 days.

Figure 13.2 Early automobiles often fell victim to the state’s poor roads. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs division, detroit Publishing Company Collection, LC-d418-633.

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the Model t became so popular that, like the oldsmobile, it was glorified in songs such as “henry Made a Lady out of Lizzie” and “the Little Ford Rambled Right Along.” the latter is worth noting because it contained a not-so-subtle attack on the quality of products made by Ford’s competitors:

now henry Jones and a pretty little queen took a ride one day in his big limousine, the car kicked up and the engine wouldn’t crank there wasn’t any gas in the gasoline tank. About that time along came nord And he rattled right along in his little old Ford And he stole that queen as his engine sang a song And his little Ford rambled right along.

ironically, the success of the Model t helped bring about its demise. it was so durable that it never wore out, thus eliminating a market for return customers. As roads improved, the Model t’s sturdy construction was less important and purchasers began to look for luxury and style rather than quality. in 1925 sales declined, and two years later, Edsel Ford, who had become president of the company in 1918, convinced his father, who retained the ultimate power in the firm, to discontinue production of the Model t. that May, following the pro- duction of the 15,000,000th “tin Lizzie,” the company began to manufacture a new Model A. When the new car was introduced in new York City, a mob of

Figure 13.3 henry Ford and his son Edsel with the original quadricycle and a Model t, circa 1920. From the collections of the henry Ford Motor Company.

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over 1 million people crushed into showrooms to view it. the Model t was gone, but the Ford Motor Company was destined to maintain a prominent place in the production of automobiles.

Ford and Society

A major reason for the success of the Ford Motor Company was public adoration of its founder. Always the champion of farmers, Ford became the “workingman’s friend” in 1914 when he raised the salaries of his employees from $2.30 to a maximum of $5.00 a day, saying that he did so because it seemed unfair that the only people in America who could not afford to buy a car were the men who made them. in 1914 workers throughout the nation praised Ford as the only automobile manufacturer with a heart, and they became fiercely loyal to his product. Ford became the working-class car, and henry became a national figure.

Unlike other wealthy industrialists, Ford was never seen by the public as a “robber baron.” despite his fortune, which exceeded $700 million at the time of his death in 1947, Ford retained his love of simple things and his middle-class values. the creation of Greenfield Village was intended as a monument to middle America. As Will Rogers said: “Ford is rich but he understands our problems. he is one of us.”

Even Ford’s well-known anti-Semitism was popular with many Americans. in 1920 his newspaper, the Dearborn Independent, instituted a series of ninety- one articles on “the international Jew: the World’s Problem.” Jews were blamed for controlling gambling casinos, operating houses of prostitution, running Wall Street, and undermining American morals by monopolizing the hollywood motion picture industry and producing explicit films. Public reac- tion to Ford’s stand was overwhelmingly favorable. Ford’s anti-Semitism grew so intense that he not only ran articles in his newspaper claiming that Jews were nonwhite and Jesus was not a Jew, but also he financed a new York detective agency whose sole duty was to uncover scandalous behavior on the part of Jewish businessmen. in 1939 the well-known anti-Semite, Adolf hitler, praised Ford as “the one great man in America” because of his attacks on Jewish influence.

Strict rules placed on his employees further strengthened Ford’s hold on middle America. his policy of firing workers who smoked or chewed tobacco, drank alcoholic beverages, used profanity, or expressed approval of dancing and jazz music was welcomed by people fearful that America’s morality was disintegrating during the “Roaring twenties.”

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Ford continued to run the company, through Edsel, until his son’s death in 1943. Although nearly eighty and somewhat senile, Ford then assumed active control of the firm. As sales declined and Ford demonstrated his failing mind by asking to see employees who had not been with the company for twenty years, Edsel’s wife threatened to sell her stock in the business to the public unless her son henry was elevated to the presidency. the elder Ford reluctantly agreed.

Under henry Ford ii the company expanded and remained an industry leader. Using his grandfather’s credo that cars should be easy to repair and inexpensive, Ford introduced the popular Maverick, Mustang, and Pinto models. Continuing to try to live up to its motto, “Ford has a better idea,” the Focus and Mustang convertible kept Ford competitive in the world market until the early twenty-first century. Primarily because of foreign competition and Ford’s emphasis on marketing fuel-inefficient SUVs, the company’s domes- tic market share plummeted from 25.6 percent in the mid-1990s to 17.4 percent in 2005. As a consequence of the sales slump and a desire to limit its market share loss annually to a more modest 14–15 percent by 2008, in 2006 the Ford Motor Company announced a restructuring plan by which it cut its salaried employees by 14,000 and eliminated jobs for 25,000–30,000 hourly workers. Whether newly designed automobiles, based on alternative fuel usage, can restore the former industry giant to its former prominence remains to be seen, but Michigan’s economic stability depends upon it to a great extent.

Growth of an Industrial Giant

olds’ chief competitor at the turn of the century was not henry Ford, however, but david d. Buick, a Scottish immigrant who had settled in detroit and entered the plumbing business. As a plumber, Buick invented the lawn sprin- kler and a process for bonding porcelain to metal bathtubs, both of which would have made him a millionaire had he decided to manufacture them. Buick’s dream, however, was not to become a famous plumber, but rather to perfect an internal combustion engine for automobiles. While working toward his goal, he developed a small, lightweight gasoline engine suitable for propel- ling farm implements and rowboats. Like his other inventions, this engine could have made a fortune for Buick, but he discarded it in favor of a larger power source for horseless carriages.

in 1901, he founded the Buick Auto-Vim and Power Company, but it was beset by financial problems and in 1903 was sold to James h. Whiting, man- ager of the Flint Wagon Works, who moved the plant from detroit to Flint.

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the following year the Buick Motor Company, as it was renamed, manufac- tured thirty-seven cars and the next year only 750. Production and sales were minimal primarily because people were not convinced that the Buick was worth its $850 price. to stimulate sales, Buick and other company officials drove the automobiles through Flint and nearby cities to prove their depend- ability. these test drives did not have their intended results as the cars malfunctioned so often that critics said: “Buicks will get you wherever you want to go but they won’t get you back.” Because the firm continued to lose money, Whiting removed Buick as company head in 1904 and replaced him with William Crapo durant. Buick remained with the company long enough to repay his many debtors in detroit and Flint, but he died a pauper in 1929. Buick’s life was a tragic reminder that not all brilliant inventors were fated to succeed in the automobile industry.

“Billy” durant, grandson of former Governor henry h. Crapo, was forty- two years old when he took control of Buick. A successful wagon and carriage maker with a deserved reputation as a “planning wizard” and “marketing genius,” durant reversed the company’s downward slide. he wanted Buick to be “the people’s car” and accordingly he visited farmers to determine what they sought in an automobile; he convinced blacksmiths that they should engage in automobile repairs so that rural residents could have mechanical work done conveniently; and he pressured his Flint friends into purchasing large blocks of Buick stock. to demonstrate their durability, speed, and handling, durant entered Buicks in road races, and by 1908 they were constant victors. hill- climbing events became Buick specialties, and consequently Michigan resi- dents referred to steep inclines as “Buick hills.” By 1906 production had soared to 750 units, and in 1910 Buick had become so popular that one of every six cars sold in the United States was a Buick.

having made Buick a financial success, durant turned his attention to increased production of his cars. to accomplish this, he lured Albert Champion, Charles Stewart Mott, and the Fisher Brothers into moving their ignition, axle, and body plants from Boston, Utica, new York, and detroit to Flint. As Buick grew so did Flint; its population rose from 13,000 in 1900 to 91,000 in 1920, making “the Vehicle City” one of the wealthiest and fastest-growing commu- nities in the country.

durant’s major dream, however, was to merge several automobile companies into a corporation that would compete for sales but have a single financial base. it would not be a monopoly because it would encourage competition and have separate management for each division. Large investors would be attracted to such a corporation because of the low risk involved, for durant believed that if the corporation was large enough to manufacture several styles and models it

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could meet every public demand. thus, in 1908, durant set out to gain control of “every car in sight.” throughout the year he purchased over thirty automo- bile companies, including oldsmobile, oakland (Pontiac), and Cadillac. on September 16, 1908, General Motors was created. its incorporation was not met with fanfare, however, as only The Flint Journal considered the story newsworthy enough to print.

in 1908 durant tried unsuccessfully to purchase the Reo and Ford Motor Companies. Both olds and Ford were willing to sell, but the deal collapsed when Ford demanded $8 million in cash, which was excessive even for durant. Later, in 1910, a slump in car sales drove General Motors revenue down, and durant was forced to borrow $12.5 million to avoid bankruptcy. Conservative Eastern bankers, who had financed durant’s expansion program, demanded as a condition of the loan that he resign as president lest he further deplete company resources by more consolidations.

After losing General Motors to the bankers, durant decided to build a small, inexpensive car to compete with the Model t. he entered into partnership with Louis Chevrolet, his former racing driver, and began manufacturing automo- biles bearing the famous driver’s name. Subsequently he bought out his partner, instituted his legendary marketing techniques, and made enough money so that by 1915, with backing from the duPont family, he owned the majority of General Motors stock. to the amazement of the business community, not only had durant regained control of General Motors, but his new company actually owned it.

As president of General Motors, durant again set upon expanding the corporation. his energy was boundless, and one of his plant managers recalled that

When Mr. durant visited one of his plants it was like the visitation of a cyclone. he would lead his staff in, take off his coat, begin issuing orders, dictating letters, and calling the ends of the continent on the telephone, talking in his rapid easy way to new York, Chicago, San Francisco. . . . only the most phenomenal mem- ory could keep his deals straight; he worked so fast that the records were always behind.

his major addition to the corporation was the Frigerator Company, which later manufactured “Frigidaire” appliances. When the nation plunged into a postwar recession in 1920, durant attempted to prop up General Motors stock by purchasing it himself. having exhausted his personal resources and a $23 million loan, durant was once again forced to relinquish his control of the corporation by nervous banking concerns. on november 30, 1920, durant,

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having agreed to leave office in return for payment of all his debts, was succeeded by Pierre S. duPont. durant took his removal philosophically, saying: “Well, they took it away from me, but they cannot take away the credit for having done it.”

in 1923 Alfred M. Sloan became president of General Motors and immedi- ately embarked upon a reorganization program. in the future, General Motors divisions would compete for sales with other companies rather than against themselves. Furthermore, a “status ladder” was created by which consumers could demonstrate their increasing affluence through the purchase of General Motors products. Beginning with the inexpensive Chevrolet, purchasers worked their way through Pontiac, oldsmobile, and Buick before reaching the luxurious Cadillac. Sloan’s idea of appealing to the buyers’ superficial desires and ego, rather than emphasizing the quality of the car, gave General Motors a wide lead over Ford in sales. Ford angrily charged that the only reason Chevrolet outsold the Model t in 1926 was that it came out in a new style every year. this allegation

Figure 13.4 Cadillac Sales and Service Building, detroit, 1910s. As Americans bought millions of cars, dealerships grew and many installed elegant showrooms. Courtesy: the detroit historical Society.

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was undoubtedly correct as the Model t was superior in design and construc- tion, but quality was not important to the status-conscious nouveau riche of the 1920s. General Motors had become the giant of the automotive industry—a position it retained until the present. in 2005, General Motors’ $8.6 billion dollar loss enabled Japan’s toyota Motor Corporation by mid-2007 to threaten ousting General Motors as the global leader in automobile manufacture and sales.

Chrysler and American Motors

Another leader in the automobile industry was Walter P. Chrysler. in 1922 Chrysler resigned his position as vice-president of General Motors to assume the presidency of the nearly bankrupt Maxwell-Briscoe Motor Company. three years later, after restoring a sound fiscal structure to the firm, it was reorganized as the Chrysler Corporation. two new models, the Plymouth and deSoto, were introduced to compete with Ford and General Motors in the low- and middle- price markets. in 1928 Chrysler purchased the dodge Motor Company. Chrysler stressed speed, engineering excellence, and luxury in his cars and some of his models sold for over $5,000. When the Great depression set in, Ford and General Motors, which catered primarily to the middle and laboring classes, lost much of their market, but Chrysler’s sales of expensive models remained stable. thus, the depression helped make Chrysler a serious competitor with the “Big two” of the automobile industry during the latter half of the twentieth century.

Chrysler slipped out of the third position in the automotive hierarchy in the 1990s as toyota began its march to unseat General Motors in the domination of international sales. in 1998, the German based daimlerBenz AG sought to enter the United States domestic market in a major way when it purchased the Chrysler Corporation for $36 billion dollars, renaming the merged companies daimlerChrysler AG. the new ownership group closed six plants and laid off more than 40,000 workers, mostly in Michigan, in an effort to restructure the company into a more cost-effective competitor in the domestic and global marketplace. Unfortunately for the corporation, Chrysler’s staggering health- care contractual obligations for its UAW employees ($2.2 billion in 2005, up 12 percent from the previous year) continued to drag the company’s profitabil- ity down, although the company earned $1.8 billion in 2005. Wishing to divest itself of what had proven to be a bad investment in the opinion of the German ownership group, in August 2007, daimlerChrysler officials finalized the sale of Chrysler to Cerberus Capital Management, one of the largest private-equity firms in the United States, for $7.4 billion. Chrysler’s future now rested as a privately owned corporation.

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American Motors Corporation, the youngest of the major automobile manu- facturers, developed from the mergers of several old, established firms. the hudson Motor Company, founded in 1909 by detroit merchant Joseph L. hudson, Roy d. Chapin, and several former oldsmobile employees, produced the popular Essex, the nation’s first fully enclosed car. Charles W. nash, a for- mer president of General Motors, founded the nash Motor Company in 1916 at Kenosha, Wisconsin. in 1954 nash and hudson merged to become American Motors. Later the corporation purchased the Kaiser-Willys-overland-Jeep Company and agreed to buy engines from the financially troubled Studebaker- Packard Company. American Motors struggled for several years until its new president, George W. Romney, introduced the nash Rambler, the first modern compact car, which brought temporary fiscal stability to the company.

The Automobile Industry’s Effect on Society

Michigan developed as the center of the automobile industry because of its abundance of available capital to invest in new enterprises, its leadership in the carriage manufacturing business, and the extraordinary number of skilled craftsmen and inventors who resided in the state. not only did the automobile alter the economic growth of Michigan and the nation, but also it revolutionized American society.

no other invention affected every aspect of American life to the extent of the automobile. According to some social historians, the coming of the car marked the beginning of a widespread decline in respect for law and order, as speed limits were exceeded, illegal turns made, and parking rules flaunted. Smoking habits changed as men began to utilize cigarettes and cigars more than a pipe because the latter was difficult to relight while driving. Morals were dramatically affected as young lovers left the front porch and mother’s watchful eye to whisper sweet nothings to each other in the back seats of cars. houses became smaller, with fewer bedrooms, because guests no longer had to remain overnight. Women’s skirts rose so that they would not become enmeshed with the accelerator, brake, and clutch pedals. tourism thrived, and in 1915 automobile dealers promoted the initial “See America First” campaign. in 1920 over 10 million people were housed at auto courts, and five years later, the first motor hotel, or motel, was built. As mobility increased and people visited new areas of the country, job transfers became common. Family ties were weakened as cars made it easier for young adults to leave home. Also, automobile companies helped to create factory towns, replete with substandard housing, tent cities, and poor sanitation. Michigan put the nation on wheels, and it was never the same again.

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For Further Reading

As might be expected, numerous accounts of Michigan’s role in the automobile industry exist. the most recent, and by far the most complete, general history is George S. May, A Most Unique Machine (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1975). Richard Crabb, Birth of a Giant (Philadelphia: Chilton Book Club, 1969) is interesting but not as readable as May.

Stories of General Motors abound. Arthur Pound, The Turning Wheel (new York: doubleday, 1934) is a company-authorized history of General Motors’ first twenty-five years and offers a wealth of information on that company’s founders. George S. May, R. E. Olds (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1978) is a thorough treatment of the Lansing inventor based on olds’ papers. Another excellent account based on primary source material is Lawrence Gustin, Billy Durant: Creator of General Motors (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1973). durant’s life is also recounted in John B. Rae, “the Fabulous Billy durant,” Business History Review (Autumn, 1958). Alfred Sloan’s term as president is detailed by him in My Years with General Motors (Garden City, nY: doubleday, 1964). the growth of Buick and Chevrolet are described in George dammann, Seventy Years of Buick and Sixty Years of Chevrolet (Glen Ellyn, iL: Crestline Pub., 1973 and 1972). duPont’s role at General Motors is recorded in Alfred Chandler and Stephen Salsbury, Pierre DuPont and the Making of the Modern Corporation (new York: harper & Rowe, 1972). Chandler also gives a vivid account of early automobile development in Ford, General Motors, and the Automobile Industry (new York: harcourt, Brace and World, 1964).

Ford’s impact on industry and society is portrayed in countless volumes, the best of which are: Reynold Wik, Henry Ford and Grassroots America (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972); Booton herndon, Ford (new York: Weybright and talley, 1969); Keith Sward, The Legend of Henry Ford (new York: Russell and Russell, 1948); and Allan nevins and Frank hill, Ford: Expansion and Challenge and Ford: Decline and Rebirth (new York: Scribner, 1957 and 1962).

no works deal specifically with the early years of the Chrysler Corporation, but its rebirth of popularity is recounted in doran P. Levin, Behind the Wheel at Chrysler: The Iacocca Legacy (new York: harcourt Brace, 1995). the daimler-Benz debacle with Chrysler is well described in Bill Vlasic and Bradley A. Stertz, Taken For a Ride: How Daimler-Benz Drove Off With Chrysler (new York: William Morrow & Co., 2000). American Motors is treated briefly in Clark Mollenhoff, George Romney: Mormon in Politics (new York: Meredith Press, 1968).

From Bull Moose to Bull Market

near the turn of the twentieth century the great reform movement known as progressivism took root. this movement was unusual in that it originated dur- ing a period of economic prosperity, whereas most other American reform impulses began during economic distress. Progressivism was never an organ- ized, monolithic movement but rather a spontaneous, sporadic response by various groups to what they perceived to be threats to both their way of life and the nation’s traditional values. three major factors were responsible for the rise of progressivism: industrialization, immigration, and urbanization.

industrialization had brought rapid change, especially in the development of large corporations which seemed to be able to manipulate economic and politi- cal power to the detriment of the general public. As a result of this corporate growth, a maldistribution of wealth became evident. An average laborer was fortunate to earn $1,000 per year, while the president of Standard oil, John d. Rockefeller, received an annual income of over $50 million. to many, this was paradoxical and contradictory in a nation that stressed egalitarianism and equal opportunity.

Growth of cities caused new societal problems as well. decreasing agricul- tural prices coupled with a declining rural population meant that the Jeffersonian ideal of the yeoman farmer being the cornerstone of the Republic was rapidly becoming a fading memory. in the cities, unprecedented demands, caused by thousands of persons crowded into areas that had not expanded as quickly as the population, forced municipal officials to try to provide mass

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transit, sanitation, police and fire protection, and urban renewal necessitated by the urban explosion. Even the simplest tasks seemed overwhelming. in urban areas, for example, the question of availability of public rest rooms raised the enormous economic and political issue of who was to pay for sewage disposal and operate the sanitation department.

hordes of immigrants, particularly from southeastern Europe, who often possessed what appeared to be strange cultural and religious customs, thronged to large industrial centers. these “huddled masses” lived in ghettoes, retained their native language and culture, and generally were despised by native-born Americans and earlier immigrants who claimed that the newcomers took jobs from them, served as unwitting tools for corrupt urban political bosses and their machines, and spread “un-American” ideas such as socialism.

Amid this atmosphere of social and economic upheaval ida tarbell, Lincoln Steffens, and other writers known as “muckrakers” were hired by magazines such as McClure’s and Cosmopolitan to report on problems facing American society. in a series of exposés they revealed the extent of corporate malpractice in the oil and meat-packing industries, as well as corruption in large city gov- ernments. As a result of these articles, many people began to call for increased regulation of business, better protection for workers, and popular control over all phases of government. it was a last attempt at preserving individualism in an increasingly impersonal society.

Early Michigan Progressives

Progressivism operated at the local, state, and national levels. At the state level, the most completely progressive program was in Wisconsin where, under the auspices of Governor Robert “Fighting Bob” LaFollette, policies of clean government and responsibility to the electorate were promoted. the “Wisconsin idea,” as it became known, soon spread to various states, including Michigan.

Many scholars have debated the nature and support for the progressive movement. Recent studies indicate that it was so varied, diverse, and dependent upon local issues, geography, and other factors that responsibility for its devel- opment cannot be ascribed to any particular social group or class. Examples of this diversity can be seen by comparing reform efforts in two of Michigan’s major cities, Grand Rapids and detroit.

in Grand Rapids, George E. Ellis, mayor from 1906 to 1916, represented both progressive reform and old-fashioned bossism. he relied on a political coali- tion of ethnic voters, traditional Republicans, and blue-collar workers to keep

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him in office. he was not averse to visiting saloons, especially in German sectors of the city, and assuring his constituents that on the crucial liquor ques- tion he stood for regulation, not prohibition. Under his administration, flood control, creation of parks, extension of water service, and hospital construction were promoted. Ellis also spearheaded a successful drive for improved city government by the use of initiative, referendum, recall, nonpartisan elections, and a merit system for city employees. Under Ellis, Grand Rapids steadily transformed into a progressive urban center.

in detroit, progressive reform reflected the more traditional upper-class leadership. the banner of reform was first raised by the detroit Municipal League, which emphasized such programs as municipal ownership of utilities. in 1912, the league dissolved following a bitter dispute between its president, Joseph L. hudson, and its secretary, Anthony Pratt. the vacuum left by its col- lapse was soon filled by the creation of the detroit Citizens League, headed by henry Leland, president of the Cadillac Motor Company. this organization stressed morality and the “responsibility of the better classes” to “free detroit from the tyranny of corrupt politicians and evil saloon keepers.” it was closely associated with Protestantism, and, unlike Mayor Ellis of Grand Rapids, actively supported prohibition and opposed labor unions—positions that prevented the league from obtaining wide ethnic minority membership. Leland and the league perceived immigrants as “a potentially dangerous political and social force” that had to be controlled. thus, Grand Rapids and detroit represented reform movement organizations of distinctly different types, yet both had the similar goal of urban improvement.

one incident of reform in detroit deserves special attention because of its rather bizarre nature and because it resulted in the detroit Citizens League suc- ceeding in its campaign for adoption of a new city charter. in 1912, reform democratic Mayor William B. thompson, who advocated municipal owner- ship of utilities, suspected corruption in the city council and hired the Burns detective Agency to have one of its men pose as an officer of the Wabash Railroad Company. the agent was to contact city councilmen concerning a petition to close a street in order to construct a railway terminal. the council subsequently passed the petition, and shortly thereafter nine councilmen were arrested and charged with accepting bribes of up to $1,000 to support the company request. only one was brought to trial, but conflicting testimony of witnesses resulted in his acquittal. the trial and resulting publicity did, how- ever, prove advantageous to the league and other reform groups urging the elimination of corruption in city government. in 1918, a new charter, providing for nonpartisan city elections and creation of a nine-member council to be elected at large, was approved by the voters of detroit. Reformers rejoiced that

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the “vote buyers” and “vote swappers” would lose much of their influence, but, in practice, interest groups continued to play a major role in the city government.

Chase S. Osborn—“Mr. Progressive”

Although George Ellis and henry Leland reflected progressive ideals, it was Chase S. osborn who deserves the title of Michigan’s “Mr. Progressive.” originally a journalist, osborn owned the Sault Evening News in the upper peninsula and developed it into a thriving and influential enterprise. A lover of the wilderness, on one of his journeys he discovered Moose Mountain, a rich iron range in ontario, Canada. With his economic security thereby assured, he turned to travel and politics as outlets for his energies. After having published a two-volume work on his trek through South America, he served his state as game and fish warden, railroad commissioner, and regent of the University of Michigan. in 1900 he waged an unsuccessful campaign for the Republican gubernatorial nomination and then retired from politics until 1910, when he once again sought the nomination for governor.

osborn pledged that if nominated and elected he would fight for stricter child and female labor laws, conservation, increased state regulation of busi- ness, honest and efficient state government, primary election laws, and workmen’s compensation. A vocal critic of the conservative policies of both President William howard taft and Governor Fred Warner, osborn waged an active, vigorous campaign. Using an automobile extensively, he traversed the state and gave over 700 speeches. his zeal was rewarded as he captured the Republican nomination and then defeated democratic nominee Lawton t. hemans, who was supported by conservative Republicans.

Under osborn’s leadership, the legislature passed a number of reform measures, including regulation of railroads, express companies, and saloons; expansion of state authority over business; revision of the state tax structure; ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution; enactment of a state primary law; and reorganization of the national Guard. the governor’s most outstanding achievement, however, was passage of the state’s first workmen’s compensation law. osborn had become acquainted with this idea in 1898 when, during his European travels, he met Professor Paul hensel of heidelberg University, who provided him with exten- sive details on Germany’s system of workmen’s compensation. he also battled unsuccessfully for such traditional progressive reforms as initiative, referendum, and recall, but his efforts undoubtedly paved the way for their eventual passage.

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The Campaign of 1912

the political campaign of 1912 was confusing on both the state and national level. initially, Governor osborn, despite his liberalism, declared his sup- port for the incumbent, conservative President taft. When it appeared that Robert LaFollette might receive the Republican nomination, osborn attacked the Wisconsin Progressive in a speech that received national coverage. Along with six other Republican governors, he then called for theodore Roosevelt to enter the race. the former president agreed, but, fol- lowing a bitter contest filled with personal slanders, he was defeated by taft. When Roosevelt later ran under the Progressive, or “Bull Moose,” banner, osborn chose not to desert the Republicans and follow him. instead, he shocked political experts by urging progressives to vote for the democratic nominee, Woodrow Wilson. Before the campaign ended, however, the quix- otic osborn was touring the Midwest speaking for Roosevelt—but he avoided making any campaign speeches in Michigan, which certainly aided democratic candidates.

the split between taft and Roosevelt forces caused severe rifts in the Michigan Republican Party. At conventions in Wayne and Calhoun counties, fistfights erupted over selection of delegates to the state convention in Bay City. Ultimately, two separate delegations of taft and Roosevelt backers were elected and each attempted to have their credentials declared valid.

At the state convention the major concern of both factions was to capture the six at-large delegate seats to the national convention. Frank Knox, a Roosevelt supporter, was chairman of the Republican State Central Com- mittee, and truman h. newberry, another Roosevelt backer, was the conven- tion chairman, but the remainder of the convention committee was for taft. on the eve of the convention a meeting of the State Central Committee was called by its secretary, but Knox refused to attend, claiming that it was illegal. At this meeting permanent and temporary chairmen were selected as was a sergeant-at-arms who was instructed to admit only taft delegates. the sergeant-at-arms, along with fifty men, attempted to seize the convention hall in the evening but was stopped by national Guardsmen who had been sent by Governor osborn to maintain order. in the morning the sergeant was permit- ted to take charge, which infuriated Roosevelt’s followers. during the session, some Roosevelt men, who had managed to enter the hall by either sneaking through the basement or climbing through transoms, tried to make their way to the speaker’s platform. Fistfights broke out, and Senator Albert Beveridge of indiana, the featured speaker, had to be ushered out a side door without giving his speech.

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Eventually troops quelled the disorder and, as in the county conventions, two slates of delegates were selected. At the national convention, however, only taft delegates were recognized, which drove many Roosevelt delegates to follow their defeated hero into the Progressive Party. the uncivilized behavior of the Republican delegates at Bay City caused the Detroit News to make the solemn commentary that “the Republican party of Michigan cannot but feel ashamed of its action at the state convention” and that such activity dispelled any doubt as to the need for a state presidential primary.

in november, Roosevelt carried Michigan’s electoral votes for President, while the democratic candidate for governor, Woodbridge n. Ferris, founder of Ferris institute, also triumphed. Under Ferris more progressive legislation was passed, including the addition of initiative, referendum, and recall to the state constitution.

in 1914, former governor osborn won the Republican nomination for governor but was defeated by Ferris largely because conservative Republicans, remembering the 1912 contest, backed the democratic incumbent in an effort to repay osborn for his defection from taft. two years later, Republicans united

Figure 14.1 during his 1912 campaign for the presidency, theodore Roosevelt, the Progressive Party candidate, made a tour of the upper peninsula and spoke at several rallies, including this one at Marquette. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #02490.

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to elect Albert Sleeper, a staunch conservative, and progressivism in Michigan came to a temporary halt.

Crisis in Calumet

the upper peninsula continued to attract attention even after its favorite son, Governor osborn, left office. in July 1913, copper miners in the Keweenaw Peninsula went on strike seeking an eight-hour work day, a minimum $3 daily wage, and recognition of the Western Federation of Miners as their bargaining agent. Mining company officials refused to recognize the union and stated that no striking workers associated with the union would be rehired. the company position was strengthened because Cornish miners refused to join the walkout and, as a result, production continued, although at a lower level.

As the strike progressed, both sides became more inflexible. Clarence darrow, the noted criminal lawyer, went to the area and agreed to present the miners’ position to Governor Ferris. the governor, however, refused to inter- vene, saying that the problem was local and not subject to interference from Lansing. By the end of July, new workers and strikebreakers had been imported by the companies. in response, strikers organized marches and parades, while miners throughout the nation sent money and supplies to sustain their breth- ren. on August 14, violence erupted as strikebreakers attacked a group of unarmed miners. Before the recently dispatched state militia reached the scene, two miners had been killed.

President Wilson sent an investigator to Calumet to report on the crisis. the agent recommended compulsory arbitration, which was acceptable to the miners but not the companies. Because Governor Ferris refused to force mediation on private business, no early settlement was possible.

By September, stratification among striking miners was evident. All English- speaking workers, except the irish, were talking about resuming their jobs, but the foreign miners and irish were growing increasingly militant. hostility heightened in late november when Charles Vernetti, head of the italian miners, told the strikers: “We will stand together till we plant the flag of liberty at all the mines, not the dirty Stars and Stripes, but the red flag of our redemption.”

on december 8, a new crisis arose when three native-born, procompany workers were murdered in their sleep. Antiforeign sentiment soared, and vigi- lante groups were formed to drive away “un-American agitators.” to ease ten- sion and reopen the mines, company officials agreed to accept all worker demands except Federation recognition. this pleased most workers, and it appeared that the strike was nearly over.

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this expectation was dashed, however, when, at a Christmas Eve party for strikers’ families at the italian hall in Calumet, someone yelled “Fire!” At least seventy-two men, women, and children were killed in the ensuing panic. When rumors spread that the culprit was a strikebreaker and that other strike- breakers had barred the doors of the hall to prevent escape, hatred reached new heights.

in the early spring of 1914, the strike finally ended. Many disgusted miners had left the region and gone to detroit and Flint to seek jobs in the rapidly expanding automobile industry. on April 13, the remaining miners voted by a 2–1 margin to return to work. Reform in the mines, like so many other social and political dreams, never reached fruition.

The End of “Demon Rum”

one of the key reforms sought during the progressive era was temperance. While popular in the pre–Civil War period, the call for limitation of liquor had not gained support during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries primarily because saloons were popular, especially among the new immigrants from southeastern Europe, and neither major political party dared to alienate such a large segment of potential voters. in addition, saloons not only provided refreshment after long days of toil, but also furnished newspapers, magazines, meeting rooms, billiards, free lunches, and public restrooms. For many Americans the saloon was the social center of their town.

temperance received new impetus with the founding of the Anti-Saloon League in 1905. Under its leadership, prohibition forces began to muster a campaign which would ultimately achieve its goal of statewide prohibition. Beginning in 1907, local option elections by county began, and within three years thirty-six Michigan counties had voted to become dry.

the campaign for prohibition reached its peak in 1916 when the famous evangelist Billy Sunday, sponsored by 120 detroit-area churches, swept through the city. Sunday, an enthusiastic, stirring preacher, told his audience that smoking, dancing, and drinking were cardinal sins. his impact on his listeners was so great that one described him as “the democratic convention, the circus, the World Series, Chautauqua, and a declaration of war all rolled into one.” Girls pledged that “lips that touch liquor shall never touch mine,” and henry Ford was so moved that he declared that if Michigan went dry, he would turn every brewery into a refinery to produce fuel for automobiles. Sunday’s campaign, along with that of other earnest prohibitionists, had an effect on Michigan, and in 1916 state voters approved a prohibition amendment by over

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80,000 votes. once again Michigan set the pace for the rest of the nation as its act went into effect a year before the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution made prohibition a national law.

Women’s Suffrage

Even though Michigan women did not have total suffrage by 1919, many pieces of legislation had been passed to aid the lot of the working woman. State laws provided for a ten-hour work day, no Sunday labor, and prohibition of women under twenty-one years of age from working in jobs that endangered their life, health, or morals. in 1911 the legislature removed the power of a husband to retain his wife’s earnings, and two years later a commission was established to set minimum wage laws for women.

in regard to voting rights, an attempt to grant suffrage was defeated in the 1908 Constitutional Convention. in 1912 Governor osborn, an avowed backer of women’s suffrage, promoted a suffrage amendment, but it was defeated by a margin of less than 800 votes in a statewide referendum. the following year, the same proposal lost by nearly 100,000 votes as some opponents of the measure claimed that the government would be in danger from votes of a “certain class of women” and the “unstable proletariat vote.” opponents also argued that suf- frage might create a “new strain” on family relations if husband and wife were of differing political sentiment. it was not until the adoption of the nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1920 that Michigan was forced to amend its state constitution and provide women the right to vote.

Figure 14.2 Billy Sunday brought his animated and energetic preaching style to detroit in 1916 at the height of his fame and conducted his assault on “demon rum” and the need for Prohibition. Library of Congress, LC-diG-ggbain-15638, LC-diG- ggbain-15639, LC-diG-ggbain-15640, LC-diG-ggbain-18810.

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World War I

Although most Michiganians, like the majority of Americans, did not really believe that the war in Europe would directly affect them, one prominent Michigan resident had been studying the military events and expressed grave concern. henry Ford, the dearborn industrialist and pacifist, opposed putting the United States on a war footing. he said that preparedness made the country like a “man carrying a gun” looking for trouble. he even was reported as saying that every soldier and sailor ought to have the word “murderer” embroidered on his breast. Convinced that “men sitting around a table, not men dying in a trench” would settle the dispute, Ford decided to send a “Peace Ship” to try to bring the warring factions to their senses. he chartered a Scandinavian liner, the Oscar II, and set sail with a group of peace advocates on december 4, 1915. the assemblage was not representative, as it contained many reporters and teachers, but no businessmen, farmers, scientists, labor officials, or industrial leaders, except Ford. one cynic remarked that it was “the strangest assortment of living creatures since the voyage of noah’s Ark.”

Because of ill-health, Ford left the ship when it landed at norway, but the voyage continued to Sweden, denmark, and holland, where the pilgrimage ended and most of the travelers returned home. As a result of the voyage, a peace conference was arranged. Kaiser Wilhelm even presented an offer of negotiation, but his attitude was so hostile and belligerent that it failed to elicit any positive response from the Allies. With intensified German submarine warfare, the conference ceased operations. Although Ford’s efforts failed, he was sincere in his desire for peace and to bring about an end to the killing in Europe.

on April 6, 1917, Congress declared war on Germany and the nation began mobilization. Michigan, however, had begun its preparations three days prior to the actual declaration as Governor Sleeper and Attorney General Alex Groesbeck developed legislation to put Michigan in a state of readiness. the legislature immediately acted upon the recommendations that included crea- tion of a War Preparedness Board whose members would consist of the gover- nor, attorney general, state treasurer, secretary of state, and superintendent of public instruction. this board was endowed with broad authority and was empowered to disburse monies from a $5 million fund that had been estab- lished by the legislature for preparedness purposes.

the war preparedness fund was used for a variety of programs. Soldiers were given equipment that the federal government was unable to supply adequately. the fund also made $400 loans to enable officers to purchase their own uniforms.

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Army training facilities were developed at Camp Custer near Battle Creek, and an air force base, Selfridge Field, was built near Mt. Clemens. to facilitate transportation near the military bases and to improve supply distribution between detroit and toledo, money was allocated from the war preparedness fund to improve roads. Money was also provided so that the State Board of health could set up offices to detect and contain venereal diseases at military camps.

Because food production was a very important part of the war effort, Michigan created a Food Preparedness Committee. once again the war prepar- edness fund was tapped to provide over a thousand tractors and plows for resale to state farmers and to purchase scarce seed. thirty-six additional county agricultural agents were hired to help farmers improve production. over 29,000 war gardens were started under the direction of students from Michigan Agricultural College and over 30,000 boys and girls were recruited to do farm work and help with harvests. Michigan’s agricultural war effort was so effective that farm acreage increased by 30 percent in two years.

State security was also deemed very important. An American Protective League was established to make sure that there were no “war slackers.” Unfortunately, this often led to abuses against innocent people whose only “crime” was having a Germanic name or not raising a war garden. Sometimes abuse was verbal, but at other times homes were covered by yellow paint and physical violence occurred. As fear seized Michigan residents, anything even remotely connected with Germany was considered evil. German proper names were Americanized, German foods such as sauerkraut and frankfurters were renamed “liberty cabbage” and “hot dogs,” dachshunds became “liberty-pups” and Berlin, Michigan, changed its name to Marne.

to provide further for the safety of the state, a “home Guard,” consisting of 6,000 men and boys, was raised to replace the federalized national Guard. A second unit, the 300-man Michigan State Constabulary, the forerunner of the state police, was created to patrol railroad tunnels, docks, defense installations, and munitions plants. the constabulary also put an end to the international Workers of the World strikes in the iron mines of the upper peninsula. the commander of the unit later reported that he was convinced that the strikes had been formulated by “paid organizers” who had been furnished with “a supply of German money.” no solid evidence to prove this allegation was offered, but it did further convince Michiganians that the enemy was close at hand.

Units from Michigan served gallantly in combat. Guardsmen from Michigan and Wisconsin were joined to form the 32nd, or “Red Arrow,” division, so designated because of its distinctive shoulder patches. the 32nd participated in a number of major engagements, including the oise-Aisne,

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in which it bore the brunt of the German attack, and the Meuse-Argonne offensive. over 800 of its officers received decorations, but its heroism came at a high price as its losses were 2,898 killed and 10,986 wounded. one unit of the national Guard, the First Ambulance Company, distinguished itself with the famed 42nd, or “Rainbow,” division, so named because it was comprised of Guard units from twenty-six states. the 85th division, consisting mostly of Michigan soldiers, was in France as an occupation force in 1918. Later ele- ments of this division were assigned to Archangel, Russia, to assist the anti- Communist forces there. Known as the “Polar Bears,” they served in Russia until July 1919.

As might be expected, Michigan industries played a significant role in the war effort. Ford factories manufactured submarine chasers, and both the Lincoln and Packard Motor Companies produced aircraft engines. Although the automobile industry was not requested to abandon completely its normal production, by the end of the war most output was militarily oriented.

Michigan furnished 133,485 men, or 3.6 percent of the personnel who served in the American armed forces during the war. of these, 45,917 were volunteers. nearly 5,000 Michiganians died during the conflict and another 15,000 were wounded. the state did not forget its returning heroes who had fought to “make the world safe for democracy.” When the war concluded, Michigan established a board in new York to meet the returning soldiers and assist them in any way possible. Like every other state, Michigan was proud of its contribu- tion to what President Wilson pledged was “a war to end all wars.”

The Newberry‒Ford Senatorial Struggle

in 1918 the Sleeper Republican regime was routinely returned to office, but “political fireworks” occurred in the senatorial campaign. in the Republican primary were truman h. newberry, former assistant secretary of the navy under theodore Roosevelt and long a power in state Republican politics, for- mer Governor Chase osborn, and industrialist henry Ford. the latter had the distinction of also running for the democratic nomination at the personal urging of President Wilson, who wanted another supporter for the League of nations in the Senate. newberry ran a lavish campaign, spending over $176,000, which was considerably in excess of the federal campaign limit of $10,000. Ford made little effort at campaigning and uttered only two statements before the election, one in support of women’s suffrage and the other in defense of his son Edsel’s draft deferment. newberry carried the Republican primary easily, and Ford won the democratic nomination.

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in the general election Ford ran a surprisingly strong race, losing by slightly less than 8,000 votes. his strength came from the working class, especially in Wayne County where he captured 65 percent of the vote. Embittered by his defeat, Ford petitioned the Senate to examine newberry’s campaign expenditures. As a consequence of the inquiry, newberry, along with sixteen codefendants, was prosecuted by the Justice department for violating the Federal Corrupt Practices Act. he was found guilty, fined $10,000, and sen- tenced to two years in prison. the senator appealed his sentence to the Supreme Court, which overruled his conviction by a 5–4 vote.

the United States Senate also debated whether or not to expel newberry, and despite eloquent pleas for removal by progressives Robert LaFollette and George norris, the Michigan senator was allowed to retain his seat. on november 19, 1922, Senator newberry resigned, still claiming innocence of any wrongdoing. his replacement was James Couzens, a close friend of henry Ford and a liberal former mayor of detroit. Soon the rift in the state’s political scene was healed.

The Red Scare of 1919–1920

one of the most distressing results of the war was the “Red Scare” of 1919–20. Americans viewed the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia with horror. Stories spread that the new Communist regime was breaking families, crushing labor unions, destroying churches, and confiscating private property. to many, the potential dissemination of Communist ideas to our shores represented a threat to the cornerstones of American society. Fears heightened in 1919 when a rash of strikes against major industries occurred, which were followed by a series of mys- terious mail-bombs being sent to prominent opponents of the strikes. A. Mitchell Palmer, attorney general of the United States and himself a target of a bombing, asserted that subversive foreign elements trying to destroy America were respon- sible for the acts of terrorism. to prevent further unrest, Palmer ordered J. Edgar hoover, a young detective in the Justice department, to put an end to the “Red threat.” Under hoover’s vigorous leadership thousands of suspected “bomb factories” were raided without warrants. their occupants were held without bail and found guilty of committing felonies without benefit of a trial.

on January 2, 1920, local, state, and federal authorities conducted a nationwide “Red raid,” which resulted in the arrest of 5,483 aliens, nearly all of whom were innocent of any crime except that of being a “foreigner.” Several Michigan cities were involved in this event. in detroit, the Communist Party headquarters, the house of Masses, was stripped bare and over 800 persons

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were arrested throughout the city. thirty-six persons were taken into custody in Grand Rapids and another fifty-six in Flint. Federal authorities lavishly praised Michigan law enforcement agencies for their cooperation in ending the Red menace in the state.

in planning this raid, federal authorities neglected to prepare suitable accommodations for those arrested. Many were held in county jails, but in major metropolitan areas, where seizures were numerous, temporary detention centers had to be created. in detroit, conditions were deplorable. The Nation magazine reported that

. . . eight hundred men were imprisoned for from three to six days in a dark, win- dowless, narrow corridor running around the big central areaway of the city’s antiquated Federal building; they slept on the bare stone floor at night, in the heavy heat that welled sickeningly up to the low roof, just over their heads; they were shoved and jostled by heavy-handed policemen; they were forbidden even the chance to perform even a makeshift shave; they were compelled to stand in long lines for access to the solitary drinking fountain and one toilet; they were denied all food for twenty hours, and after that they were fed on what their fami- lies brought in; and they were refused all communications with relatives or attorneys.

the detroit raid was even more tragic because nearly all those arrested were innocent. included among those taken at the house of Masses were a seventeen-year-old boy who was looking for a job, several men at the first-floor cafe who had stopped for a glass of “near-beer,” and a curious visitor who wanted to view the hall. the raid also netted twenty-two men in the nearby Workingmen’s Sick Benefit and Educational Society hall, which had been incor- rectly identified as the international Workers of the World headquarters. nor were those arrested the only ones to suffer. Families went without food as husbands being held incommunicado could not sign orders allowing their wives to withdraw funds from their bank accounts.

officials of the Justice department finally admitted that they had arrested innocent citizens, but asked reporters not to mention it in their stories. these illegally detained, dirty, unshaven men, who had not even had a change of clothes for six days, looked the part of “Bolshevik terrorists” when they were paraded through the streets of detroit on their way to another jail. Eager newsmen fanned the flames of the “Red menace” by placing guns near a pile of books and pictures of Marx and Lenin taken from the house of Masses.

Mayor Couzens finally demanded that the prisoners receive humane treatment and that the detroit police no longer cooperate with federal

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authorities. the general public, however, praised Palmer and urged him on in his crusade to save America.

Hooch, Hoodlums, and Hoods

the 1920s have been popularly depicted as a time when prosperity reigned and Americans yearned for the prewar stability which President Warren harding called “normalcy.” however, the 1920s could not be “normal” in terms of earlier decades because the country had been revolutionized by another of Michigan’s contributions—the automobile. in 1900 barely 4,000 automobiles were pro- duced, but by 1929 the number had risen to 5,620,000, and the industry employed over 370,000 persons. Job opportunities provided by automobile factories lured thousands of immigrants to Michigan, especially detroit. the state’s population soared from 3,668,412 in 1920 to 4,842,325 in 1930, and detroit’s total residency passed 1.5 million making it the nation’s fourth largest city.

Much of this population increase was a result of foreign immigration, as by 1930 Michigan claimed 849,297 foreign-born residents. Black migration from Southern states also increased the population. in 1920 there were only 60,082 blacks in Michigan, but a mere ten years later the total neared 170,000.

detroit rapidly became the focal point of American industrialism and foreign visitors flocked to the automobile capital of the world to pay homage to the “Great industrial Prophet.” one British traveler related that “as in Rome one goes to the Vatican and endeavors to get an audience with the Pope, so in detroit one goes to the Ford works and endeavors to see henry Ford.” Another European visitor recalled that when he first saw detroit he felt like a “seven- teenth century traveler must have felt when he approached Versailles.” So pow- erful was Ford’s impact on the popular mind that college students selected him as the third greatest figure in the history of mankind, and, in 1928, over 500,000 people ordered a new Model A even though Ford had announced neither its style nor price.

Some critics expressed the opinion that the emphasis on obtaining a better life through material benefits developed by science and industry was excessive and misplaced. in particular these critics were disturbed by the detroit auto- motive leadership in promoting this materialistic spirit. Arthur h. Vandenberg, conservative editor of the Grand Rapids Herald, declared: “Save us Babbitt at his best, interested in his own home—living with his own wife—striving to educate his own children—helping along his church—still believing in a just God— loving his country and his flag—preserving a few ideals—a good citizen and

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Samaritan.” Unfortunately, few observers found this ideal in detroit. A writer for the New Republic stated that “detroit was the sum of the age,” a city that was “prosperous, brittle, effective, hard, and the slave of the mechanistic monster.” he added that it was “the market of personality embodied in the god produc- tion,” and that it “must go on, it cannot stand still and cannot go to bed.” detroit typified America’s frenzied style of living. A writer for The Nation bemoaned what he called the “Fordizing of a pleasant peninsula,” and complained that Michigan’s pastoral image was being replaced by “factories and help-wanted billboards”; it had become a state where the term “sublime” meant a Ford factory and where people “would do anything for a sale.”

Critics also were disturbed at the flaunting of prohibition laws in detroit. Liquor from Canada, particularly from a large distillery in Walkerville, ontario, flowed freely across the detroit River, making detroit “a flagrant example of a wide open booze town.” As many as 25,000 illicit saloons, or “blind pigs,” oper- ated in detroit and did a $215 million business. the New York Times accurately proclaimed that detroit was the “Rum Capital of the nation” and that liquor trafficking was Michigan’s second leading industry.

there was scarcely a place along the St. Clair and detroit rivers where smuggling did not occur, and it is estimated that as many as 500,000 cases of illegal liquor entered the state every month. the amount of ardent spirits enter- ing Michigan increased dramatically with the completion of the Ambassador Bridge in 1929 and the detroit-Windsor tunnel the following year. Quantities of liquor smuggled into the country by way of the tunnel were so great that it became jokingly referred to as the detroit-Windsor Funnel. By 1931 detroit had earned the dubious distinction of being cited by the federal government as leading the nation in prohibition violations.

Much of the illicit liquor business was controlled by criminals. in detroit, the notorious Purple Gang vied with the Licavoli family for underworld supremacy. Accounts of murders among gangsters were regular items in detroit newspapers, but fortunately it was rare for any nonmobster to be victimized. in addition to bootlegging, criminal activity included kidnapping, bombing, bookmaking, drugs, and prostitution. during the first six months of 1926, the latter vice was so widespread that 3,213 women were brought before detroit Recorders Court on charges of prostitution, and over 700 brothels operated in downtown detroit.

in 1932 Michigan repealed its prohibition statutes, and the following year it became the first state to ratify the twenty-first Amendment to the United States Constitution, which repealed national prohibition. A State Liquor Commission was created and on April 7, 1933, consumption of alcoholic beverages once again became legal.

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Lawlessness was fostered further by the growth of the Ku Klux Klan. Preaching that foreigners, blacks, Jews, and Catholics were undermining Protestant morality and taking jobs from “white, real Americans,” the Klan made sizable inroads in Michigan’s urban centers. Flint, Saginaw, Bay City, Lansing, Kalamazoo, Muskegon, and the conservative dutch communities along Lake Michigan were fertile recruiting grounds for the Klan, but detroit was its main target. in 1920 that city’s population was 25 percent foreign-born, and it had the fastest rate of black immigration in the nation. By the mid-1920s, Michigan’s Klan claimed 80,000 members, half of whom resided in the detroit area.

Politically the Klan was quite strong, electing mayors in Flint in 1924 and detroit in 1929, as well as many state legislators. in detroit one of the reasons for the success of Klan candidates was that Jewish voters stayed home rather than choose between a Klan candidate and a candidate backed by henry Ford,

Figure 14.3 Authorities seize the armored car of the Purple Gang, 1936. Known as “the Safe,” it was well equipped for vice activity: a short-wave radio, bullet-proof glass, and metal plates on the tires. the Graham-Paige sedan was as infamous as its passen- gers. Photo courtesy of Custer Carland and Polly S. Moore of Albion.

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one of the country’s leading anti-Semites. Ford openly blamed Jews for making obscene movies, bootlegging, and spreading immorality through their music, especially songs written by irving Berlin.

Michigan’s Klan was so well organized that it published its own newspaper, The Fiery Cross, held Christmas ceremonies led by a masked, hooded Santa Claus, and founded its own music business, the Cross Music and Record Company of detroit. Even passage of the Burns Anti-Mask Law of 1923, which was intended to drive prominent men out of the Klan by forcing them to show their faces during public gatherings, did not diminish Klan strength in Michigan because many law enforcement officials were Klan members and refused to enforce the law. thus, throughout the decade of the 1920s Michigan’s Klan burned crosses with regularity.

The Bath School Massacre

the worst loss of life in an American school up to that time occurred in the small rural community of Bath, Michigan, located approximately six miles north of East Lansing. on May 18, 1927, shortly after classes had begun, an explosion destroyed the new consolidated school, killing 38 students and six adults, while injuring nearly another one hundred. the entire north wing of the school, which housed the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth grades, was demolished in the blast.

the perpetrator of this slaughter was 55-year-old Andrew Kehoe, a local farmer, who also served as treasurer for the School Board, as well as the school custodian. Kehoe had become enraged when local voters passed a millage to increase property taxes to finance construction of a new school for the recently consolidated school district—an expenditure which Kehoe deemed unneces- sary. When the mortgage on his farm was foreclosed in early May, 1927, Kehoe blamed the higher property taxes for his inability to pay his mortgage, and he became insane in his desire to seek revenge against those whom he blamed for his plight.

the loss of his farm merely was the trigger for Kehoe’s demented, but well-devised, plan, as during the months prior to the explosion he had secretly planted hundreds of pounds of dynamite throughout the school’s basement and rigged the wired explosives with a timing device for detonation. on Wednesday May 18, 1927 Kehoe put his murderous scheme into action. First, he beat to death his invalid wife and then set his house on fire to bring the local fire fighters to the scene of the blaze. he then placed dynamite in his car and drove to the school, where he watched with satisfaction his twisted dream become reality. Amid the screams of children, school officials, and teachers,

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Kehoe calmly committed suicide by detonating the explosives in his automobile.

in the aftermath of the horrific event, Michigan’s Republican United States Senator James Couzens personally financed the rebuilding of the school to erase, in a small degree, the pain brought about by Andrew Kehoe, who earned the title “the most evil man in Michigan’s history.”

The Politics of Normalcy

Alex J. Groesbeck, Michigan’s attorney general under Sleeper, was elected governor in 1920 and reelected in 1922 and 1924. Groesbeck was a highly effec- tive administrator and innovative executive, who reorganized Michigan’s gov- ernment so that the unwieldy bureaucracy became more accountable and efficient. Under his guidance the legislature passed a bill creating a State Administrative Board, composed of all elected executive officers except the lieutenant governor, which was given broad powers, with the governor retain- ing a veto over all its decisions. Also, five departments—agriculture, conserva- tion, labor, public safety, and welfare—were formed, consolidating the duties of over thirty separate bureaus. to bring Michigan out of debt, Groesbeck con- vinced the legislature to pass a corporate franchise tax, which proved so successful that there was a substantial budget surplus by the time he left office.

the governor was interested in the state’s educational and penal institutions as well. Both the University of Michigan and Michigan Agricultural College were given funds for campus improvements and building construction. Renovations were made at the Boys Vocational School at Lansing and the Girls training School at Adrian. in december 1924, the first concrete was poured for new prison buildings at Jackson, which ultimately would become the largest walled prison in the nation.

Groesbeck’s greatest contribution as governor was his support for a modern highway program which, he proudly claimed, took “Michigan out of the mud.” Although thousands of miles of roads had been built prior to Groesbeck’s tak- ing office, most of them were gravel and dirt that became virtually impassable during spring rains. A highway Loan Board was established to market a $50 million bond issue, the proceeds of which were to be used solely for road construction. the state was aided further by a $31 million allocation from the federal government under a 1916 act which granted road-building funds to states on a matching dollar basis. When the money from the bond sale was depleted, the legislature passed a 2¢ gasoline tax to finance highway improvements. By the end of Groesbeck’s three terms as governor, over

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6,500 miles of state roads had been improved and over 2,000 miles of concrete highway had been laid.

despite his admirable record, Groesbeck was opposed for renomination in 1926 by conservatives, led by Vandenberg, who believed that the governor was too liberal and detroit oriented. Conservatives united behind Fred Green, longtime mayor of ionia, and he handily defeated both Groesbeck in the primary and his democratic opponent William A. Comstock in november. Green’s administration enjoyed the final years of the decade of prosperity. Reelected in 1928, Green was the first of many governors who would be forced to deal with the awesome impact of the Great depression.

For Further Reading

no single volume exists that adequately covers the Progressive era and the 1920s in Michigan. Frank B. Woodford’s Alex J. Groesbeck: Portrait of a Public Man (detroit: Wayne State Press, 1962) is the best secondary source for the period. Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy: The Detroit Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1975); harry Barnard, Independent Man: The Life of Senator James Couzens (new York: Scribner, 1958); C. david tompkins, Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg: The Evolution of a Modern Republican, 1884–1945 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1970); Robert M. Warner, Chase Salmon Osborn, 1860–1949 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1960); and Jean M. Fox, Fred M. Warner: Progressive Governor (Farmington hills: Farmington hills historical Commission, 1988) deal with the lives of important political figures of the period. Allen nevins and Frank E. hill, Ford: Expansion and Challenge, 1915–1933 (new York: Scribner, 1957) offers coverage of Ford’s political ventures. Robert Murray, The Red Scare (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1955) is the standard work on the wave of anticommunism that swept the country. david Chalmers, Hooded Americanism (Garden City, nY: doubleday, 1965) details Ku Klux Klan activities in every state. Useful also are the following articles from Michigan History: Larry d. Engelman, “dry Renaissance: the Local option Years,” (Spring 1971); “Billy Sunday: ‘God, You’ve Got a Job on Your hands in detroit,’” (Spring 1971); “old Saloon days in Michigan,” (Summer 1977); Jack Elenbaas, “the Excesses of Reform: the day the detroit Mayor Arrested the City Council” (Spring 1970), and “the Boss of the Better Class: henry Leland and the detroit Citizens League, 1912–1924,” (Summer 1974); and Anthony R. travis, “Mayor George Ellis: Grand Rapids Political Boss and Progressive Reformer,” (Summer 1974). Philip t. Mason, Rum Running and the Roaring Twenties (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1995) is the best source for Michigan’s prohibition activities. the Calumet Copper Strike of 1913 is detailed in William Beck, “Someone Yelled ‘Fire,”’ Detroit Magazine, April 8, 1979; Jerry Stanley, Big Annie of Calumet: A True Story of the Industrial Revolution (new York: Crown Publishers, 1996); and diane P. Engle, “Standing

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tall: Big Annie,” Michigan History (July–August 1999). An interesting aspect of Michigan’s role in World War i is Godfrey Anderson, A Michigan Polar Bear Confronts the Bolsheviks: A War Memoir (Grand Rapids: Eerdman’s, 2010). Crime in Michigan during the 1920s is well documented in two books by Paul R. Kavieff, The Violent Years: Prohibition and the Detroit Mobs (Fort Lee, new Jersey: Barricade, 2001) and The Purple Gang (Fort Lee, new Jersey: Barricade, 2005).

depression Life in an industrial State

Because Michigan’s leading industry was production of automobiles, which in the 1920s were still considered by many people to be luxury items rather than necessities, the state was quickly ravaged by the depression. in 1929, 5,337,087 vehicles were manufactured, but two years later the figure had plummeted to 1,331,860. the nonmanufacturing sector was affected as well, and farm prices drastically declined. By 1933, farmers were so desperate that they threatened to use violence to prevent judges and sheriffs from seizing their land and homes as payment for delinquent taxes or unpaid mortgages. Fearing a riot, the legis- lature in 1933 postponed repayment of delinquent taxes and land-tax sales for a minimum of five years. Unfortunately, faced with an immediate, dire crisis, much of Michigan’s political leadership acted to compound, rather than allevi- ate, the suffering of their constituents.

The Stigma of Poverty

to understand why both the Republican and democratic parties shared the belief that the people had a duty to support their government, but the govern- ment had no obligation to support its people, it is necessary to examine the tra- ditional American view of unemployment and poverty. in America, the poor have always been scorned because most people consider poverty an unnecessary disgrace in this “land of plenty.” this belief is rooted in the English Poor Law of

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1601 which stated that people were poor because of laziness. to give the impov- erished any assistance would merely reward and perpetuate their laziness, and therefore relief should be meted out only to prevent starvation. this concept became Americanized in the “work ethic,” which professed that happiness and self-fulfillment could be realized only from a life of diligent labor.

When the depression struck, workers raised by this code believed that their unemployment was a result of a personal, rather than societal or economic flaw, and they were humiliated by their plight. Men would accept any form of work before seeking public assistance. only when their families grew hungry would they, with tears of shame in their eyes, stand in breadlines. the greatest tragedy, however, was that state and local governments fostered this unwarranted shame by keeping alive the myth that unemployment was caused by men too lazy to earn a living. during the depression, fourteen states forbade relief recipients from voting, nearly all required “reliefers” to sign paupers’ oaths, and, in Michigan, the Genesee County Board of Supervisors went so far as to propose that all second-generation relief recipients be sterilized.

The New Boy Governor

Michigan’s governor during the years 1931–33 was Wilber M. Brucker, a thirty- six-year-old conservative supporter of Republican President herbert hoover’s policies of “rugged individualism” and combating the depression through local and private relief agencies. When he took office in January 1931, Michigan’s unemployment level was 18 percent; in 1932 it rose to 43 percent; and the following year it reached 46 percent, compared with the national level of 24 percent. the governor’s response was to state repeatedly that employment opportunities existed for everyone willing to work. this, however, was not true. in late 1930 an advertisement in a detroit newspaper called for 500 men willing to do heavy construction to apply for jobs the following morning. over 20,000 applicants came, only to be informed that the advertisement had been unau- thorized and no hiring was to be done. on another occasion, in 1931, over 1,000 men responded to a call for sixty cement carrier positions. despite the gover- nor’s proclamations, the unemployed of Michigan wanted jobs, but none existed.

Local relief programs soon could no longer meet the soaring needs of the unemployed. Charitable organizations were on the verge of collapse by 1932, mainly because large contributors of previous years either had lost everything in the stock-market crash or were hoarding their money. in 1931 the detroit Community Chest fell over $500,000 short of its goal. in an effort to raise funds, Michigan’s liberal Republican Senator James Couzens pledged a personal

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donation of $1 million to relief agencies if other wealthy detroiters would pledge another $9 million. For suggesting that the rich should sacrifice to assist the less fortunate, Couzens’ friends not only criticized him, but also ostracized him from their social groups. Consequently, by 1932 Michigan’s relief agencies, which had spent over $55 million the previous year, were nearly bankrupt.

Governor Brucker, however, was unmoved and in late 1931 refused an offer of federal assistance, wiring President hoover that “the people of Michigan will take care of their own problem.” he established a State Unemployment Commission, consisting of 105 prominent citizens, to study the problems of unemployment and make suggestions on how to remedy the situation. the governor also made speaking tours to other states urging them to purchase more goods from Michigan, which seemed to ignore the fact that Michigan was not alone in its financial woes. in 1931 the governor announced his opposition to a proposed old-age pension law because it was financed by a property, rather than a head, tax. he further threatened to veto any unemployment compensa- tion bills passed by the legislature, saying that the industrial instability that caused unemployment was a national, not a state, problem, and if Michigan passed an unemployment compensation bill it would draw attention to the state’s problems and overemphasize them in people’s minds. Moreover, he argued that such a bill would force industry out of Michigan and into states which did not compel an employer to pay laid-off workers. “Rugged individualism” was alive, but not doing well, in Michigan.

The Plight of Detroit

of all Michigan cities, detroit was hardest hit by the depression. Much of detroit’s problem was that while most automobile workers lived in the city, many of the largest automobile companies, especially Ford, were located out- side the city limits and therefore were exempt from city taxes. Because of the unemployed automobile workers, detroit quickly claimed the largest relief pro- gram in the state, and conservative critics began to complain that drifters were coming to the city merely to get a “handout.” While it is true that many people arrived in detroit in the early 1930s, few, if any, came for a “handout.” Most were lured to the city by Governor Brucker who announced in early 1931 that he knew that automobile production was to increase and hiring would begin, and by henry Ford, who, having slashed his payroll by 75 percent in August 1931, was promising in February 1932 that his new V-8 engine plant would hire thousands of workers. When these promises failed to become reality, the poor could not afford to leave and try to find work elsewhere.

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in 1931, Frank Murphy, a liberal democrat with strong ties to organized labor, was elected mayor of detroit and pledged to wage war on unemploy- ment. First, he tried to register the city’s 48,000 families on relief to determine the exact magnitude of the problem. next, he established job referral services to assist the unemployed in finding work. third, following the example of Pingree, he encouraged people to plant “thrift gardens” and offered vacant city lots to be used as farms. Finally, he induced owners of abandoned factories to lease them to the city for the purpose of being converted into temporary housing for the unemployed. to Murphy, the first duty of his administration was to feed, clothe, and house the needy.

this approach greatly disturbed conservatives throughout the state, and many of them, especially bankers, threatened not to purchase any more detroit bonds unless Murphy reduced the welfare rolls by at least 15,000. Murphy refused, but the Common Council overruled him. opposition to Murphy’s relief program intensified when it was discovered that one of the mayor’s aides had embezzled $200,000 in welfare funds. the fact that he was caught and all but $20,000 was returned did little to curtail criticisms that the relief organiza- tion was mismanaged. this belief was further strengthened when henry Ford attacked all welfare recipients as “freeloaders” and Murphy as a “Santa Claus” wasting detroit’s money.

Brucker echoed these sentiments, saying that detroit “suffered mostly through its own generosity in establishing the dole” and that “one of the chief factors contributing to local inability to meet the present needs” was “the hope- lessly inefficient and wasteful organization of relief work” in that city. he said that the city had been on a spending orgy and that the state should not have to assist it out of debt. Ultimately he authorized a $1.8 million loan to detroit, but even that was not enough to meet the city’s needs.

Riot at the Rouge

Conservative reluctance to support massive relief programs was partly rooted in a fear that liberals and unemployed workers were in league with Communists plotting the overthrow of the existing economic and political structures. this fear seemed to be substantiated on March 7, 1932, when 3,000 Communist- inspired demonstrators gathered in detroit preparatory to going to dearborn to present henry Ford with demands for union recognition, improved working conditions, and relief for laid-off company employees.

At the dearborn city limits the protestors, carrying banners saying “tax the Rich and Feed the Poor” and “We Want Bread, not Crumbs,” were met by forty

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dearborn policemen, who refused them entry because they had failed to obtain a parade permit. Angry marchers pushed the police aside, which resulted in the police hurling tear gas into the throng. A riot ensued and marchers flung rocks and pieces of concrete at the retreating police. the dearborn Fire department arrived, but by the time they connected their hoses to force streams of icy water on the mob, the fighting had reached the gates of the Rouge Assembly Plant. Police, assisted by Ford’s security forces, fired into the crowd, killing four and seriously wounding nineteen others. After two hours the marchers withdrew and the battle was over.

Four days later an estimated 15,000 mourners, many of whom belonged to detroit’s 2,000-member Communist Party, attended the funeral of the slain marchers. Speeches were made before the coffins, which rested under a huge red banner bearing a picture of Lenin. Mayor Murphy, despite a popular outcry, permitted this overt propaganda to occur, saying that the Constitution granted the rights of free assembly and free speech even to radicals. ironically, the Communists repaid the mayor by unsuccessfully attempting to link him with Ford as a “tool of Wall Street” and enemy of the people.

Figure 15.1 the Ford Rouge Plant. the Rouge complex is comprised of more than two dozen Albert Kahn‒designed buildings. Courtesy of the detroit historical Society.

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Although this so-called “hunger March” was undeniably planned and led by Communists, nearly all the participants were not party members, but rather former Ford workers who sought aid or a promise of possible future rehiring from the company. After refusing comment for several days, Ford issued a statement denouncing all the marchers as Communists who intended to destroy his plant to symbolize the overthrow of capitalism. Public opinion did not support Ford’s position, and his popularity reached a new low. Latent worker hostility, which had been fueled for years by Ford’s policies of increased employee productivity, decreased wages, arbitrary firings, and uncertainty of hours, now burst into the open, and the stage was set for further unrest among automotive workers.

Closing the Banks

the democratic landslide of 1932 swept Republicans from power in Michigan. the new governor, William A. Comstock, was faced with an imme- diate crisis upon taking office in January 1933. From december 1929 to december 1932, nearly 200 banks in the state had closed, leaving depositors in financial ruin. in detroit, where the situation was most critical, only six banks were still functioning in 1933. of these, four were independent and relatively solvent, but the two largest, the Guardian Union Company and the detroit Bankers’ Company, were extremely unstable, and since they controlled other smaller banks throughout the state their survival was imperative.

these major banks had a large percentage of their assets in mortgages and bonds that had become virtually worthless as the depression worsened. of the two detroit banks, the Guardian group was in a greater danger of collapse, and in 1932 it had had to borrow $15 million from the federal Reconstruction Finance Corporation. desperate for more operating capital, the following January it requested an additional $50 million. Federal examiners, finding insufficient collateral to guarantee the entire loan, promised to provide part of the funding if large depositors, such as General Motors, Chrysler, and Ford, would supply the balance. General Motors and Chrysler agreed, realizing that if the large detroit banks failed many smaller ones throughout the state would follow suit, but henry Ford, a lifelong critic of banks, refused. Even a personal plea from President hoover could not budge Ford from his belief that a private citizen should not have to help underwrite the United States Government and the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, which had been created to manage situations such as that in detroit.

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on February 12, 1933, bankers from new York and Chicago met in detroit with government officials, local bankers, and leading industrialists. the fol- lowing evening, having failed to find a solution to the Guardian crisis, they agreed that the bank should not reopen for business. Governor Comstock, in order to prevent panic withdrawals from other banks when the news of Guardian’s closing became public, on February 14 ordered that all banks in the state be closed until February 23.

Comstock’s action threw citizens into a frenzy. People with money in checking and savings accounts suddenly were temporarily destitute, and busi- nesses were paralyzed. on February 21, Comstock extended the “Bank holiday,” but allowed banks to make limited withdrawals to depositors and to accept funds for safekeeping. other states followed Michigan’s lead and on March 6, only two days after his inauguration, President Franklin d. Roosevelt declared a national “Bank holiday.”

on March 21, the Michigan legislature passed a bill enabling solvent banks to reopen under strict supervision. the two large detroit institutions, however, were liquidated. in an uncommon act of generosity, big depositors waived all claims to funds in order that depositors with amounts under $1,000 in the Guardian group and $300 in the detroit Bankers’ Company could be repaid in full. By the summer of 1933 the crisis had passed, and the creation of the Federal deposit insurance Corporation to insure savings up to $5,000 did much to restore popular confidence in banks. Governor Comstock received widespread criticism for “illegally” closing the banks, but his quick action not only preserved Michigan’s financial integrity but also served as a model for the rest of the nation.

the governor was also attacked for supporting a 3¢ on a dollar sales tax. Rumors spread that the money collected was to be used to build the governor a mansion, and these stories were not quelled until Comstock offered a reward to anyone who could prove their truth. Even his support of a workmen’s compensation law could not alter negative opinion of Comstock, and in 1934, Republicans were restored to power and Frank Fitzgerald was elected governor.

The Voice from the Pulpit

in the midst of the bank crisis many voices stirred the masses, but none had the impact of Father Charles E. Coughlin, a Catholic priest who had a weekly radio broadcast from the Shrine of the Little Flower in Royal oak. An ardent Roosevelt advocate in 1932, Coughlin blamed the depression on big business

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and bankers, who, he claimed, existed only by robbing the poor and helpless. he warned that “banking was a crap game played by the unscrupulous expert with other people’s money,” and spread the false story that directors of major detroit banks had urged their wealthy friends to withdraw their funds shortly before the “Bank holiday.” his attacks on banks and investment companies temporarily diminished after Roosevelt’s election, creation of the Federal deposit insurance Corporation and Securities and Exchange Commission, and publication of a New York Times exposé on how he had lost nearly $14,000 of his “contributions for charity” in a bad stock-market investment and was heavily in debt to several detroit banks.

in december 1934, Coughlin established the national Union for Social Justice, with its stated goals being “to uphold and defend the right of private ownership of property and to promote the welfare of all Americans, regardless of race, creed, or social situation.” he urged his followers to support passage of a minimum wage law, profit-sharing plans, and increased unionization of labor.

in 1936, Coughlin’s career began to decline. Calling Roosevelt a “liar” and “double crosser” because of the administration’s farm and economic policies, Coughlin urged the election of William Lemke as President. he went so far as to denounce Roosevelt as “the dumbest man ever to sit in the White house” and accused him of being both sympathetic to communism and a tool of an “international conspiracy of Jewish bankers” who wished to rule the world economy. By 1937 his broadcasts were little more than anti-Semitic, anti- Roosevelt diatribes, and he was ordered by the church hierarchy to cancel his radio program. in 1942, the government had to ban mailing of his magazine, Social Justice, because of its opposition to America’s making war against anti- Communist, anti-Jewish nazis. Father Coughlin’s days of glory were over, but his legacy of extremism continued.

Black Legion

While Father Coughlin’s sermons offended many people’s sensibilities, a far greater threat to civil liberties arose when the United Brotherhood of America, or the Black Legion, came to Michigan. Founded in ohio in 1931 as an out- growth of the Ku Klux Klan, the legion reached Michigan that same year and found eager acceptance among former southerners living in detroit, Flint, Lansing, Saginaw, and other industrial centers. Like the Klan, the legion was a secret, ritualistic society which was opposed to Jews, blacks, Catholics, and eve- rything and everybody perceived as a threat to “white, native-born Protestant, 100% Americanism.”

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in Michigan the legion was headed by Arthur Lupp, a state milk-inspector, who was appalled that “real Americans” were unemployed while “Communists” had jobs. his followers were mostly poor ex-southerners in their early thirties, who had little or no education and worked as unskilled laborers. By contrast, Lupp and the legion hierarchy were well-educated and native-born Michiganians, who, in many instances, held state or municipal government positions and were able to hire scores of their untrained members and put them on the public payroll. At its height, the legion claimed 200,000 Michigan mem- bers, but its power centered around a cadre of vicious thugs who were responsi- ble for at least fifty-seven killings in detroit alone during the years 1931–36.

Prospective members underwent an elaborate initiation ceremony during which they swore, at the point of a pistol, to “exert every possible means” to bring about the “extermination of the anarchists, Communists, and the Roman hierarchy and their abettors.” After the oath-taking, each new legionnaire received a membership card stating that the brotherhood was strictly for Protestants, with its goal the protection of Protestant social and economic

Figure 15.2 A Black Legionnaire in ceremonial garb presented both a ludicrous and terrifying image. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #02327.

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interests, and a bullet, which was accompanied by a warning that its mate would kill him if the secret oath was ever violated. Members were then assigned to one of several legal front organizations, many of which had such highly suspicious names as the Bullet Club, night Riders, or Black Knights, and told to await instructions from their leaders.

often the leadership issued orders simply to satisfy a personal lust for cruelty or vengeance. As Frank Woodford, a leading historian of detroit, aptly stated, “anyone . . . who incurred displeasure was liable to a midnight ride to a secluded spot where he might be shot, horsewhipped or otherwise abused by a pack of vicious self-righteous imbeciles who had convinced themselves they were only meting out justice.”

typical of such senseless brutality was the May 1935 murder of Silas Coleman, a black detroit concrete worker. Five of his white coworkers, all legion members, visited Coleman at his home and told him that they had been instructed by their foreman to bring Coleman to him for payment of $18 in back wages. Before going to the plant, the six men stopped at a tavern to cele- brate Coleman’s good fortune. the legionnaires then drove Coleman to a field and shot over thirty rounds of pistol fire into him. When the assassins were arrested and questioned, they professed a friendship for their victim and con- fessed that they had shot him simply because they “wanted to see what it was like to kill a negro.”

the Michigan Legion’s power came to an abrupt end after its members killed a twenty-two-year-old detroit WPA worker who had allegedly beaten his preg- nant Protestant wife. on May 22, 1936, the victim was kidnapped, shot ten times, and his body left lying on a road. Federal investigators quickly gathered evidence, made arrests, and induced one of the suspects to confess. his testi- mony implicated not only his co-assassins, but also his immediate legion superiors. Arrests of these lower echelon leaders started a chain reaction of confessions that ultimately led to Lupp. By the end of 1936, public indignation over revelations of legion terrorist activities had caused the remaining members of the group to disband, never to plague the state again.

Sit-Down Strikes

the elections of 1936 saw a slight democratic resurgence in Michigan. Roosevelt, supported by Senator Couzens, who had been defeated for renomi- nation by ex-governor Brucker, carried the state by 500,000 votes. his coattails were long enough to cause narrow victories for Prentiss M. Brown for the United States Senate and Frank Murphy for governor.

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Murphy’s immediate problem as governor was how to deal with workers going on “sit-down strikes.” the “sit-down” was a new device, first used in 1936 by rubber workers in Akron, ohio, to force management to bargain collectively. in Michigan, automotive workers found the technique especially suited to their purposes for several reasons. First, because they were unskilled, a regular strike was useless. Management merely called in strikebreakers, often members of the Black Legion, to drive off the “Communist” strikers and then hired new men to replace them. Second, because of their unskilled condition, the American Federation of Labor, a craft union, refused to accept automobile workers as members. this meant that the only union available for automobile workers was that run by the company. in 1935 this was partly remedied by creation of the Committee for industrial organization, which included the United Automotive Workers (UAW). Management, however, still refused to bargain with this new, weak union. third, by locking themselves in the plants, workers believed that management would be reluctant to take any action that might result in destruction of machinery and thus would be forced to negotiate peacefully.

Figure 15.3 Flint sit-down strike of 1935. Strikers of Fisher Body Plant number 3 guard a window entrance to keep out management and any others who may attempt to break the strike. Library of Congress, Washington, d.C., LC-USZ62-131616.

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on december 30, 1936, the question was put to the test as workers at the General Motors Chevrolet and Fisher Body plants in Flint instituted a “sit-down.”

Flint, in 1936, was a natural setting for worker unrest. the mayor, city manager, police chief, judges, school-board members, welfare officials, and the local newspaper were all controlled by General Motors. over 80 percent of the city’s 150,000 residents depended, either directly or indirectly, on General Motors for their livelihood. in a year when the average factory worker earned a maximum of $900, General Motors reported record net earnings of $238.5 mil- lion, and its 1,678 salaried employees, including officers and directors, received $10,408,000. in 1936 a General Motors worker could be fired at the whim of his foreman, would endure unpaid layoffs between model changes that lasted for three to five months, would have no unemployment insurance or control over the amount of hours to be worked, and would be subjected to “speedups” in production caused by firings of other workers. More than any other factor, the “speedup” demands brought about the strike. Forced to work at an incredible pace, with the fear of layoffs always in their minds and an army of unemployed outside, and company spies inside to harass them, Flint auto workers seethed with discontent.

once in control of the plants, workers issued a list of grievances that included demands for reinstatement of men fired for union activities, company agree- ment to recognize the UAW as the sole bargaining agent for the workers, mini- mum wages and maximum hours, and an ending of “speedup” production. Corporation officials, however, refused to negotiate until the workers vacated the plants, and they called upon Governor Murphy to dispatch troops immedi- ately to evict the strikers. on January 5, 1937, Murphy announced that his policy was to remain “absolutely neutral” in the dispute. the company then organized a letter-writing campaign to attack the governor for failing to protect the right of private ownership of property even if so doing meant the death of a few “labor dictators” and “Communists.” the Flint Alliance, made up of General Motors employees and local businessmen, was formed allegedly to speak for the majority of workers by denouncing the strike and expressing a desire to return to their jobs. A court injunction against the strike was sought, but it proved useless when it was discovered that the judge who had issued it owned 3,665 shares of General Motors stock. in desperation, on January 11, General Motors ordered the Flint police to storm Fisher Body Plant number 2. Before Murphy could send in the national Guard to restore order, the police had been driven back by a barrage of icy water and bolts. the “Battle of the Running Bulls,” as it became known, resulted in fourteen workers and twelve policemen suffering wounds. Flint was in a state of civil war.

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on January 13, Murphy met with General Motors officials and persuaded them to agree to negotiate once the workers left the plants, but the workers refused to leave and even ignored another court injunction. informal negotia- tions did occur, however, and by February 4, the only worker demand was that the UAW be recognized as sole bargaining agent. For the next week Flint was like an armed camp as 4,000 national Guardsmen, 1,000 deputized vigilantes, and the Flint police surrounded the 5,000 sit-downers, who had been without heat and lights for several weeks because General Motors shut off all power in the plants. despite pleas from the mayor that the police attack, on February 11, General Motors gave in and the strike was over.

to avoid a similar occurrence, Chrysler accepted UAW representation of its workers, but henry Ford steadfastly refused to recognize the UAW or any other union, and he turned his Rouge plant into an armed fortress to repel the anticipated onslaught. Public opinion initially was with Ford because UAW militancy and willingness to work with Communists was viewed by many people as a threat to property rights. on the other hand, the UAW had to organize Ford workers or risk losing everything it had gained at General Motors and Chrysler.

on May 26, 1937, several UAW officers, including Walter Reuther, director of the union’s General Motors division, went to the Rouge plant to distribute leaflets. they were met at an overpass by members of Ford’s security police and were brutally beaten. Unfortunately for Ford, newspaper reporters and photog- raphers witnessed the entire bloody melee, and the following day, the whole country knew of the gory “Battle of the overpass.” From that day forward, public opinion steadily shifted toward the UAW.

Ford continued to resist and scored a temporary victory in February 1939 when the United States Supreme Court ruled sit-down strikes illegal. in 1940, however, the courts ordered Ford to stop interfering with union organizing efforts, and in February 1941, he was forced by the courts to pay thousands of dollars in back wages to workers he had fired for being union sympathizers. he continued to release employees favoring unionization and refused to permit a referendum on the issue. Finally, on April 4, 1941, the UAW struck and pick- eted the Rouge plant. Ford appealed to Governor Murray d. VanWagoner and President Roosevelt for troops to break the strike, but both refused. A week later Ford agreed to hold an election on May 21 to determine whether or not his workers favored union representation. When the results showed 70 percent in favor, Ford met with UAW officials and signed the most generous contract ever given the union to that time. he agreed to a closed (all union) shop, increased wages, seniority benefits, and replacement of his security force with uniformed guards. the UAW was now a permanent force in American labor.

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Sit-downs spread to nonautomotive businesses as well, and by March 3, 1937, detroit was experiencing over thirty work stoppages. Laundries, cigar factories, warehouses, department stores, meatpacking houses, and even Woolworth’s dime stores were affected. Amid these strikes the Labor News joy- fully printed the banner headline, “We’ve got ‘em on the run, Brothers, we’ve got ‘em on the run.”

Much to the chagrin of management, Murphy refused to summon troops to end the sit-ins, choosing instead to urge the opposing sides to bargain collectively. he told Michigan citizens that he would never use bullets to end a strike. Workers appreciated this attitude, but the general public grew to resent the governor’s “softness toward labor” when the strikes began to affect their normal activities. While nearly all the strikes were settled to labor’s advantage, Governor Murphy paid the price for his enlightened stance as he was defeated for reelection in 1938 by Frank Fitzgerald, who pledged that “there would be no mob rule.”

Figure 15.4 President Franklin d. Roosevelt and democratic gubernatorial candidate Frank Murphy, 1936. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #03723.

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Growth from Troubled Times

Even though the depression years were dominated by countless tales of personal tragedy, racism, and brutality, these years also brought tremendous advances in the physical development of the state. new deal relief and recovery measures poured federal money into Michigan and gave jobs to thousands. Civilian Conservation Corps camps recruited unemployed youths to work at reforestation projects, cleaning rivers and streams, building parks and recreational areas, and constructing roads in rural areas. Many of the spots that are today enjoyed by campers, vacationers, and tourists are a result of work done during the depression. the Works Progress Administration hired men to do civic improvement labor in urban areas. WPA jobs included leaf raking, sewer cleaning, tree trimming, and

Figure 15.5 this picture, taken by a Detroit News photographer, shows (l-r) Robert Kanter, a UAW organizer, Walter Reuther, the president of West Side Local, UAW, Richard Frankensteen, the organization director of the UAW, and J. J. Kennedy, an assistant to Frankensteen, being approached by three of henry Ford’s security police at River Rouge. Minutes later violence erupted and the bloody “Battle of the overpass” took place. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #05070.

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road repair. it also funded creation of playgrounds and hiring of recreational directors. in Flint in 1935, for example, sixteen new playgrounds were built and an estimated 54,000 children used them each week; in addition, lifeguards were hired to watch every local “swimming hole.” As a result of these programs, both juvenile delinquency and child traffic fatalities drastically declined, and not a single drowning occurred while a lifeguard was on duty. Cultural life was uplifted as well by the WPA because it hired unemployed actors, actresses, entertainers, and artists to perform at government expense. the Public Works Administration pro- vided funds for heavy construction, and many schools, auditoriums, theaters, libraries, campus buildings, and airports, were either erected or improved with federal money. on a more personal level, the federal government built several housing projects and instituted medical programs that enabled hundreds of Michigan residents to visit a doctor for the first time. in terms of physical and human development, it is estimated that it would have taken twenty years for private funding to accomplish what the federal government did in three.

By 1936 times were improving, the federal government was turning over relief programs to local and state agencies, and the automobile industry

Figure 15.6 during the Great depression, many unemployed persons were hired by the federal Works Progress Administration to do jobs in light industry. these WPA workers are shoveling snow along Gratiot Avenue in detroit. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #05311.

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produced nearly 5 million cars and trucks. Even a recession the following year could not dim state pride in having detroit being known as sport’s “City of Champions,” with the tigers winning the pennant in 1934 and 1935, the Lions capturing the national Football League crown in 1935, the Red Wings taking the Stanley Cup the same year, and the “Brown Bomber” Joe Louis pounding his way to the World heavyweight Boxing championship in 1937.

As Michiganians’ self-respect and pride increased, so did the threat of war in Europe. ironically, the economic effects of the depression lingered on until American entry into World War ii brought massive government contracts to industry, put men into the armed forces, and introduced large numbers of women to factory labor. the “City of Champions” was, by 1939, without knowing it, on the road to becoming the “Arsenal of democracy.”

For Further Reading

two excellent volumes deal with general events in detroit during the depression. Malcolm W. Bingay, Detroit Is My Own Home Town (new York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1946) offers personal insights from a leading newspaper columnist, while Frank B. and Arthur W. Woodford, All Our Yesterdays (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1969) is a lively account of the history of the Motor City.

Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy: The Detroit Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1976) is a scholarly recital of Murphy’s rise to power. the Murphy-Brucker strug- gle is recounted very well in Richard t. ortquist, “Unemployment and Relief: Michigan’s Response to the depression during the hoover Years,” Michigan History, LVii (1973). the banking crisis is detailed in Gordon thomas and Max Morgan-Witts, The Day the Bubble Burst (new York: doubleday, 1979).

henry Ford has always fascinated biographers, and among the best works on his life and personal beliefs are Anne Jardim, The First Henry Ford (Cambridge: Mit Press, 1970); Keith Sward, The Legend of Henry Ford (new York: Russell and Russell, 1948); and Alex Baskin, “the Ford hunger March,” Labor History, Xiii (1972).

the Flint sit-down strike and its effects are portrayed vividly in Sidney Fine, Sit Down (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1970); Walter Linder, How Industrial Unionism Was Won: The Great Flint Sit Down Against General Motors (Bromley: Solidarity, 1969); and thomas A. Karman, “Flint Sit down Strike,” Michigan History, XLVi (1962). the company position was put forth by General Motors’ President Alfred M. Sloan in Story of the General Motors Strike (detroit: General Motors Corporation, 1967). the rise of the UAW is told in James R. Prickett, “Communists and the Automobile industry in detroit Before 1935,” Michigan History, LVii (1973); irving howe and B. J. Widick, The U.A.W. and Walter Reuther (new York: Random house, 1949); and William h. Chafe, “Flint and the Great depression, Michigan History, Liii (1969).

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Father Coughlin has been the subject of three biographies, Charles J. tull, Father Coughlin and the New Deal (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1965); Sheldon Marcus, Father Coughlin: The Tumultuous Life of the Priest of the Little Flower (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973); and donald Warren, Radio Priest Charles Coughlin: The Father of Hate Radio (new York: the Free Press, 1995). Coughlin also was examined in Mary A. dempsey, “the Many Faces of Father Coughlin,” Michigan History (July–August 1999).

other worthwhile readings include Susan Stein-Roggenbuck, “A Contest for Local Control: Emergency Relief in depression Era Michigan,” The Michigan Historical Review (Fall 2000), Philip A. Grant, Jr., “the Presidential Election of 1932 in Michigan,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 1986), and Kenneth B. West, “on the Line: Rank and File Reminiscences of Working Conditions and the General Motors Sit down Strike of 1936–1937,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 1986).

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Michigan residents, like those throughout the entire nation, were shocked and angered by the Japanese attack on the United States naval base at Pearl harbor on december 7, 1941. Because of its seemingly limitless industrial capacity, Michigan immediately became a critical resource in the struggle to prevent the Axis powers—Germany, italy, and Japan—from gaining world domination. Within hours after the news of Pearl harbor reached Washington, the Federal Bureau of investigation and United States Army were dispatched to detroit. Four truckloads of soldiers were assigned to guard the Ambassador Bridge and Windsor tunnel. Police patrolled every radio station and transmitter in the city. Plans were formulated to prevent sabotage and, if necessary, to seize all foreign-born Japanese in the state. With speed and efficiency, the automobile capital of the world was transformed into the “armorer for the Allies”—the “Arsenal of democracy.”

Michigan in the War

Michigan’s contributions to the war effort are legendary and began even before active American involvement in the conflict commenced. in 1940, the United States national defense Council, headed by General Motors President William S. Knudsen, was created to coordinate industrial preparedness. Knudsen toured industrial centers across the country and devised a blueprint to convert

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automobile plants and their suppliers, into producers of war materiel. in August 1941, the government decreed that domestic automobile production had to be curtailed, and the following February it ordered that all automobile manufac- turing was to cease until the conclusion of the war. General Motors symbolized the unity of the automobile industry in the war effort with its slogan “Victory is our Business.”

over $200 billion in federal war contracts were issued, of which Michigan received better than 10 percent, second only to those granted to new York. of the state’s total war contracts, over $13 billion in business was given to detroit- based firms. Among automobile companies, General Motors manufactured engines and munitions at several plants. the hudson Motor Company built naval artillery. Ford produced more than 8,500 B-24 Liberator bombers at its specially constructed Willow Run plant and joined with Willys-overland in assembling Jeeps and jet-propelled “buzz bombs.” Packard built Rolls-Royce air- plane engines. the Chrysler Corporation put 25,000 Grant, Sherman, and Patton tanks into combat areas from its Warren assembly operations, which, at one time, produced 1,000 units per month. Chrysler and Wolverine tube also manu- factured several components used in the first atomic bombs. in September 1942, President Roosevelt toured detroit, praised the city’s labor force, and urged even greater output. the president’s plea was heeded as in 1943 detroit’s industries delivered a record $12 billion in armaments. By war’s end, detroit, with 2 percent of the nation’s population, was producing 10 percent of its war materiel.

Areas outside detroit also contributed mightily to the war effort. Genesee and ingham counties each received more than $1 billion in war contracts, while nine other counties each received armament orders worth at least $100 million. the Buick plant in Grand Blanc constructed the famous “hellcat” tank. Gliders were made at iron Mountain and helicopter parts at Grand Rapids. Kalamazoo manufactured amphibious tanks, while Bay City produced submarine chasers, destroyer escorts, and landing craft. dow Chemical created synthetic-based war products at its plants in Ludington, Marysville, and Midland. the Kellogg Company of Battle Creek processed K Rations to feed combat soldiers. By war’s end, Michigan had sent more than 4 million engines and 200,000 mobile units, as well as 613,542 of its men and women, to the armed forces. of these, 10,263 lost their lives, and 29,321 suffered wounds. often overlooked in such compos- ite tabulations is the significant contribution made by the upper peninsula, which sent approximately 40,000 of its residents to the armed forces—⅛ of the region’s population. of this number 1,466 died in the service of their nation.

Michigan’s war production was all the more remarkable considering the number of work hours lost because of strikes. Labor unrest stemmed from fatigue, unsympathetic management, government restrictions on wage

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increases, union rivalries, and worker suspicion toward union leadership. in 1944, Michigan accounted for more than 10 percent of all the nation’s strikes, more than 25 percent of its idled workers, and more than 20 percent of the total production time lost because of work stoppages. during 1944, the year of the greatest labor unrest, as many as 65 percent of Michigan’s UAW members went on strike. other workers, who refused to strike, often participated in produc- tion slowdowns. nearly all the strikes were in detroit, where, as Alan Clive noted in his book State of War, “militants believed that they were fighting a war against management autocracy at home that was at least as important as the battle against fascism being waged abroad.” Even though strikes were short, usually lasting only three or four days, they undermined the government’s attempt to maintain unbroken production of war materiel.

Michigan’s agricultural communities also served the nation by increasing cultivated acreage. Crop yields reached a record level in 1942, but several

Figure 16.1 the first M-3 medium 28-ton tank rumbled out of the Chrysler tank Arsenal on April 12, 1941, and was presented by the Chrysler Corporation as a gift to the United States Army. the Army claimed that this tank was the most powerful weapon of its type in the world and was a rolling fortress. Library of Congress, Washington, d.C., LC-USE6-d-001274.

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factors prohibited production from going higher. First, the federal government rationed the amount of farm machinery that could be manufactured; consequently, farmers often had to use badly outmoded equipment. Second, weather conditions played havoc with crops. in 1942 and 1943, the state received too much precipitation, in 1944 not enough, and in 1945 there was a late-spring killing frost. third, rural electrification projects begun during the depression either were canceled or delayed. Finally, until Congress passed the Agricultural deferment Act (1942) for youths engaged in farming, there was an immense labor shortage.

Labor shortages, which initially plagued war production efforts, were alleviated somewhat by the use of women, dubbed “Rosie the Riveters,” in manufacturing plants. however, the addition of women to the work force occurred only after federal intervention. in the summer of 1942 the War Production Commission determined that because of shortages in both housing and medical facilities, detroit could no longer accept emigrants from southern states to work in its factories. the Commission warned the Michigan Manufacturers’ Association that it would cancel the state’s defense contracts unless it began “recruiting large numbers of women who do not consider themselves a part of the industrial labor supply.” Consequently, the Michigan director of the War Manpower Commission distributed 650,000 postcards requesting the state’s women “to take their places

Figure 16.2 German prisoners-of-war were detained at Camp Custer in Battle Creek. Many of these prisoners would be sent to work on farms and factories. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan.

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on the production lines.” Before the struggle concluded, women worked in hun- dreds of war-related occupations, and without their contribution the “Arsenal of democracy” would not have flourished as it did.

Labor shortages were eased further in 1943 with the arrival of the first of nearly 5,000 German and italian prisoners of war assigned to work in Michigan’s fields and food processing centers. Approximately twenty prisoner-of-war camps operated in Michigan during the years 1943–46. in the upper peninsula, five camps, Port, Sawyer, Autrain, Raco, and Evelyn, housed nearly 1,000 pris- oners. Camps in the lower peninsula were located at Fort Custer in Battle Creek, which served as the state’s central induction and prisoner-of-war base, hart, Fremont, Grant, Allegan, odessa, Coloma, Waterloo, Blissfield, dundee, Grosse ile, owosso, Freeland, and Romulus. Prisoner-of-war camps were minimum-security facilities, usually consisting of tents surrounded by wooden fences. Additional security was unnecessary because, as one prisoner said: “it’s not the guards or snow fence that keeps us in—it’s the Atlantic ocean.”

Federal guidelines were published and distributed encouraging farmers to contact county agricultural agents to receive details on how to avail themselves of the services of the prisoners. Prisoners, usually in groups of ten and guarded by a single soldier, were engaged to labor for six-day, forty-eight-hour work weeks. Farmers paid the government the prevailing wage for local farm labor and, in turn, the government gave each prisoner 80¢ per day in the form of coupons redeemable in the camp commissary.

Prisoners proved to be excellent laborers. the manager of an owosso canning plant recalled:

At first we experienced a little difficulty with them because we didn’t know how to handle them, and because we spoke different languages. But after we got things straightened out, everything worked out fine. We couldn’t have operated this season if it had not been for the services of these prisoners. At the peak of our operations, 95% of our male help were prisoners. We were very well satisfied.

this source of reliable, efficient workers ended in late 1946 when all the prisoners of war in Michigan were repatriated.

The War Within Michigan

not all of Michigan’s contributions to the war effort were positive, however, as the detroit race riot of 1943 provided grist for the Axis propaganda mills. Racial unrest was not new to detroit. on March 6, 1863, a mob of whites

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opposed to President Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and conscription laws marched into the city’s black sector shouting that they refused to be sent to the front lines to die so that blacks could take their jobs. Violence erupted, and blacks were brutally beaten and kicked to death. houses were torched, and when the fire department arrived, howling rioters slashed the water hoses. Since detroit had not yet established a police force, fighting and arson contin- ued unabated throughout the day. troops from the local Fort Wayne arsenal finally restored order that evening, but by then hundreds of blacks had fled to find shelter in either neighboring communities or Canada.

detroit’s black population continued to increase, and by 1920, the pace of new arrivals was so rapid that the number of black residents was doubling every five years. during this period white resentment festered, and the Ku Klux Klan found fertile recruiting ground in automobile plants filled with workers who had recently relocated from the South.

in 1925, racial hatreds broke into violence and once again the nation’s eyes turned upon detroit. dr. ossian Sweet, a black physician, purchased a house in a predominantly white neighborhood. Residents warned him not to enter their community, and when he ignored their threats, an angry throng congregated outside his new home. Police arrived to protect Sweet and his family, but a fight broke out in the street when relatives of the doctor arrived. Suddenly a shot was fired from within the house, killing a white bystander sitting on his porch across the street. Sweet and all nine people in his house were arrested and charged with murder. Clarence darrow, retained as Sweet’s defense attorney by the national Association for the Advancement of Colored People, argued that the fatal shot had been fired by an excited policeman, not his client. After deliberating several days, the jury declared itself hopelessly deadlocked and Presiding Recorder’s Court Judge Frank Murphy decreed that a new trial would be held. At the second hearing darrow based his defense on civil liberties and cited legal abuses suffered by blacks throughout American history. Moved by darrow’s eloquence, and an admission by Sweet’s brother that he, not the doc- tor, fired the shot to protect the property, the all-white jury acquitted Sweet.

during the 1930s blacks made painfully slow advances in civil rights, and many black leaders expressed hope that the pace of the gains would be quick- ened by the outbreak of World War ii. Because government officials claimed that the war was a crusade to preserve democracy and assure personal freedoms, blacks joined the armed forces in an effort to end fascism and racism not only in Europe, but also at home. Quickly they realized that their goal for America was a dream, and black servicemen bitterly complained that they fought and died in a segregated military merely to preserve their right to remain second-class citizens.

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national nAACP leaders warned of unrest among their people and urged President Roosevelt to speak out against discrimination. The New Republic magazine editorialized that Roosevelt confronted “a race problem as grave as the one Lincoln faced,” but refused to admit it. in fairness to Roosevelt, he deliberately chose to ignore the potentially explosive race issue for two reasons: (1) he believed that the domestic war effort would be irreparably damaged by a federal initiative for black rights; and (2) he could not afford to lose the political support of Southern senators and congressmen that would result from his pro- motion of civil-rights legislation. Consequently, racial strife in urban centers became common. in June 1943, a series of nationwide race riots erupted in Western and northern cities, the worst of which was in detroit.

Violence had been expected in detroit for years. Between the years 1940 and 1943, more than 500,000 Southern whites and 50,000 blacks poured into the city seeking jobs. As the war progressed, tempers of the overcrowded residents grew short. Rationing, rising prices, shortages of vital commodities, fatigue from working overtime, the limited availability of recreation facilities, worry over loved ones in the military, and a desire among noncombatants to prove

Figure 16.3 Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #03808.

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their masculinity combined to make detroit an explosive city. Life magazine called detroit “dynamite” that was capable of either destroying hitler or the United States. to make matters worse, as more white workers arrived, trailer camps sprang up housing large numbers of illiterate, shiftless men who were described by city officials as “cruel, pitiable, negative young savages.”

detroit was a model of racial segregation. Blacks were herded into a thirty- block ghetto called Paradise Valley, and the detroit housing Commission and fifty “neighborhood improvement associations,” aided by the Ku Klux Klan, kept them there. outside observers commented that detroit was not only racially divided, but also infested with fascism. the Ku Klux Klan and similar organiza- tions claimed over 20,000 members, while racist ministers such as Father Charles Coughlin and Gerald L. K. Smith made detroit their spiritual home. The New Republic, commenting on the influence of these churchmen, said,

the Sunday broadcasts over detroit’s radio stations were a babble of racism, fundamentalism, ignorance, and guile. they stank of an undemocratic ferment going on below the city’s surface. no city, north or South, could match this hellish symphony of the detroit radio stations.

this sentiment was echoed by the acting British consul general at detroit who wrote to his superiors in London that “lunatic organizations have their largest

Figure 16.4 the pride and jubilation over the end of World War ii is evident in the faces of detroit’s Cadillac Square and the headlines of the Detroit Times. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan.

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audiences here” and that the majority of the city’s populace were apathetic toward the outcome of the war.

hostility began in early 1942 when 200 black families tried to enter a new low-cost housing project named after Sojourner truth, a black woman who had been a leader in the Underground Railroad. the development foolishly had been placed in a white neighborhood, and when the blacks arrived, over 1,000 whites, coming from as far as twenty-five miles away, armed with clubs, rifles, and knives, forced them to leave. one thousand state troopers then escorted the blacks into the project, but white hatred soon drove them out again. throughout the remainder of 1942, blacks and whites clashed in high schools, factories, and on streetcars. Conditions deteriorated to such an extent that the federal office of Facts and Figures predicted that unless the President acted quickly “hell would be let loose” in detroit, but no action was taken.

in April 1943, over 100 teenagers brawled in a local playground, and in early June nearly 25,000 Packard Motor Company workers went on strike to protest the promotion of three black employees. Leaders of this walkout, which was the most serious of a dozen similar “hate strikes” that occurred during the first half of the year, told reporters that it might be better to allow hitler and hirohito to win the war than to have to continue working next to negroes. the walkout ended peacefully, but by then many detroiters expected a riot to begin at any time.

on June 20 the city exploded. over 100,000 detroiters, black and white, thronged to Belle isle seeking relief from a prolonged heat wave. A black youth organized a gang of teenagers to harass white picnickers and provoke violence. Fighting spread to the bridge linking Belle isle to the city. Sailors from the nearby Broadhead naval Arsenal entered the fray to avenge a beating given two white sailors by blacks the previous day. By eleven o’clock that night over 5,000 people were fighting on the bridge, but within three hours police had restored order without firing a shot.

Early on the morning of June 21, a hysterical black man rushed into a Paradise Valley nightclub and told the patrons that whites had killed a black woman and her baby by throwing them over the Belle isle bridge. Enraged by this entirely false story, blacks marched to the bridge. Finding it blocked by police, the mob turned their fury on the white-owned stores and houses in Paradise Valley. Burning and looting began, with liquor and guns being distributed freely, and police were summoned to restore order.

While this was occurring, white gangs were formed in response to a false rumor that blacks were attacking white women on Belle isle. Burning, looting, and distribution of guns and liquor began, and for several hours all along Woodward Avenue blacks were indiscriminately seized and beaten.

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At nine o’clock in the morning, nAACP leaders met with Mayor Edward Jeffries and requested that federal troops enter the city to quell the insanity in the streets. the mayor ignored their plea and had them removed from his office. Within the hour, however, he changed his mind and made the request to Governor harry Kelly, but no soldiers arrived for nearly twelve hours.

After twenty hours of fighting, a state of emergency was declared. By eight o’clock on the evening of June 21, over 75 percent of detroit had been affected by the rioting; over 100 fires raged throughout the city; and detroit Receiving hospital recorded wounded residents entering at the rate of one every two minutes. Finally, troops using rifle butts and tear gas cleared the streets, and by midnight the riot was over.

the fighting resulted in thirty-four deaths, over 700 reported injuries, more than $2 million in property damage, and at least 1 million man-hours lost in war production. Axis propagandists used the riot as an example of American democracy; the Ethiopian Pacific League urged blacks to support the Japanese as the only true champion of nonwhite races; and American journalists wrote that a succession of detroit could mean the loss of the war and would certainly mean the loss of the peace. Analysis of the riot participants revealed shocking facts: nearly 70 percent were under twenty-one years of age, 25 percent were female, and 25 percent were illiterate. one study concluded that part of detroit’s problem was simply that, with men in the military and women in the factories, no parental influence over youngsters existed.

Unbelievably, city officials seemed oblivious to their problems. All blame for the riot was placed unjustly upon blacks and no attempt was made to alleviate even part of the difficulties by attempting to acquire more federal housing pro- jects for blacks. Factory workers armed themselves and awaited the next riot. Mayor Jeffries expressed the only lesson he learned by saying “We’ll know what to do next time.” Unfortunately, there was a “next time,” but in 1967 the city still did not “know what to do.” While Michigan has much of which to be proud concerning its role in crushing tyranny in Europe and Asia, the “Arsenal of democracy” also has much of which to be ashamed by its failure to work equally hard to crush oppression at home.

Corruption and Murder

Another blemish on the state during the war years was that while American troops were dying for the cause of freedom many of Michigan’s lawmakers were safe at home in the “Arsenal of democracy” lining their pockets with graft. during the 1920s and 1930s Michigan had earned national recognition as

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being second only to Louisiana in legislative corruption. this scandalous behavior peaked in 1943 and resulted in a long-overdue grand jury investiga- tion into charges of corruption in state government. this probe, headed by ingham County Circuit Judge Leland W. Carr, culminated with nearly fifty sit- ting or former legislators, a former lieutenant governor, police officials, bank- ers, businessmen, and attorneys either being sentenced to, or actually serving, prison terms, while scores of others had their reputations so sullied during the trials that even if acquitted their political careers had ended.

the grand jury probe indirectly brought about a murder. on January 11, 1945, State Senator Warren G. hooper of Albion was brutally slain, gangland fashion, as he drove home from the State Capitol. three days before he was to testify before Judge Carr regarding bribery involving banking legislation, the senator was found in his smoldering automobile with three bullet wounds in his head. ironically, the sensational coverage of hooper’s death diminished public interest in the story of the corruption that had brought about his assas- sination, as Michigan residents became more concerned with discovering the perpetrators of the crime than examining the specific motivation behind it. For more than forty years the answer to the question of who slayed Senator hooper remained a mystery, but in 1987 the identities of the assassins and their abettors were revealed in Three Bullets Sealed His Lips.

Utilizing files of the Michigan State Police and detroit Police department, as well as long-thought-to-have-been-destroyed records of the ingham County Grand Jury, evidence indicated to the authors that a conspiracy to murder Senator hooper was financed by Grand Rapids businessman and Republican Party kingpin Frank d. McKay, who was also a vice-president of Michigan national Bank, the primary target of the proposed banking legislation. imprisoned Purple Gang leaders Ray Bernstein and harry Keywell were paid to have Purple Gang members in detroit kill hooper before he could testify on the banking bill. After two abortive attempts to murder the senator, Bernstein and Keywell decided to do the job themselves. they bribed the deputy warden of Jackson State Prison to lend them his car and two pistols and keep them officially “on count” as in their cells, while they drove to M99, not far from the prison, waylaid the senator, forced his car onto the shoulder of the highway, killed their victim, and then drove back to prison, returned the car, destroyed the murder weapon, and returned to their cells.

State Police detectives believed they had identified the assassins within days of the crime, but no arrests were made because of jurisdictional disputes. to further their political ambitions, Michigan’s Attorney General John dethmers, detroit Police Commissioner harry S. toy, and ingham County Grand Jury Special Prosecutor Kim Sigler each wanted complete credit for solving the

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crime, and therefore each refused to share their investigative evidence with the others. thus, no one was ever accused of the murder, although there was a conspiracy to murder trial involving the detroit Purple Gangsters who had failed to carry out the slaying. therefore, the hooper murder remained Michigan’s most famous officially unsolved crime until the disappearance of James R. hoffa.

For Further Reading

Michigan’s role as the “Arsenal of democracy” is well recounted in Carl Crow, The City of Flint Grows Up (new York: harper & Brothers, 1945); Frank and Arthur Woodford, All Our Yesterdays (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1969); and Marion Wilson, The Story of Willow Run (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1956). Alan Clive, State of War: Michigan in WW II (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1979) is the most recent, and complete, analysis of Michigan’s contributions to the war effort. the contributions of the upper peninsula are recounted in Larry Chabot, The U.P. Goes to War (Marquette: north harbor Publishing, 2006). Agricultural contributions are detailed in Alan Clive, “the Michigan Farmer in World War ii,” Michigan History (Winter 1976). Racial unrest in detroit is brilliantly related in Robert Conot, American Odyssey (new York: Morrow, 1974) and August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, Black Detroit and the Rise of the U.A.W. (new York: oxford University Press, 1979). the riot of 1863 is explained, albeit inadequately, in John C. Schneider, “detroit and the Problem of disorder: the Riot of 1863,” Michigan History (Spring 1974). An insightful look into the Sweet case is offered in Sidney Fine, Frank Murphy: The Detroit Years (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1975). the race riot of 1943 is masterfully analyzed in harvard Sitkoff, “the detroit Race Riot of 1943,” Michigan History (Fall 1969). other accounts of the events that rocked detroit are Robert Shogan and thomas Craig, The Detroit Race Riot (Philadelphia: Chilton Books, 1964); dominic J. Capecci, Jr. and Martha Wilkerson, “the detroit Rioters, 1943: A Reinterpretation,” The Michigan Historical Review (Spring 1990). the ossian Sweet case is detailed in Phyllis Vine, One Man’s Castle: Clarence Darrow in Defense of the American Dream (new York: harperCollins, 2005). Corruption in the Michigan legislature and the political assassination of State Senator Warren G. hooper are examined in two books by Bruce A. Rubenstein and Lawrence E. Ziewacz, Three Bullets Sealed His Lips (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1987) and Payoffs in the Cloakroom: The Greening of the Michigan Legislature (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1995). An excellent work on blacks in detroit in the nineteenth century is david M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto (Urbana: University of illinois Press, 1973).

Fears and Frustration in the Cold War Era

Following World War ii, the nation underwent its usual period of unstable postwar economic conditions. Businessmen clamored for higher prices, labor demanded increased wages, and consumers, whose bank accounts had swollen through wartime savings, eagerly awaited an opportunity to purchase durable goods such as automobiles which had been unavailable during the war. Since money was plentiful and merchandise scarce, inflation threatened to ravage the country unless the federal government effectively controlled the economy. the office of Price Administration was charged with stabilizing the marketplace. despite strikes for higher pay by workers in the automobile, meatpacking, coal, steel, railroad, and electrical industries, and consumer indifference over infla- tion, the agency did a remarkable job. during the ten months following the conclusion of hostilities, prices rose only 7 percent, although this still left them 33 percent higher than in January 1942. After the original Price Administration charter expired on June 30, 1946, and a new, weaker version was instituted, prices soared 25 percent within a month.

Shortages continued and blackmarket sales were common. demand was especially high for automobiles since, according to Fortune magazine, there were at least 9 million units ready to be traded for new models. Because demand greatly outstripped production, it was estimated in 1946 that 75 percent of all new car deliveries were to customers who had bribed salesmen to place their orders. Meat was also in short supply and distributors sold only to their regular patrons. in detroit, a neighborhood butcher refused to sell to a stranger who

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entered his shop, saying only, “Let her starve!” Using shortages and rising prices as campaign issues, Republicans swept to a nationwide victory in 1946 and gained control of both houses of Congress for the first time since 1930.

The Father of Bipartisan Foreign Policy

the return of Republicanism occurred much earlier in Michigan, as the GoP had regained control of the legislature in 1934 and had held the governorship since 1942 when harry F. Kelly defeated incumbent democrat Murray d. VanWagoner. the most influential Republican officeholder was United States Senator Arthur h. Vandenberg, a former Grand Rapids newspaper editor, who had been appointed to the Senate in 1928 to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Woodbridge n. Ferris. his initial years in Washington saw Vandenberg become known for his backing of President hoover’s “rugged individualism” and then for his grudging support of several new deal recovery measures, most notably the Federal deposit insurance Corporation. his foremost domes- tic achievement was sponsoring a bill that called for automatic reapportion- ment of the house of Representatives after each ten-year census. in 1936 he was offered, but refused, his party’s vice-presidential nomination.

Vandenberg’s fame, however, rested with his role in shaping American for- eign policy. Like so many other Americans, following the First World War Vandenberg became disillusioned with Europe and turned toward isolation- ism as a means of preventing the United States from being drawn into another foreign misadventure. throughout the 1930s he reigned as a leading Senate spokesman for nonintervention and urged complete American neutrality in all European and Asian conflicts. in 1940, he suggested that the United States abandon the Philippines if their retention might lead to a war with Japan. that same year Vandenberg led the opposition to a Conscription Act, saying that a peacetime draft would foster war hysteria. the following year, he vigorously argued against passage of a lend-lease act on the grounds that it would give Roosevelt a “blank check” to involve the United States in World War ii. Even after the Japanese attack on Pearl harbor made isolation impossible, Vandenberg lamented that the United States “might have driven her [Japan] needlessly into hostility through its dogmatic diplomatic attitudes.”

As the struggle progressed, Vandenberg complained that Roosevelt was con- ducting a “private war” by keeping decisions made at wartime conferences secret from both Congress and the State department. he did reluctantly move toward internationalism because he believed that “enlightened selfishness” would require the United States “to accept international responsibilities in the

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postwar world far beyond anything heretofore done in peacetime.” in 1943 he joined with democratic leaders to urge Senate passage of a resolution calling for American adherence to an international peace organization after the war. he insisted, however, that no action be taken on implementing the resolution until the actual fighting had ceased.

on January 19, 1945, Vandenberg made one of the most important speeches in the history of the United States Senate. he emphasized that the nation had to remain self-reliant, but that modern aircraft and missiles had made an isolated “Fortress America,” protected by the vastness of the oceans, both impractical and impossible. in an impassioned plea for sanity in the postwar world he told his colleagues:

Flesh and blood now compete unequally with winged steel. . . . if World War iii ever unhappily arrives, it will open new laboratories of death too horrible to con- template. i propose to do everything within my power to keep those laboratories closed for keeps. i want maximum American cooperation consistent with legiti- mate American self interest . . . to make the basic idea of dumbarton oaks [the conference held to create the United nations] succeed.

three weeks later, Roosevelt requested that Vandenberg serve as a delegate to the conference drafting the United nations Charter. he agreed and thereby became the most important Republican advocate of the new world peace organization.

From 1945 until his death in 1951, Vandenberg used his influence to win Republican support for the truman doctrine, Marshall Plan, north Atlantic treaty organization, and United States participation in the organization of American States. despite failing to win his party’s presidential nomination in 1940, 1944, and 1948, the Michigan statesman emerged as one of the most pow- erful and influential spokesmen in the nation for creating mechanisms that would allow antagonists to settle disputes through negotiation rather than war. When he entered the Senate, he said that he was idealistic enough to believe that reasonable men, even with marked philosophical and political differences, could work together for the common good. Constant application of that tenet made Vandenberg one of the great Americans of the twentieth century.

The Green and White Polka Dot Bow Tie

in 1946 “Cowboy Kim” Sigler, a former democrat who had gained statewide fame as a crime fighter while serving as special prosecutor for a one-man grand jury investigating large-scale bribery of state legislators, was elected governor.

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during his administration, Sigler angered conservative Republicans with his personal flamboyance and political liberalism. nevertheless, democratic weak- ness made him seem unbeatable for reelection in 1948. Sigler’s democratic challenger was G. Mennen Williams, a thirty-seven-year-old Grosse Pointe socialite and heir to the Mennen toiletries fortune. Williams toured the state promising voters that he would work for better schools, improved unemploy- ment and workmen’s compensation benefits, civil liberties laws, higher pay for teachers, low-income housing projects, aid to the elderly, modernization of prisons, and construction of a bridge across the Straits of Mackinac.

Leaders of the anti-Sigler forces within the Republican Party contrived a scheme that ultimately affected their party and the state beyond all expectations. they urged their followers not to vote for Sigler and permit Williams to win. then, they planned to reorganize the party around a conservative candidate who would recapture the governorship for the Republicans in 1950. the sacrifice of Sigler was made, but the cost of removing the governor proved to be excessive, as no one was able to topple the new democratic governor. in five successive elections, “Soapy,” always cheerful, vigorous, and sporting his famous trademark—a green and white polka dot bow tie—won reelection over popular Republicans harry Kelly, Secretary of State Fred Alger, Jr., State Police Commissioner donald S. Leonard, detroit Mayor Albert E. Cobo, and Michigan State University Professor Paul d. Bagwell. When Williams stepped aside in 1961 to become President John F. Kennedy’s Undersecretary of State for African Affairs, he had governed Michigan longer than anyone else in the state’s history.

Aided by his law partner hicks Griffiths, Ann Arbor businessman neil Staebler, United Automobile Workers President Walter Reuther, and Congress of industrial organizations President August Scholle, Williams assembled a liberal‒labor coalition to advise him on political issues. their chief concern was Michigan’s overreliance on the automobile industry to provide revenue and employment. Consequently, the new governor pledged to promote economic diversification through tourism, agriculture, and light industry. his motto became: “We must make Michigan a more pleasant place in which to live and we must make it a more profitable place.” to help fund his new proposals in 1949, Williams requested a 4 percent corporate income tax. the conservative, pro-business Republican majority, which controlled both houses of the legisla- ture throughout Williams’ twelve years in office, refused to implement the levy not only in 1949, but also in every subsequent year when the governor reintro- duced it. despite monetary difficulties, before he left office Williams had ful- filled every promise made during his 1948 campaign.

one of the governor’s primary concerns was quality education. When he assumed office, 40 percent of the state’s school buildings had been constructed

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before 1900 and 65 percent before 1920. not only were most schools outmoded and in need of modernization, but also they were overcrowded and under- staffed. the postwar “baby boom” increased the state’s school-age population 54 percent during the years 1950–58. to cope with this crisis, Williams urged a state-supported consolidation program which resulted in the reduction of the number of school districts from 5,200 to 2,100, construction of more than 30,000 new classrooms, and the hiring of an additional 20,000 teachers.

Colleges, universities, and community colleges also benefited from the gov- ernor’s programs. during his administration, enrollment in four-year colleges and universities increased from 90,000 to 165,000 and the number of students attending community colleges rose an astounding 227 percent. in response to public demands for expanded higher education facilities, the state authorized the creation of seven new community colleges to serve regional needs. in addi- tion, in 1956 the University of Michigan opened a branch campus at Flint in a building furnished by philanthropist Charles Stewart Mott, and three years

Figure 17.1 Senator Patrick Mcnamara, Governor G. Mennen Williams, and demo- cratic Presidential candidate John F. Kennedy on Mackinac Bridge, 1960. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #11612.

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later established another branch at dearborn on land donated by the Ford Motor Company. in 1956, Michigan State, which had been granted university status the previous year by the legislature, established a campus at oakland, near Rochester, on 2,100 acres given by Mr. and Mrs. Alfred G. Wilson. during the 1950s the legislature also designated Wayne College as a state-supported university and upgraded to university level Western Michigan, Eastern Michigan, and Central Michigan colleges. two new colleges were proposed to meet anticipated regional growth. Grand Valley State College near Grand Rapids was to ease enrollment pressures at Western Michigan University and delta College in Bay County was to serve Saginaw Valley students. By 1960, Michigan boasted of having thirty-one four-year colleges. Unquestionably, the educational goals of John d. Pierce and isaac Crary were carried forward dra- matically by Governor Williams.

the governor was also interested in prison reforms. during a 1950 visit to the correctional institution at Marquette, he was held hostage briefly by inmates attempting an escape. After his release and the recapture of his abductors, Williams asked for a list of inmate grievances. Based upon this information, and documents furnished by prison officials, the governor established several committees to investigate the operation of the state’s penal institutions. Acting upon committee recommendations, the legislature passed the Model Correc- tions Act, which placed all prison administration under a state director and five-member commission. At the governor’s insistence, the legislature also provided funds to construct ten outdoor work camps and vocational training centers for young offenders; create a medium-security youth reformatory at ionia; build Camp Pugsley, the nation’s first state-operated youth probation facility near traverse City; establish a youth division in the State Corrections department; and institute a reception-diagnostic center at the world’s largest walled prison at Jackson to segregate mentally unstable inmates from other prisoners. during the 1950s, Michigan’s incarceration centers became models of economy, efficiency, and progressive penal rehabilitation techniques.

Another of Williams’ concerns was civil rights. his stated goal was the elimi- nation of inequality in voting, housing, employment, and schools. in 1949 he appointed an advisory committee on civil rights and urged favorable action on his proposed Fair Employment Act. Finally, in 1955, the legislature passed the bill, which included a provision for establishing a commission to hear com- plaints of alleged job discrimination. the governor also appointed several members of racial minorities to fill state offices and judicial vacancies. Because of his constant pleas for the national democratic Party to take a strong stand on civil liberties, Williams earned the enmity of every Southern governor, senator, and congressman, which, in turn, ultimately cost him his party’s vice- presidential nomination in 1960.

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Williams’ effort to increase tourism was rewarded, and as early as 1951, more than 1 million fishing and 400,000 hunting licenses were issued. tourist-related businesses flourished and throughout the country Chamber of Commerce advertisements touted Michigan as the nation’s “water wonderland.” to foster state unity and boost tourism in the upper peninsula, which had become a $50 million annual bonanza for that area by 1950, Williams urged creation of a seven-member Mackinac Bridge Authority, headed by former United States Senator Prentiss M. Brown of St. ignace, to study the feasibility of building a span from Mackinaw City to St. ignace. After receiving a favorable report, in 1954 the legislature authorized construction of the $100 million project. in november 1957, the 26,444-foot, four-lane “miracle bridge,” the country’s long- est suspension span over open water, carried traffic for the first time.

Aiding in the expansion of tourism was a phenomenal growth in the state’s population. during the years 1950–60, Michigan’s population rose 22.8 per- cent, making it the seventh largest state. however, 90 percent of the growth occurred in the southern two-thirds of the state, and every upper peninsula county, as well as thirty-three in the northern lower peninsula, lost residents.

Figure 17.2 the John C. Lodge Expressway, also known as the M-10, where it inter- sects i-94 in detroit, is typical of the maze of interstate highways that ribbon Michigan. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #05226.

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Also evident was a trend of whites leaving the cities. Wayne County, for exam- ple, lost 220,000 residents, nearly all from detroit, while neighboring oakland, Macomb, and Washtenaw gained residents. Most of the state’s population remained clustered near urban, industrial centers. Another discernible trend was that nearly 95 percent of newly arriving nonwhites settled in urban centers, which made inner cities a haven for minorities.

As the middle classes moved to the suburbs, new economic and social demands arose. in response to complaints about lack of safety and parking problems in downtown detroit, in 1950 J. L. hudson pioneered the concept of large, regional shopping centers. “northland,” a $20 million shopping mall ten miles from the center of detroit, contained seventy stores, theaters, a baby- sitting service, and a parking lot so vast that shoppers were cautioned to remem- ber their posted lane number to avoid losing their automobiles. Angry employers in detroit complained that their workers who lived in suburbia arrived late for work because of traffic conditions. to prevent businessmen from moving their companies from the city, the detroit Common Council authorized construction of the nation’s first sunken expressway. the city’s direc- tor of Public Works predicted that the proposed 105-mile John C. Lodge–Edsel Ford expressway system would not only eliminate forever traffic congestion, but also would save gasoline by ending slow, stop-and-go driving situations. Upon completion of the expressways in 1954, Fortune magazine praised detroit for “meeting the critical problem created by its own prodigious output.” the cost of this concrete network was $840 million, which included the expense of removing 5,532 houses, 401 businesses, and thirty-nine apartment buildings. When the city began work on the Chrysler Expressway in the late 1950s, detroit trailed only Los Angeles in miles of freeway. tourist-related businesses clam- ored for better roads to facilitate travel and, as a result, Michigan became the nation’s leader in interstate highways, with work either being completed or in progress on i-94, i-96, and i-75. Finally, motorists demanded increased safety on the new roads, and in 1956 Michigan became the first state to require suc- cessful completion of a driver education class as a prerequisite for obtaining an operator’s license. not all social and economic demands were positive, as Michiganians were gripped by irrational fears during the postwar “Red Scare” and sought unnecessary protection through restrictions on civil liberties.

Red Baiting

Justice department officials had long considered Michigan a hotbed of Communist activity. during the “Red Scare” of 1919–20 detroit, because of its

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nearly 25 percent foreign-born population, was the target of a major anti- Communist raid. in August 1922, the American Communist Party held its first national convention on a farm near St. Joseph. Based on information provided by a federal agent who had infiltrated the gathering, the meeting was raided, seventeen arrests made, and party documents confiscated. Five years later a known Communist organizer was elected general secretary of the Auto Workers Union and soon afterward Communist newspapers were circulated regularly among workers. Strikes and protest marches at Flint’s Fisher Body plant in 1930, Ford’s dearborn Assembly plant in 1932, and detroit’s Briggs’ Manufacturing Company in 1933 all were either organized by or had the par- ticipation of Communists. the United Automobile Workers union was sus- pected of being pro-Communist because its leader, Walter Reuther, had visited Russia, and in 1937 General Motors executives charged that the Flint sit-down strike was Communist inspired. in 1940 the Federal Bureau of investigation made another anti-Communist raid in detroit, this time as a result of an unfounded rumor that a foreign army either was being, or had been, raised in the city. Because of events such as these, not only were federal intelligence agen- cies watching Michigan for subversive activities, but so too were concerned Michiganians.

in the years immediately following World War ii, the spread of communism abroad and at home worried many Americans. our wartime ally, Russia, was not only breaking its Yalta promise to allow free elections in its East European satellite nations, but also was encouraging, financing, and arming Communist rebels in an attempt to overthrow the governments of Greece and turkey. in Asia, Communist forces under Mao tse tung were on the verge of seizing power in China. to the north in Canada, a spy ring was uncovered that had passed secret military information to the Soviet Union throughout the war. in new York City the headquarters of a Communist magazine was raided and more than 2,000 stolen State department documents were found.

Fearing further domestic subversion, the house Un-American Activities Committee (hUAC) began a series of hearings that resulted in allegations that Communists were employed in the federal government, labor unions, the media, public schools, and universities. President harry S truman, in an effort to forestall another “Red Scare,” established a Loyalty Review Board to investi- gate the more than 3 million federal employees and recommend removal of all bad security risks. in 1948 the Justice department prosecuted eleven leaders of the American Communist Party. during the trial, government attorneys made it appear that the defendants headed a large, dangerous, well-financed, well- structured subversive organization, which was not true. that same year, Americans were stunned when Whittaker Chambers, a senior editor of Time

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magazine and self-proclaimed former Communist, accused Alger hiss, a respected former State department official under Franklin Roosevelt, of being a Soviet agent. during hiss’ trials, which culminated in 1951 with his convic- tion for perjury, an anti-Communist hysteria swept the nation. Another “Red Scare” had begun.

in 1950 Congress passed the McCarran Act, which required all Communists and their organizations to register with the attorney general and furnish names of their publications. this act made it a crime to participate in any activity that might aid in creating a dictatorship in America and banned Communists from working in defense-related industries. the Michigan legislature expanded upon the federal law and authorized life imprisonment for anyone who either wrote or spoke subversive sentiments.

detroit Mayor Eugene Van Antwerp and Police Commissioner harry S. toy urged voters in early 1950 to repeal the section of the city charter that forbade investigations into the private lives of city employees. Voters complied by a 4–1 margin and shortly thereafter full security checks into the background of every worker were begun by a newly created Loyalty Commission. Van Antwerp’s primary target was the United Public Workers, which he alleged had at least 150 Communist members. Even though fewer than twenty union mem- bers resigned to avoid scrutiny, it was enough to encourage hUAC to put all of detroit, and especially the automobile industry, under investigation.

hUAC reported in mid-1950 that Ford Local 600, with 55,000 United Automobile Workers members, was opposed to fighting communism. it also claimed that twenty-seven Communist automobile workers had been placed at Flint’s Buick plant to spread militancy among their colleagues. Using this unsubstantiated charge as fact, General Motors officials fired six of the reputed militants and began to purge the assembly lines of other suspected Communists—men who also happened to be the most active supporters of the unionization movement.

the question of communism even entered the 1950 gubernatorial race. harry Kelly, the Republican candidate, claimed that Governor Williams was dominated by labor bosses, especially “Red Walter” Reuther, and ultraliberal pressure groups such as the Americans for democratic Action. the former governor cryptically warned that it was “a short jump from the methods used by the Americans for democratic Action to capture control of the democratic Party to the teaching of un-American philosophies in our schools.” Williams, a founder of the organization in question, hinted that his opponent was a Communist dupe, saying that “everywhere when the chips are down Communists team up with the extreme right in an effort to defeat those who follow the middle course.” initial returns had Kelly the victor, but Williams

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sought a recount. Retabulation showed several errors, and after five weeks of tension and uncertainty Williams was certified as the winner by slightly more than 1,100 votes.

As McCarthyism covered the nation with its black cloud, the Michigan legis- lature struck blindly at the invisible Communist enemy. in 1952 it passed both a Communist Control Act and, despite protests from the governor, a bill giving the State Police Commissioner broad powers to create a secret, anti-subversive police squad. Commissioner toy not only supported the state “Red Squad,” but also established one of his own in detroit, saying that “un-American citizens ought either to be shot, thrown out of the country, or put in jail.” toy added that vigilance was needed because Soviet agents were entering the country “dis- guised as Jewish rabbis,” and were infiltrating the state’s automobile plants. during its twenty-five-year existence the state “Red Squad,” whose primary duty was to spy on members of the Socialist Workers Party, compiled a 5,000- page file on thousands of Michigan residents. over the years not only Socialists, but also civil-rights activists, liberal politicians, and antiwar demonstrators were investigated as possible subversives. in 1975, two lawsuits were filed charging that the squad suppressed dissent and violated the civil rights of per- sons belonging to minority political parties. the courts agreed and ordered that the squad be disbanded. While it was in operation, however, it had the power to ruin the lives of those in its files by citing lies, rumors, and innuendo as fact.

in 1952, Charles E. Potter, a member of hUAC, ran for the United States Senate against incumbent democrat Blair Moody, Sr., who had been appointed by Williams to fill Vandenberg’s unexpired term. Potter, who had been instru- mental in the committee’s investigations into the automobile industry, claimed that Moody was a “tool of Moscow trained” Walter Reuther and told an audi- ence that they had to choose between “a man who believes in fighting Communism and destroying it, and a man who would destroy the committee [hUAC] which is fighting Communism.” despite extensive campaigning by Williams for Moody, Potter won. Williams also triumphed, but only after another recount, which led a disgruntled Republican to remark: “to beat Williams, you’ve got to beat him twice, once in the election and again at the recount.”

in october 1953, local anti-Communist fervor reached a new high when six Michigan Communist Party leaders went on trial in detroit. After four months of testimony, the jury found all six guilty. Presiding Judge Frank Pickard offered the defendants free transportation to Russia as an alternative to $10,000 fines and five years in prison, but all refused.

the following year hUAC visited Michigan in an effort to boost the reelec- tion hopes of one of its members, Kit Clardy of Lansing. hearings were held,

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and, as usual, men were accused on the basis of rumor and gossip of being Communist sympathizers. Clardy even made the constitutional right of protec- tion against self-incrimination seem un-American and an admission of guilt, saying that he “didn’t know of any innocent man that has ever appeared before this committee and invoked the Fifth Amendment.” By the conclusion of the state hearings, those accused had been threatened and beaten by coworkers, had their houses stoned or burned, and lost their jobs. A jubilant Clardy exclaimed that such events were “the best kind of reaction there could have been to our hearings.”

Fortunately, following the abortive Army-McCarthy hearings, the “Red Scare” waned by mid-1954, and in november fear-mongers such as Clardy were defeated in their bids for reelection. Great damage had been done, how- ever, as thousands of innocent Michiganians had suffered the effects of irre- sponsible emotionalism, hatred, and hysteria.

The End of an Era

in 1959 Michigan had recovered from a lingering economic recession, and businessmen were anticipating increased revenues accruing from the long- awaited opening of the St. Lawrence Seaway, which allowed direct water com- merce between Michigan and European markets. Governor Williams, with an eye on a presidential bid the following year, submitted a record budget to the legislature, and for the tenth consecutive year requested passage of a corporate income tax. Republicans responded by voting to increase the sales tax from 3¢ to 4¢ on a dollar. to dramatize that revenues from a sales tax increase would be insufficient to balance the state budget, Williams announced that state employ- ees would not be paid for several days’ labor. this ploy backfired, as Republicans blamed the governor for “payless paydays” and putting “Michigan on the rocks.” industries threatened to move to a better economic climate and the state’s bond rating fell to its lowest level in history. Williams’ career was ruined and, to avoid his first defeat, he announced that he would not seek a seventh term. An era in Michigan’s political history had ended.

For Further Reading

the career of Senator Vandenberg is partially recounted in several volumes dealing with American foreign policy, and C. david tompkins, Senator Arthur Vandenberg: The Evolution of a Modern Republican (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1970)

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discusses his political career. however, the only book mentioning his entire career is Arthur Vandenberg, Jr., The Private Papers of Senator Vandenberg (Boston: houghton Mifflin, 1951). the first biography on Governor Williams was Frank Mcnaughton, Mennen Williams of Michigan (new York: oceana Publications, 1960), but since it is a campaign biography it must be read with care. Williams gave insight into his views of how to run a state in A Governor’s Notes (Ann Arbor: institute of Public Administration, University of Michigan, 1961). the latest biographies on Williams are helen W. Berthelot, Win Some, Lose Some: G. Mennen Williams and the New Democrats (detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1995) and thomas J. noer, Soapy: A Biography of G. Mennen Williams (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2005). Creation of the Mackinac Bridge is extensively detailed by its chief engineer, david Steinman, in Miracle Bridge at Mackinac (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1957). An excellent overview of the bridge’s political history, construction, and impact on Michigan may be found in the fiftieth anniversary commemorative published by Michigan History, entitled, “the Mighty Mac at 50” (July, August 2007). Michigan’s role in the “Red Scare” is recounted in david Caute, The Great Fear (new York: Simon & Schuster, 1978); Richard M. Fried, Men Against McCarthy (new York: Columbia University Press, 1976); Charles E. Potter, Days of Shame (new York: Coward-McCann, 1965); James R. Prickett, “Communists and the Automobile industry in detroit Before 1935,” Michigan History (Fall 1973); and Edward C. Pintzuk, Reds, Racial Justice and Civil Liberties: Michigan Communists During the Cold War (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997).

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during the 1960s, Michigan’s population increased 13 percent, approximately the same as the national average for the decade. nearly all the state’s growth came from the suburbs, whose population swelled by 946,000, or 27 percent, to reach a total of 4,380,000. By 1970, 77 percent of Michigan’s populace resided in metropolitan areas compared to a national total of 69 percent. non- metropolitan population accounted for a mere 10 percent of state growth dur- ing the decade.

Several trends can be detected by comparing census figures from 1970 with those compiled ten years earlier. First, the population in central cities declined from 2,570,000 to 2,468,000. two major exceptions were Ann Arbor and the Lansing–East Lansing area which had growth rates well in excess of 40 percent, reflecting enrollment booms at the University of Michigan and Michigan State University. A more typical story was that of detroit which lost 159,000 resi- dents, or 10 percent of its population, while its neighboring suburbs grew by 596,000, or 28 percent. Second, rural counties such as Clare, Roscommon, and oscoda had growth patterns exceeding 30 percent, which led some analysts to conclude that many Michiganians were opting for a slower, less complicated style of life. if that were true, it must also be concluded that the new rural popu- lace sought solitude near urban centers, because iron and Gogebic counties, the most remote areas in the western upper peninsula, suffered population losses of 18 percent and 17 percent, respectively. third, white population in the state declined from 91 percent to 88 percent. in the central cities the number of

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whites decreased by 17 percent, while nonwhite residents increased by 41 per- cent. nonwhites comprised slightly less than 5 percent of suburban growth. White flight from the inner cities was a problem that would cause serious eco- nomic, political, and social unrest as the decade progressed.

Economic Growth and Stagnation

Michigan’s “boom or bust” economy is dependent upon the automobile indus- try, whose production output and financial well-being are dependent, in turn, upon the ever-changing whims of the buying public. the recession of 1958 had a tremendous impact upon the automobile industry, and by the end of the year more than 400,000 workers were unemployed. tragically, four years later industry analysts estimated that nearly 75 percent of those laid off in 1958 had not been recalled to their jobs. to further complicate this problem, during that four-year period over 100,000 jobs in the industry had been lost to automation.

in 1962, the state’s economy began to soar as new car purchases reached record levels and unemployment, which had neared 10 percent in 1960, had fallen to 4.7 percent in 1967. Michigan’s economic rebound was so great that by 1966 its Gross Product exceeded the Gross national Product of all but ten countries in the world. By the end of the decade, personal income for Michigan residents totaled $29.3 billion, which meant that an average household of four persons had an annual income of nearly $12,000.

Agriculture remained an important aspect of the state’s financial growth. in 1967, Michigan ranked nineteenth in the nation in value of farm products sold, with $2.5 billion of the state’s produce and dairy goods being marketed. As the 1970s drew near, Michigan ranked fifth or better in twenty farm-production categories, including first place in dry edible beans, red tart cherries, cucum- bers for pickles, and eastern winter wheat. Slightly over half of farm income was derived from livestock sales and nearly 30 percent came from sales of dairy products.

Educational Advances

Educational facilities in Michigan greatly expanded at all levels as a result of the postwar “baby boom.” By 1969 Michigan contained more than 4,500 public elementary and secondary schools and was expending an average of $800 per pupil in state aid. the number of community colleges had grown to twenty-eight,

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with an enrollment approaching 100,000 students, while fifty-four private col- leges and universities served another 53,000 people in higher education. Attendance at the state’s eleven public institutions of advanced learning neared 200,000, and, in 1967 alone, these colleges and universities granted 22,000 bachelor of arts and bachelor of science degrees, 11,000 master’s degrees, and 1,200 doctorates. By the end of the decade, Michigan ranked third in the output of master’s degrees and fifth in doctorates. in fact, Michigan, by 1969, could claim credit for putting forth 10 percent of the nation’s doctoral recipients in engineering and science.

More state assistance did not guarantee better educational opportunities, however, as local revenues were still the financial cornerstone of the schools. the problems of local financing were especially apparent in detroit. A massive white exodus from the city had left detroit with a nonwhite majority. As many as 20 percent were unemployed. Consequently, the ability to pay for needed additional millage for support of schools was rapidly dissolving. Vandalism, racial incidents, assaults, and poorly educated graduates combined to drive even more whites and affluent nonwhites from the inner city, which in turn diminished the tax base further. Education of high quality in detroit, and other large industrial cities such as Flint, Lansing, and Saginaw, was becoming almost an “impossible dream” as teachers also sought more favorable surroundings.

nor did bigger always assure a better learning environment for the thou- sands of students at the large state universities. in an attempt to bring professors closer to their students, Wayne State University instituted Monteith College, and Michigan State University created the residential colleges of Lyman Briggs, Justin Morrill, and James Madison. the purpose of these colleges was to offer highly specialized training to a limited and select group of students in a par- ticular field of study. to counter the student complaint that no one listened to them because they were “just a number,” in 1967 Michigan State University became the first school in the Big ten to hire an ombudsman to hear student views, assist in problem solving, and generally “cut the red tape” that con- founded many students. Education made great strides during the 1960s, but it had many new crises to face as the decade progressed.

the most perplexing question confronting university administrators during the mid-1960s was how to control student unrest without stifling academic freedom and free speech. Radical groups such as the Students for a democratic Society not only spoke against the Vietnam War, conscription, and Reserve officer training Corps programs on campus, but also began to recruit mem- bers still in high school in order to assure a continuation of radical activism in the future. Many angry young black students recklessly charged that the state’s universities practiced racial discrimination and sought to perpetuate

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segregationist policies. Calls arose for affirmative action programs to force uni- versities to recruit more minorities both as students and faculty. Women’s organizations echoed the cry for affirmative action and demanded the hiring of more female faculty. in 1969, amid rampant campus disorders, protest marches, student demands, and threats by radical groups to overthrow the “establish- ment” through violence, the Michigan legislature passed a law whereby any stu- dent convicted of violating city or university rules while participating in campus violence would be deemed ineligible for state scholarships and tuition grants.

Because the killing in Vietnam showed no signs of abating and overt racism was on the rise throughout the nation, “end the war” societies flourished and black power groups such as the Black Panthers and the Student nonviolent Coordinating Committee attracted hundreds of new members. Even though Michigan’s universities did not experience the student takeovers and destruc- tion which plagued several Eastern schools, it was clear that the days of quiet contemplation on a college campus were numbered—and it was equally evi- dent that administrators and faculty were uncertain of the best method to meet the challenge and change in education which loomed ahead.

Another New Constitution

in 1960, Michigan’s thirty-five-year-old lieutenant governor, John B. Swainson, with solid support from the United Automobile Workers union, defeated popu- lar Secretary of State James M. hare in the democratic gubernatorial primary. Swainson then won a narrow triumph in the november general election over his Republican challenger, Paul d. Bagwell. the new chief executive immedi- ately angered many democratic leaders by removing all his predecessor’s advis- ers except neil Staebler, and by his unwillingness to match Williams’ zest in championing liberal causes and battling the Republican legislature. in fact, had it not been for the convening of a convention to revise the state constitution, Swainson’s term would have been remarkably uneventful.

dissatisfaction with Michigan’s constitution and the governance structure it provided reached new heights after continuous friction between Governor Williams and the Republican legislature culminated with the infamous “payless paydays” of April 1959. Under the direction of the Junior Chamber of Commerce, the League of Women Voters, and Citizens for Michigan, an organ- ization founded in 1959 by American Motors Corporation President George W. Romney, a drive was instituted to revise the outdated constitution. the constitution had been last revised in 1908 but since then had been amended sixty-nine times. ironically, the reason that the 1908 document survived for so

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long was because it contained a clause that said that even though the question of calling a constitutional convention had to come automatically before the voters every sixteen years, in order for the question to pass it had to receive a majority of the total votes cast in the election, not merely a majority of those cast on the proposal itself. Because so many voters ignore ballot proposals, a call for a constitutional convention won approval in 1948 and 1958 but was not implemented because in each instance a majority of local votes cast was not achieved. on november 8, 1960, Michigan voters remedied this problem by passing the so-called “Gateway Amendment” to the constitution. this amend- ment changed the requirements for calling a constitutional convention so that a majority of those voting on the proposal would decide the issue. in April 1961, voters approved the convening of a convention to revise Michigan’s con- stitution, although the margin of victory was a mere 23,481 votes. the narrow- ness of this margin is more significant in light of the fact that seventy-nine of the state’s eighty-three counties voted against the proposal, but proponents of the measure in Macomb, oakland, Washtenaw, and Wayne counties turned out in sufficient numbers to provide the margin of victory.

there were 144 delegates to the convention, one for each state senatorial and representative district, and, of that number, ninety-nine were Republicans and forty-five democrats. Among the latter, forty-one came from metropolitan detroit and the remainder from the upper peninsula. Stephen nisbet was elected president and George Romney, Edward hutchinson, and thomas downs were made vice-presidents. the delegates met for nearly eight months, and the document they put forth for public approval at the polls made several notable alterations in the state government. First, to allay criticism that under the existing constitution terms for elected officials were too short and elections too frequent, it was proposed that the governor, lieutenant governor, secretary of state, attorney general, and state senators stand for election, in nonpresiden- tial years, to four-year terms. Second, to shorten the ballot, the positions of state treasurer, superintendent of public schools, highway commissioner, and auditor general were to be filled by appointment of the governor. third, to eliminate political unrest caused by having the governor and lieutenant gover- nor run independently, which often resulted in members of different parties being chosen to fill the positions, beginning in 1964 the governor and lieuten- ant governor would run as a team. Fourth, a state ban was placed on graduated income taxes and deficit spending. Fifth, the bureaucracy was streamlined with the reduction of the number of state boards and agencies from 120 to twenty. Sixth, the judiciary was modernized with the abolition of the position of justice of the peace and requirements that all judges have legal training and stand for election, rather than be appointed by the governor. Finally, the legislature was

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to be reapportioned according to district population rather than population and area.

Governor Swainson, highway Commissioner John Mackie, August Scholle, and other prominent democrats opposed the new constitution primarily because of the reorganization of the bureaucratic structure and executive branch. Most Republicans supported the new document, as did the League of Women Voters, Junior Chamber of Commerce, citizens’ groups, educators, and many local organizations throughout the state. on April 1, 1963, the new con- stitution was approved by the slender margin of just over 7,000 votes.

A Citizen for Michigan

the constitutional convention gave Michigan not only a new constitution but also its next governor. George Romney had become well known to Michigan residents by personally rejuvenating American Motors and bringing the cor- poration from the brink of disaster to profitability through reliance on the compact, economical Rambler. Among automobile executives Romney was considered a dangerous, crusading maverick because of his 1955 testimony before a Senate subcommittee in which he attacked his industry’s insistence on putting “dinosaurs in our driveways” and convincing the public that they needed “cars nineteen feet long and weighing two tons . . . to run a 118-pound housewife three blocks to the drugstore for a two-ounce package of bobby pins and lipstick.” he further proposed that the federal government should consider breaking monopolies such as General Motors in order to increase competition in the automotive market.

in 1957, Romney turned his attention to securing tax reform legislation and two years later he formed Citizens for Michigan to act as a “people’s lobby” to further that cause. As the most prominent and vocal member of the constitu- tional convention, Romney was accused by democrats of using that body to foster his own political and economic beliefs. his influence on the convention was so great that the new constitution was called by some critics “Romney’s Charter” and its passage was viewed by political analysts as a “victory for Romney in the face of the democrats, organized labor, and the national Association for the Advancement of Colored People.”

in February 1962, while serving as a delegate to the constitutional conven- tion, Romney announced his candidacy for the Republican gubernatorial nom- ination. Using the slogan “Let’s Get Michigan on the Move,” Romney turned the campaign into a personal crusade, ignoring other Republican candidates and earning the enmity of party leaders who dubbed him “Lonesome George.”

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handsome, athletic, silver-haired, and jut-jawed, the dynamic and indefatiga- ble Romney captivated audiences throughout the state.

Romney’s opponent, incumbent governor Swainson, was hampered by a deep split between the liberal‒labor and conservative elements of the democratic Party. the governor was further weakened by his veto of a bill which would have prohibited detroit from assessing an income tax on subur- banites who were employed within the city. State Senator John Bowman, a Roseville democrat who sponsored the bill, predicted that Swainson’s action would cost the governor 80,000 votes in november. in an effort to counter the definite swing to his adversary, Swainson agreed to meet Romney in a series of statewide debates. the governor’s attempt was to no avail as Romney triumphed by 80,000 votes—a cruel irony for Swainson in light of Bowman’s earlier com- ment. Republicans had little reason for jubilation, however, because except for Romney, the entire party slate had been defeated.

in 1964 Romney again separated himself from the Republican ticket and refused to support conservative senator Barry M. Goldwater, the party’s presi- dential nominee, lest he alienate his liberal and independent backers. Romney’s opponent was neil Staebler, who was considered by many to be the most influ- ential and astute democrat in the state. Staebler’s campaign suffered because Michigan was in the midst of a period of economic prosperity; however, party leaders hoped that if President Lyndon B. Johnson received a 500,000-vote majority in the state, his “coattails” would carry Staebler to victory as well. Johnson did better than expected, beating Goldwater by more than 1 million votes in Michigan, but, to the surprise of political observers, Romney trounced Staebler by almost 400,000 votes.

two years later Romney ran for a third term against Zolton Ferency, the liberal chairman of the democratic State Central Committee. For the first time, Romney made an effort to be a “team player” and campaigned for other Republican candidates, especially Robert Griffin, the newly appointed United States senator who was running for a full term against former governor Williams. throughout the campaign, Ferency tried to exploit the governor’s previous independence by joking that Romney had accused him of starting a smear campaign because he had called the governor a Republican! despite Ferency’s wit, the Republicans won a smashing victory with Romney triumph- ing by well over 500,000 votes while Griffin amassed an unexpectedly large 220,000-vote margin over Williams. Moreover, Republicans gained eighteen seats in the state legislature.

By 1967, Romney’s record of achievement and impressive victories at the polls made him the forerunner in the quest for the 1968 Republican presidential nomination. ironically, the governor’s candid honesty cost him that prize.

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in october 1965, Romney had made a four-day tour of South Vietnam and returned convinced that Johnson’s Asian policies were correct. during the next two years the governor came to believe that while in Vietnam he had been lied to by high-ranking American civilian and military personnel, and that the harsh reality was that the United States’ war effort had become a source of humiliation abroad and demoralization at home. on September 4, 1967, the governor appeared on a detroit television interview program and said that when he vis- ited Vietnam he had received “the greatest brainwashing that anybody can get.” the media seized upon this statement and portrayed Romney as being too gul- lible and naive to be president. For all practical purposes, that single honest remark removed Romney from serious presidential consideration. during the campaign the governor vigorously stumped Michigan and other states on behalf of the Republican nominee Richard M. nixon. As a reward for his service to the party and in recognition of his remarkable record as Michigan’s chief executive, Romney was appointed to serve in nixon’s cabinet as secretary of housing and Urban development. on January 22, 1969, Romney resigned as governor and was succeeded by Lieutenant Governor William G. Milliken.

during Romney’s administration Michigan’s economy rebounded, and the governor basked in the relative ease by which state services could meet expand- ing needs and still achieve the constitutionally mandated balanced budget. in 1963 and 1965 the governor sent a tax reform program to the legislature, but each time it was defeated by a coalition of democrats and conservative Republicans. the election of more liberal Republicans to the state senate in 1966 enabled Romney’s 1967 tax reform package, which imposed levies of 2.6 percent on individual income, 5.6 percent on corporate earnings, and 7 percent on financial institutions, to be enacted into law. Romney also pushed for improved civil rights and mental health legislation, upward revision of the minimum wage law, strengthened unemployment and workmen’s compensa- tion benefits, reorganization of the state department of labor, and passage of the state’s first construction safety bill. Under Romney’s leadership Michigan escaped the economic darkness of the 1950s and moved forward with progres- sive social legislation; only the tragedy that befell detroit in the summer of 1967 marred his years in office.

Playing Politics While a City Burned

Because of its large and growing black population, detroit was active in the strong civil rights impulse that swept the nation during the early 1960s. in June 1963, approximately 250,000 blacks and whites assembled outside

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Cobo hall to hear speeches by former governor Swainson, detroit’s Mayor Jerome Cavanagh, Police Commissioner George Edwards, Walter Reuther, and Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., the “Black Apostle of nonviolence.” King told the enthusiastic throng that they represented the “largest and greatest demonstration ever held in the United States” and that their message was ring- ing clearly throughout the country: “We want all of our rights. We want them here and we want them now.”

detroit had been selected for the 1963 civil-rights conclave partly because Mayor Cavanagh, the thirty-five-year-old liberal attorney who had scored a stunning upset victory over the incumbent mayor in 1961, had pledged to make his city a model of harmonious race relations and to eradicate hunger, substandard housing, and high levels of minority unemployment. By 1967, Cavanagh had obtained for his city more than $42 million in federal antipov- erty funds. of this sum, $10 million was used for special training and placement programs for the unskilled and illiterate, $4 million for medical clinics, and $3 million for summer head Start and recreational programs for children. detroit seemed to be handling its problems so efficiently that the director of the Congress of Racial Equality, Floyd McKissick, excluded it from a list of twelve cities he thought likely to experience racial unrest in 1967.

despite the money spent and effort expended, detroit still simmered with discontent. Unemployment reached 11 percent in mid-1967, and the total was even higher among black youths. inner-city blacks demanded more jobs, better housing, quality education, an end to alleged police harassment, and respect. in late June 1967, Black Panther leader h. Rap Brown addressed a Black Arts Convention in detroit and urged the black community to “Let white America know that the name of the game is tit-for-tat, an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and a life for a life.” his final warning proved prophetic: “Motown, if you don’t come around, we’re going to burn you down.”

July 1967 was oppressively hot and humid, causing tempers to grow short. on July 23, detroit police made an early morning raid on the United Community League for Civil Action, an illegal after-hours drinking establishment in the dilapidated, predominantly black, 12th Street area, and arrested the bartender and eighty-two customers. Within minutes, hundreds of jeering spectators gathered and someone heaved a bottle through the squad car’s windshield. the crowd quickly was transformed into an uncontrollable mob engaged in looting, vandalism, and arson.

Mayor Cavanagh had two socially and politically sound options. First, he could remove all police from the area in hopes that the mob would disperse of its own volition. Second, he could send in massive numbers of riot police to prevent the unrest from spreading. Unfortunately, he did neither. he ordered

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police to the scene, but instructed them not to forcibly disperse the rioters. When the mob realized that the police were mere spectators, looting increased, especially against white-owned shops. over 1,600 fires were set, but the fire department was unable to respond effectively because rioters pelted the fire- fighters with bricks, rocks, and bottles. Even Congressman John Conyers and City Councilman nicholas hood, two of detroit’s most popular and influential black leaders, were stoned when they tried to calm the mob. Just as twenty-four years earlier, “all hell had broken loose” in the Motor City.

At nine in the evening of the twenty-third, Governor Romney declared a state of emergency in detroit, highland Park, and hamtramck, and dispatched the first of 7,300 national Guardsmen to the riot scene. Meanwhile, reports of violence in Flint, Saginaw, Grand Rapids, Benton harbor, Muskegon, Kalamazoo, Mt. Clemens, and Pontiac reached the governor’s office. Shortly after three o’clock in the morning of the twenty-fourth, Romney, with the sup- port of such prominent democrats as Walter Reuther and black detroit Congressman Charles diggs, telephoned United States Attorney General

Figure 18.1 Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. and Governor John B. Swainson. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #15110.

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Ramsey Clark asking for federal troops to be sent to detroit. the attorney gen- eral asked the governor to formally “request” soldiers to quell the “insurrec- tion.” Romney angrily refused and reminded Clark that no insurance companies would pay for damages incurred through an insurrection. the gov- ernor asked, “Who’s going to rebuild this place after the troops go home?” and slammed down the receiver. By mid-morning Romney’s temper had cooled and he made the required formal request, but omitted any reference to an insurrection. in response, President Johnson ordered the 82nd and 101st Airborne divisions to Selfridge Air Force Base near Mt. Clemens. the para- troopers were instructed, however, not to enter the riot scene until the President’s personal emissary, Cyrus Vance, had met with Romney, toured the area, and reported to Johnson.

Romney’s fury raged anew when the President made a nationwide television address in which he stated that he had sent soldiers into detroit “with the great- est regret” and “only because of the clear, unmistakable, and undisputed evidence that Governor Romney and local officials have been unable to bring the situation under control.” the governor, a leading candidate for the 1968 Republican presidential nomination, charged that Johnson “played politics with the riot” merely to discredit a potential challenger. Finally, twenty-four hours after Romney’s initial request for federal assistance, paratroopers entered the ravaged city, and the violence soon abated.

By July 28, the most costly riot in the nation’s history was over. Property damage exceeded $50 million; forty-four people lost their lives and another 1,000 were injured seriously enough to require medical attention; 5,000 resi- dents of detroit were left homeless; and 7,331 arrests had been made. Another tragic aspect of the riot’s aftermath was the appearance of profiteers who sought to take advantage of the plight of the needy by charging $1 for a 25¢ quart of milk and equally exorbitant amounts for other necessary commodities.

the underlying causes of the riot were never pinpointed, but the blame for its spread was placed squarely with President Johnson. the Detroit News editorial- ized that: “the President seemed to go out of his way to blame Mr. Romney, a Republican presidential contender, for failing to handle the detroit situation. this newspaper does not believe that politics was played in detroit or Lansing. But it strongly believes it was played in Washington and perhaps even pro- longed the riot.” the New York Times said that Johnson “shilly-shallied” and was grossly partisan in trying to “place the entire political responsibility on Governor Romney.”

Following the disorders, many detroiters asserted that the events were not a race riot. Richard Emrick, Episcopal bishop of Michigan and chairman of the detroit Citizens’ Committee for Equal opportunity, noted that “this was not a

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race riot. the looting and sniping were integrated. the major part of the riot was a criminal attack upon property. . . . But there was no racial warfare, which means that we can assume the basic unity of the city and look forward to rebuilding and working together.” A “new detroit Committee,” headed by Joseph L. hudson, Jr., was established to bring together community leaders to discuss the city’s problems and plan for its future. Working as a united, con- cerned citizenry, it was hoped that detroit could be reborn and undergo a spir- itual and cultural renaissance that would recapture the dream of racial harmony and prosperity.

For Further Reading

Michigan’s political structure during the 1960s is excellently analyzed in Carolyn Stieber, The Politics of Change in Michigan (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1970). the making of the new constitution is recounted in Albert L. Sturm, Constitution Making in Michigan (Ann Arbor: institute of Public Administration, University of Michigan, 1963) and James K. Pollock, Making Michigan’s New Constitution, 1961–1962 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1962). Eugene Finegold (ed.), Michigan Writes a New Constitution (detroit: Proceedings of the 1961 MCEP faculty workshop,

Figure 18.2 during the detroit riot of 1967 entire city blocks were leveled by fire. Courtesy of the Archives of Michigan, negative #05350.

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1962) contains addresses made by prominent citizens active in the movement for calling a constitutional convention. Former Booth newspaper political reporter Charles harmon offers an excellent retrospective of the constitutional convention in “out of Chaos, order,” Michigan History (november–december 1998).

Governor Romney’s career is covered in several biographies, but most are campaign oriented and must be read as such. Among the best are dan Angel, Romney: A Political Biography (new York: Exposition Press, 1966); Richard Fuller, George Romney and Michigan (new York: Vantage Press, 1966); and t. George harris, Romney’s Way: A Man and an Idea (Englewood Cliffs, nJ: Prentice-hall, 1967). the most complete biography of Romney, covering his nonpolitical life, is tom Mahoney, The Story of George Romney: Builder, Crusader, Salesman (new York: harper & Brothers, 1960).

Campus unrest is discussed in minute detail in the Final Staff Report, State of Michigan Senate Committee to Investigate Campus Disorders and Student Unrest (Lansing: State of Michigan, 1970). the detroit riot is the subject of many superb studies. the most insightful are Robert Conot, American Odyssey (new York: Morrow, 1974); James h. Lincoln, The Anatomy of a Riot (new York: McGraw-hill, 1968); John hershey, The Algiers Motel Incident (new York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969); and Sidney Fine, Violence in the Model City (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1989).

Challenges of the 1970s

the 1970s brought challenge and change to Michigan. Effects of the “counter- culture revolution” in which “hippies” made nonconformity a symbol of free- dom to restless youths, Watergate, the Arab oil embargo, continued fighting in Vietnam, and the P.B.B. crisis profoundly affected state residents, while beads, long hair, short skirts, drug usage, increasing “crime in the streets,” and antiwar protest marches became part of Michigan’s social scene. As the decade neared its end, congressional insistence on stringent automobile emission standards and improved gasoline mileage, coupled with the aggressive recruiting of industries by Southern municipalities promising cheaper labor costs and lower taxes, raised the haunting question of whether Michigan could maintain its industrial economic base. Rising uncertainty concerning the future seemed to be the only common factor among Michiganians as they faced the 1980s.

Crime and Urban Blight

Perhaps the greatest problems Michigan confronted during the 1970s were a 300 percent increase in violent crime and the erosion of urban centers, both of which were especially evident in detroit. Michigan’s largest city lost 100,000 residents during the 1960s, and another 100,000 departed between the years 1970 and 1975. Loss of industries to the suburbs and to other states, combined with a decline in the number of available jobs because of increased automation

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in manufacturing plants, created high unemployment, ranging close to 50 per- cent for black teenagers, in the inner city. neighborhoods deteriorated, vacant houses and shops became common, and crime grew rampant.

Statistics for 1971 indicated that illegal narcotic activities represented a $350 million annual operation in detroit and that “drug warfare” during the first six months of that year had resulted in forty deaths. in 1973 Time magazine featured an article naming detroit the “Murder City” and “Crime Capital of the nation” because during the preceding year the city had recorded 601 homi- cides, the highest per capita murder rate in the country.

to reduce the crime rate, a plainclothes police unit known as StRESS—Stop the Robbers, Enjoy Safe Streets—was established. despite an admirable record of success, the unit was forced to disband because of allegations of brutality and racism from the black community. Crime, usually drug related, escalated dra- matically. By 1975, detroit averaged three murders per day, and led the nation with 44.5 homicides for every 100,000 residents. the following year detroit received further national notoriety when black gangs attacked patrons of a rock concert at Cobo hall. the melee which followed resulted in several shootings, stabbings, and rapes.

in 1977 detroit began to reverse its crime statistics. A new police commis- sioner, William hart, a black who had worked his way through the ranks, was chosen and given authority to reorganize the department. More officers were hired, local police substations were opened, the Detroit News instituted a “silent witness” program by which informers could pass tips anonymously to the authorities, a “war on narcotics” was begun, and neighborhood protective asso- ciations were formed. Although property crimes continued to rise, by 1979, detroit’s murder rate was down to 1.5 homicides per day and other serious personal crimes were reduced in frequency.

decreasing crime rates were not the only signs of detroit’s revival. in 1973 state senator Coleman Young was elected as that city’s first black mayor. An analysis of the election disclosed extreme racial polarization, with 90 percent of blacks voting for Young and a like percentage of whites casting their ballots for his white opponent, Police Commissioner John nichols.

Young worked hard to reduce crime and racial antagonisms in order to improve detroit’s image. during his administration the city instituted summer festivals to promote ethnic pride, constructed the Renaissance Center, with its seventy-three-story detroit Plaza hotel surrounded by four thirty-nine-story business complexes, erected the riverfront Joe Louis Sports Arena, won the right to host the 1980 Republican national Convention, and lured many young, middle-class people back into the inner city through a program of neighbor- hood revitalization in which older houses were renovated and sold at low cost.

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Mayor Young’s efforts to rebuild detroit into a growing, dynamic metropolis were so successful that in 1979 he was named by his fellow mayors as one of the nation’s most effective urban executives.

Areas other than detroit also had been engaged in massive renewal projects. in the early 1970s Flint embarked upon a long-range program of revitalizing its inner city by establishing a downtown shopping mall, renovating the banks of the Flint River, removing dilapidated structures, erecting a convention center, and supporting construction of a new 48-acre campus along the riverfront for the Flint branch of the University of Michigan. in 1978, Governor William G. Milliken cited Flint as a model of successful urban renewal. Smaller communi- ties underwent changes as well. St. Clair and Algonac, located along the St. Clair River, completely razed and rebuilt their downtown business districts, thereby creating entirely new, modern central cities. Regardless of size, the desire to preserve the economic and social life of the inner city is a major goal of every community in the state.

Automobile Economics

Another serious problem faced by Michigan was the economic devastation caused by the effects of the october 1973 Arab oil embargo. Gasoline shortages, combined with threats of rationing, led to a rapid reduction in new car sales.

Figure 19.1 detroit Renaissance Center (right), one of the largest privately funded real estate projects in history. it contains multi-use spaces and is a landmark of down- town detroit. © icholakov/dreamstime.com.

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By early 1974, huge inventories of unsold automobiles filled General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler lots. in addition, Michigan’s billion-dollar-a-year tourist industry, which was crucial to the economic stability of the upper peninsula and northern lower Michigan, was crippled because potential unavailability of gasoline kept would-be travelers home.

Reduced automobile production resulted in soaring unemployment. detroit’s unemployment rate in February 1975 reached 18 percent, and in the six-county detroit metropolitan area it was estimated that 27 percent of the work force was idled. the number of jobless grew to such immense proportions that the Michigan Employment Security Commission had to hire 1,040 new employees and open forty temporary offices to service the crush of aid applications.

By 1978, automobile production and sales had increased greatly, but soon another crisis developed. in mid-1979, Lee iacocca, president of Chrysler Corporation, announced that the company was on the verge of bankruptcy. Chrysler’s continued emphasis on manufacturing large “gas guzzling” automo- biles had driven away economy-minded consumers, and a $1 billion deficit was projected for 1979 by company executives. to rescue the corporation, iacocca sought a $1.5 billion guaranteed loan package from the federal government. After lengthy deliberations, during which it was demonstrated that Chrysler’s collapse would result in unemployment for 140,000 company workers and for another 360,000 workers in subsidiary industries, Congress agreed to the loan. this action reflected not only congressional belief that Chrysler should be saved, but also that in the long term the loan would be less expensive for the government than the cost of unemployment compensation and welfare that would follow the company’s collapse.

the message of the 1970s was clear. if Michigan persisted in clinging to the automobile industry for its economic well-being in a period of steadily dwin- dling supplies of fossil fuels, an economic downswing was inevitable. in January 1980, University of Michigan researchers predicted a major financial crisis before the year 2000 unless the state reoriented its economic base and estab- lished an energy program based on conservation and development of solar and nuclear power sources.

traditionally, Michigan’s economy has been based virtually entirely on auto- mobiles, agriculture, and tourism, all of which are vulnerable to changes in the supply or cost of fuel. during the final quarter of the twentieth century, Michigan reluctantly began to move toward economic diversity, and one of its earliest ventures was in the development of new wineries. Based on the success of St. Julian’s vineyards in Paw Paw, the oldest and largest wine producer in the state, the wine industry expanded in southwestern Lower Michigan. By 1979 Michigan had emerged as the fourth largest wine-producing state in the nation,

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leading the state commerce commission to broadcast television advertisements throughout the United States proclaiming that “Michigan doesn’t make all of the wine in the world, but it does make some of the best.” this was not merely an idle boast as in 1979 the Bronte Vineyards drew attention to Michigan’s wines when it was awarded two gold medals in an international competition, as well as receiving national acclaim for originating “Cold duck,” one of the first popular sparkling wines.

Seeking to emulate the accomplishments of the southwestern vineyards, the wine industry began to expand not only in the Paw Paw, Kalamazoo, and Grand Rapids area, but also into the Grand traverse region, the only other site in the state climatically suited for growing winegrapes. By 2001, Michigan had twenty-five wineries, eleven in the southwestern part of the state and fourteen in traverse City and the Leelanau and old Mission Peninsulas. Even though Michigan had dropped to sixth place in wine production by the turn of the twenty-first century, trailing California, Washington, new York, oregon, and Pennsylvania, the state’s 1,500 acres of wine grapes still accounted for $17 million in sales in 2000. By 2005, Michigan had 14,400 acres of vineyards and fifty commercial wineries, making it the nation’s fourth largest grape-growing state

Figure 19.2 Grape harvesting, 2002. Used with permission of James W. Smith.

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and thirteenth largest wine-producing state. Moreover, in 2005 Michigan win- eries attracted more than 800,000 visitors and contributed $790 million to the state’s economy.

the growth of the wine industry rests upon the fact that the quality of the state’s vineyards has steadily improved, as was demonstrated when one of the world’s premier authorities on champagne and wine toured Michigan and rated twenty-seven of the state’s wines and sparkling wines to be world class. in 2012 twelve new wineries were opened, bringing the state’s total to ninety-two.

The “Ghetto Governor”

during the 1970s, both major political parties vigorously fought for the opportunity to shape the future direction of the state. With Romney out of office, democrats anticipated recapturing the governorship in 1970. the new governor, William G. Milliken of traverse City, had served three years as state senator before being elected lieutenant governor in 1964. Milliken charmed voters with his boyish appearance and pledged to keep Michigan on the move through progressive leadership. in 1970, his democratic opponent, former state senator Sander Levin, attacked the governor for his support of state aid to parochial schools. As the election grew near, Levin’s opposition to parochiaid seemed to weaken, which cost him the endorsement of the politically potent Michigan Education Association. his apparent switch gave voters the impres- sion that not only was Milliken’s position correct, but also that Levin had demonstrated uncertainty in making a decision. this issue overshadowed Levin’s call for reform of the state’s taxation and welfare structures, and it carried the governor to a narrow 44,409-vote victory.

Four years later, in a rematch of the 1970 gubernatorial contestants, Levin accused Milliken of causing Michigan’s high unemployment and of being a Republican like the “band of politicians” who had been responsible for the Watergate burglary. Even though Watergate resulted in Michigan Republicans losing four congressional seats and control of the state senate, Milliken was returned to office by a 114,618-vote margin.

during the governor’s second term, he established himself as a friend of minorities and educators. his close working relationship with Mayor Young and his support for increased state aid for detroit earned Milliken the title “Ghetto Governor.” one of the governor’s quests was reorganization of public school financing. Although he had not yet succeeded in achieving his goal of state-funded public education to replace the existing system based on local property taxes, Milliken persisted in sending his proposal to the legislature.

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in 1978 Michigan voters demonstrated their appreciation of the governor’s efforts and gave him a 300,000-vote victory over democratic state senator William B. Fitzgerald.

Cattlegate

in 1973, the Michigan Chemical Corporation ran out of color-coded bags used to differentiate between two of its products, Firemaster, the trade name for the highly toxic chemical fire retardant polybrominated biphenyl (P.B.B.), and nutrimaster, a food supplement for dairy cattle. Rather than stop manufacture, the company placed each substance in plain brown bags with the appropriate trade name stenciled on them. through human error, bags of Firemaster and nutrimaster were stacked close together, and sacks of each were sent to the Michigan Farm Bureau Services. At the Farm Bureau, the contents of the sacks were combined with the bureau’s standard feed mix, repackaged, and dispersed throughout the state.

Farmers who used the mixture noticed an almost immediate decline, often reaching 50 percent, in their herd’s milk production. After months of testing at various laboratories throughout the country, in April 1974, the United States Agricultural Research Center at Beltsville, Maryland, announced that feed samples showed traces of P.B.B. and that public safety dictated that all contami- nated cattle be destroyed.

Following this revelation, farmers demanded assistance from the state, but until medical reports linked P.B.B. with serious illness and a purported increase in the incidence of cancer, little was done. in 1976, Governor Milliken, who had come under attack from democrats who charged that he sought to cover up the incident in order to maintain sales of the state’s dairy products, established a P.B.B. Scientific Advisory Panel to determine the effects of the “unfortunate error” on Michigan residents. Meanwhile, the state legislature passed a P.B.B. Reform Bill to lower the admissible levels of the chemical in dairy products and to provide for disposal of diseased cattle in burial pits near Kalkaska. Reimbursement for slain livestock was also allowed, but lengthy court battles caused delays in payment. in 1977, Congress passed a bill sponsored by Michigan U.S. Senator Robert Griffin which allowed Michigan to receive fed- eral reimbursement for 75 percent of the money, to a maximum of $150 million, which the state had to pay farmers to cover livestock losses and medical expenses incurred from P.B.B. contamination.

By 1979, the dispute over P.B.B. and its effects on humans still raged. irate citizens protested a new burial site near Mio, in oscoda County, and claimed

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that P.B.B. would be released into the soil as the carcasses decayed. no new legislation provided assurance that another “Cattlegate” would not occur in the future, and no new medical evidence disproved the contention that nearly all Michiganians face higher chances for developing cancer because of ingestion of tainted dairy products. the potentially catastrophic results of the P.B.B. inci- dent may not be fully realized for generations.

The Disappearance of Jimmy Hoffa

on July 31, 1975, Michigan residents were shocked to learn that James R. “Jimmy” hoffa, the sixty-two-year-old former president of the international Brotherhood of teamsters, had been reported missing. to compound the mys- tery, more than twenty-five years later, the public still does not know the answer to the question: “What happened to Jimmy hoffa?”

the fiery, pugnacious hoffa, despite allegations of a connection with organized crime, was beloved by members of his union for his willingness to walk the picket lines with them and deal directly with management on their behalf. in 1964, however, the charges of corruption proved true, as hoffa was convicted on charges of jury tampering, fraud, and conspiracy in mishan- dling of a union benefit fund. After losing several appeals, in 1967 he began serving a thirteen-year sentence in the federal penitentiary in Lewiston, Pennsylvania.

despite being incarcerated, hoffa continued to hold the title of General President of the teamsters, although he designated Frank Fitzsimmons, the union’s vice-president, to serve as acting president during his absence. in June 1971, as part of a deal with the department of Justice, hoffa resigned as union president in favor of Fitzsimmons. in return, six months later President Richard M. nixon commuted hoffa’s prison sentence, with the provision that the for- mer labor boss could not reenter union politics until 1980.

By 1975, amid rumors that his parole restriction was about to be lifted, hoffa seemed poised for a fight to regain the presidency of the teamsters. it was also whispered in union circles that hoffa was threatening to expose purported ties between Fitzsimmons and the mob and misuse of union pension funds. it is this threat that police believed resulted in hoffa’s disappearance.

on July 30 hoffa left his home in Lake orion to meet an undisclosed person, whom authorities believed was a prominent local mobster, at the nearby Machus Red Fox Restaurant. Upon his arrival, he made his last telephone call, telling his wife that his luncheon appointment had not arrived. From that point, no one except hoffa’s assailants know what actually occurred.

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Authorities investigated two prominent detroit underworld figures regard- ing the disappearance, but each had an alibi. hoffa’s foster son, Charles “Chuckie” o’Brien, was also targeted for suspicion because the backseat of the car he had borrowed from a known member of the mob on the day of the disap- pearance contained hair, blood, and skin samples matching hoffa’s. however, o’Brien maintained that he was not at the restaurant, and a lie detector test supported his contention.

in 1983, hoffa was declared legally dead, but his legend lives on through his son, James R. hoffa, Jr., who was elected to his father’s former position as presi- dent of the teamsters in the late 1990s.

the hoffa mystery regained national attention in 2006 when a convict, hop- ing to get a reduction in his drug-smuggling sentence, told FBi agents that hoffa’s remains were buried on an 89-acre horse farm in Milford township. After a two-week search, which included dismantling a 30 by 100 foot horse barn, under whose concrete floor hoffa’s body allegedly reposed, nothing was found, and the search was discontinued. oakland County Prosecutor david

Figure 19.3 Jimmy hoffa photographed at his home, June 9, 1974. Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University.

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Gorcyca summed up the frustration of law enforcement officials, saying that unless Chuckie o’Brien recanted his previous protestations of innocence or has an autobiography published posthumously, “o’Brien may take that whole mys- tery with him to the grave.” in 2013, tony Zerilli, an eighty-five-year-old imprisoned former leader of detroit’s criminal underworld, claimed that he knew hoffa’s final resting place in oakland County, but again the quest proved futile. Unlike most of the previous tipsters who merely sought a few days out of prison to show police where hoffa’s body allegedly could be unearthed, Zerilli had a specific motivation which he accomplished—he received national public- ity to promote sales for his forthcoming autobiography.

A Ford in the White House

if P.B.B. and Jimmy hoffa caused Michigan residents the most concern during the 1970s, then the selection of Gerald R. Ford to be vice-president, and his subsequent elevation to the presidency, brought them their greatest sense of pride. Ford, a Grand Rapids Republican who had served in the house of Representatives for twenty-four years, including twelve as minority leader, won the respect of a nation wearied by the corruption of Watergate through his refreshing honesty, modesty, sincerity, and informality. Under Ford’s leadership the nation’s sagging economy surged forward as more than 4 million new jobs were created in the private sector, unemployment declined from 9.2 percent to 6.8 percent, the dow Jones industrial Stock Average soared past the 1,000 mark, and inflation was pared from 12 percent to 5 percent. in foreign affairs, during Ford’s administration the policy of détente with the Soviet Union was continued, a basis for a lasting Middle East peace was established, and the Soviet Union agreed on strategic arms limitation talks. Even though popular dissatisfaction against the Republican Party deprived the President of victory in 1976, Michiganians, like all Americans, could reflect with satisfaction upon the record achieved by Gerald Ford. in december 2006, at the age of ninety-three, Gerald R. Ford died, and Michigan and the nation mourned the passing of the kind and gentle man who brought decency back to the White house after the Watergate scandal.

The Conscience of the Senate

despite the nationwide acclaim given Ford for restoring honesty to the White house, Michigan’s best known and most beloved public figure during the 1960s

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and 1970s was Philip A. hart. A graduate of the University of Michigan Law School, hart became the political protégé of his classmate G. Mennen Williams and was the governor’s handpicked running mate in 1954 and 1956. in 1958 hart successfully challenged Republican incumbent Charles Potter and was sent to Washington to begin what was to become an illustrious eighteen-year career in the United States Senate.

As a senator, hart became nationally famous for his leadership in shaping almost every major piece of legislation favoring civil rights, consumer protec- tion, and regulation of big business. he was the floor manager for the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its extension in 1970 and for the open housing Act of 1968. hart also was the chief sponsor of the drug Safety Act (1962), the truth- in-Packaging Act (1965), the truth-in-Lending Act (1966), the Motor Vehicle information and Cost Saving Act (1972), and the Anti-trust Act of 1976, which gave state attorneys general power to bring antitrust suits on behalf of individ- ual citizens.

Always willing to risk his political career in support of an issue which he believed was right, even when his constituents were in opposition, hart backed busing for school desegregation, strict antipollution and safety legislation for the automobile industry, and gun control. his dedication to the American peo- ple and their protection was unwavering, and he was a tireless worker against all forms of injustice. Mike Mansfield, the majority leader of the Senate, labeled hart the most outstanding senator he had ever known and said that he was “a man of great courage, great compassion, and great determination” who, in the pursuit of justice, was “a man of steel.” Seriously ill and suffering from the effects of cancer, hart summed up his Senate career in a farewell speech shortly before his death in december 1976. he concluded by saying simply that “i leave as i arrived, understanding clearly the complexity of the world into which we were born and optimistic that if we give it our best shot, we will come close to achieving the goals set for us 200 years ago.” Philip hart, a man of courage and devotion to principles, truly deserved the title given him by his colleagues— “the Conscience of the Senate.”

For Further Reading

Few books have been published on Michigan in the 1970s. An excellent biography of Governor Milliken is dan Angel, William G. Milliken: A Touch of Steel (new York: Public Affairs Press, 1974). Joyce Braithwaite and George Weeks, The Milliken Years (traverse City: the Village Press, 1988) offers a pictorial history filled with many quota- tions from Milliken’s speeches. the most recent biography of Milliken is dave dempsey,

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William G. Milliken: Michigan’s Passionate Moderate (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008). Gerald Ford’s autobiography, A Time to Heal (new York: harper and Row, 1979) offers insight into the political happenings in Michigan and the nation during the years 1972–76. While many books deal with Jimmy hoffa’s career as a leader of the teamsters’ Union, the best biography is Arthur A. Sloane, Hoffa (Cambridge: the Mit Press, 1991).

toward the twenty-First Century

Reeling from the crises of the 1970s, Michiganians hoped that the new decade of the 1980s would bring them more stability and security, but the unresolved issues of the 1970s precluded any chance for rapid improvement in the state’s economic and social climate. over the years Michigan’s once-abundant natural resources had been depleted, but mining, lumbering, and shipping continued to provide wealth to businesses, and the state’s many lakes, rivers, and streams still afforded recreational opportunities to residents and tourists. however, fish rendered inedible by high levels of toxic mercury, ground water supplies infected by waste disposal dumps, and state parks littered with garbage from thoughtless campers provided ample proof that Michigan’s environment required ever-increasing protection from both corporate and individual exploi- tation and pollution. As prices for automobiles and fuel moved upward, calls arose, especially from residents in large metropolitan areas, for creation of a statewide mass transit system to meet the needs of both inner-city residents and commuting suburbanites. the urgency of this requirement was intensified by studies showing that the state’s expressway system, designed in the 1950s to meet the needs of residents for at least the next fifty years, was already overbur- dened by traffic, in turn causing an unanticipated need for costly and incon- venient roadway resurfacing.

Culturally, the detroit institute of Arts, Michigan Council for the Arts, the interlochen Arts Academy, which boasted such artists as pianist Van Cliburn on its faculty, and a host of privately financed summer stock theaters

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throughout the state, attested to the quality of and interest in the arts in Michigan. Yet each time state and local budgets faced a deficit, the arts were the first to fall victim to reduced funding, while government officials defended the cuts by asserting that cultural activities were a luxury appreciated only by a small percentage of the population. ironically, this occurred at a time when many unions were negotiating shorter work weeks, which resulted in more leisure time for people to patronize the arts.

Sports remained one of the major activities in the state, with attendance growing every year at events of all descriptions. Yet, violence at sporting events on the high-school level continued to force many urban schools to restrict their games to daytime hours for increased security.

the state’s schools, both public and private, continued to be a source of pride to Michiganians, but test scores revealed that despite increased funding, read- ing, writing, and mathematics skills among the student body were declining, while school vandalism cost taxpayers hundreds of thousands of dollars annu- ally. Certain state services, such as welfare and prison construction, expanded, but with them came increased taxes and rebellious taxpayers. thus, Michigan truly remained a state in turmoil.

Figure 20.1 the Four Presidents (nixon, Reagan, Ford, Carter) toasting in the Blue Room, 10/08/1981. Courtesy of the national Archives, ARC: 198522.

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The Republican Convention of 1980

in 1980, detroit hosted the Republican national Convention, which not only gave the Motor City’s economy a $44 million infusion but also afforded Michigan a chance to improve its “Rust Belt” image in the nation. George h. W. Bush, a Yale University classmate of Governor Milliken, had gained his lone victory over former California governor Ronald Reagan in the Michigan presi- dential primary, but his poor showing elsewhere forced him to drop out of the race prior to the convention. Milliken and twelve other moderate Republican delegates refused to abide by Bush’s urging to support Reagan, and this so- called “Michigan thirteen” acquired the dubious distinction of casting the only votes for Bush. After a brief period of speculation that Michigan’s favorite son, former President Gerald Ford, might accept the second spot on the ticket, Reagan selected Bush to placate moderates and achieve party harmony. in november, the national Republican ticket carried Michigan, although demo- crats retained control of the state legislature.

The Eighties’ Disastrous First Year

in his 1980 State of the State Address, Governor William Milliken said that the state’s future was “exciting, but frightening.” Unfortunately, the year proved to be more of the latter than the former. nearly forty years of relative prosperity for Michigan and its citizens came to an abrupt end as inflation, soaring inter- est rates, and an influx to America of Asian-made automobiles caused a decline in domestic car sales. Subsidiary automotive industries soon began to suffer as well, and by midyear more than 620,000 Michigan workers were jobless—the most people out of work since the Great depression. the city of Flint became world famous as its 24 percent unemployment rate was cited repeatedly by Republican presidential nominee Ronald Reagan as proof that, despite the efforts of Republican governors such as George Romney and William Milliken, the national democratic Party ultimately was responsible for the automobile industry’s plight because of its failure to institute high protective tariffs to reduce foreign competition.

As automobile sales declined and unemployment increased, state revenues from income, sales, and business taxes plummeted. Consequently, requests for state unemployment assistance increased and by mid-1980 10 percent of the state’s residents received some form of welfare benefits. to meet these demands for government resources, tax increases were necessary, but 1980 was a year of calls for tax reduction, not raises. in november, voters narrowly defeated a

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ballot proposal that would have devastated public services by cutting state spending by 40 percent. Fearful of an expanded tax revolt, Governor Milliken and legislative leaders, working together, attempted to prevent what seemed to be imminent economic catastrophe, while, at the same time, avoiding both a raise in taxes and excessive hardship among those most in need.

to accomplish this goal, severe budget slashing was necessary. Consequently, in 1981 Michigan residents were told to expect less public transportation, reduced road repairs, an end to school breakfast programs, reduced care for the mentally ill, cutbacks in recreational facilities, fewer state police patrols, drasti- cally diminished aid to public schools and state-supported universities, and cuts in welfare.

Further compromising Michigan’s future, Chrysler Corporation had to request even more federal loans to avoid bankruptcy, violent crime increased, and the federal government cited the state as hazardous for its residents’ health because of its high level of toxic waste material. Legislative Majority Leader Bobby Crim summarized Michigan’s dilemma well when he said: “We’re not going to make a recovery in one year. Michigan at this time in history has more problems than ever before, more problems than any other state.”

The Newest “Boy Governor”

in early 1982 Michigan maintained for the third consecutive year the dubious distinction of having the highest unemployment rate in the nation. From 1979– 82 Michigan’s economy shrank by 15 percent, more than twice the national average, and the state’s population had declined by 210,000 as workers left to seek employment elsewhere. By 1982, one in six Michigan workers was collect- ing unemployment, a rate 50 percent above the national average. Moreover, state officials and the general populace were embarrassed and angry when it was revealed that after no domestic bank would back a proposed sale of $500 million in short-term notes to ease the state’s debt crisis, five Japanese banks consented to save Michigan from fiscal collapse.

this economic stress, coupled with Governor Milliken’s announcement that he would not seek reelection, gave democrats hope that they could capture the governorship for the first time in twenty years. Expectations of a democratic victory were buoyed further when James J. Blanchard, the thirty-nine-year-old suburban detroit congressman who had been credited with assembling the so- called “Chrysler bailout package,” emerged triumphant in the primary election.

Blanchard expected his Republican opponent to be popular, moderate lieu- tenant governor James Brickley, who had the tacit backing of Governor Milliken

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and the Republican state party organization. Republican voters in the primary election, however, shocked political pundits by selecting as their candidate Richard h. headlee, a conservative insurance company executive who had the support of former governor George Romney.

the campaign devolved into vilification. Conservative Republicans labeled Blanchard and his running mate, former ten-term congresswoman Martha Griffiths, as big-spending, high-taxing, new deal liberals, whose only experi- ence came from Washington, not Lansing. democrats and moderate Republicans accused headlee of being insensitive to the needs of the poor, minorities, and cities. Furthermore, headlee’s speeches against passage of the Equal Rights Amendment and state-supported abortion funding earned him the enmity of women’s groups across the state. to muddy the waters even more, a third candi- date, Robert tisch, a vocal tax-cut advocate and political gadfly, entered the race as an independent. on election day, Blanchard, backed by a coalition of democrats and moderate Republicans, rolled to an easy 200,000-vote victory.

the new governor inherited a $1.7 billion deficit from his predecessor. Because the state constitution mandated a balanced budget, Blanchard pro- posed a temporary 38 percent increase in the state income tax, as well as a $225 million cut in state services. After a bitter legislative battle, the tax bill passed, and Michigan edged back from the brink of fiscal disaster. Bond ratings were upgraded, funding for state programs and education increased, and a Michigan Youth Corps was established to give temporary summer jobs to more than 60,000 young people. By early 1983, domestic automobile sales, aided by imposition of a federal import quota on foreign cars, began to rise, unemployment dipped to 14 percent, and Michigan appeared to be on the road to recovery.

despite the brighter economic picture, the governor’s popularity sank to 34 percent in the polls because of the tax increase. Angry voters instituted a recall drive in 1983 against politicians who had supported the tax increase. it proved unsuccessful, but voters pledged to renew their efforts the following year. Assurances by Blanchard that the tax bill, as passed, provided for auto- matic phasing out of the levy did little to calm his foes. nor were the critics silenced when former governor Milliken praised Blanchard, saying: “if i were governor, i would have taken substantially the same steps. he did what he had to do, and i commend him for it.” Recalls were begun against individual law- makers who had supported the tax legislation, and these proved successful enough to defeat two democratic state senators and give control of Michigan’s upper house to the Republicans.

in late 1983 Blanchard outlined a program of economic strategies stressing diversification of industry, retraining of workers for high-technology jobs, and regional cooperation among the Great Lakes states to attract new industry.

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While Michigan’s growth still was tied closely to the return of a healthy auto- mobile industry and the stemming of the exodus of workers and business from the state, a new optimism was being felt by most Michiganians. By mid-1985, Michigan was hailed as the “comeback state.” the tax increase was being rolled back, the state’s credit rating hovered just beneath the top investment grade, and a prominent national management and accounting firm cited Michigan’s business climate as the best in the country.

Even in the midst of economic difficulties, Blanchard demonstrated his commitment to quality education. during his first term, state support for K-12 education increased by 50 percent and test scores in the state’s educational assessment program reached an all-time peak. nor was higher education neglected by the governor. When he took office, approximately 60 percent of Michigan’s residents were high school graduates and 14.3 percent had com- pleted at least four years of college. Michigan was unusual in that nearly 75 percent of its college students were in public, rather than private, institutions of higher learning, nearly 20 percent above the national average. to meet the future needs of a populace fearful of the spiraling costs of college education, Blanchard proposed the Michigan Educational trust Fund (MEt) in which parents could make a one-time investment of $3,000 per child and be guaran- teed that child would receive a four-year education at any of Michigan’s fifteen state-supported colleges beginning in the year 2005. Although critics ques- tioned the financial ability of the state to fulfill these contracts, the measure was passed into law as a majority of legislators believed MEt was in keeping with Michigan’s tradition of assuring educational opportunities to all its citizens.

Basking in these successes, Blanchard won an unexpectedly easy 1986 reelec- tion bid over Wayne County executive William Lucas, who previously had served as that county’s sheriff. Much of Blanchard’s impressive victory margin of 69 to 31 percent must be attributed more to Republican factionalism than public favor with the governor. Lucas, the first black to be nominated for the state’s highest office, had been a lifelong democrat until late 1985 and had not earned the trust of the Republican faithful, even though he was an outspoken, articulate conservative who had cut Wayne County’s debt through such strict measures as laying off workers and selling a publicly owned hospital.

Unfortunately, the tone for Blanchard’s second term was set within a week after the election when General Motors chairman Roger Smith announced the closing of seven plants in Michigan, including the company’s oldest factory, the Cadillac Fleetwood plant in detroit, which would idle 17,450 workers. Since the governor had denounced rumors of the closings as baseless during the cam- paign, he lost credibility with the electorate once again, despite his truthful assertion that he had been misled by Smith.

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Another damaging trend for the state was the continued decline in the num- ber of residents engaged in agriculture, the state’s third largest industry. during the 1980s, the number of Michigan farms diminished from 66,000 to 55,000, while cultivated acreage fell from 11.4 million to 10.8 million. Even though the state retained its ranking as the nation’s number one cherry producer and as one of the top in apple production, family-run dairy and grain farms were being sold at an alarming rate either to agribusinesses or land developers.

The Women’s Hall of Fame

on June 10, 1987, an important part of Michigan’s population received long overdue recognition with the opening of a Women’s historical Center and hall of Fame. Located in Lansing, the center contained exhibits honoring more than thirty initial inductees, among whom were abolitionist Sojourner truth, Lieutenant Governor Martha Griffiths, former first lady helen Milliken, and civil rights activist Rosa Parks. nominations for future induction were to be collected annually by the Michigan Women’s Study Association, which would then select the honorees. the museum features exhibits of the art, photography, crafts, and literature of Michigan women, as well as displays relating the contri- butions of Michigan women to science, politics, and law.

The Election of 1990

Confident of a third term in 1990 despite a lackluster previous four years, Blanchard destroyed his reelection bid by unexpectedly dropping his seventy- eight-year-old lieutenant governor, Martha Griffiths, from the ticket for what he called “the best interests of the state.” infuriated, Griffiths lambasted the governor, saying: “the biggest problem in politics is that you help some S.o.B. get what he wants, and then he throws you off the train.” immediately women’s and senior citizens’ organizations attacked Blanchard for sex and age discrimi- nation, and the assaults did not diminish even when he named olivia Maynard, the director of the State office of Services to the Aging, as his new running mate. Republican gubernatorial nominee John Engler, the Majority Leader of the State Senate, immediately seized upon the opportunity to win over the angry electorate and selected sixty-six-year-old state senator Connie Binsfeld, a former Michigan Mother of the Year, to run with him at the head of the ticket.

to compound the governor’s woes, traditional democrats were upset at Blanchard’s efforts to attract middle-class and business support by proposing

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property tax relief and setting forth a “hard line” anticrime package, including military-style boot camps for young offenders. Especially critical were labor, blacks, and women. detroit Mayor Coleman Young chided the governor for not giving “enough attention to the problems of minorities and cities,” while state representative Morris hood of detroit was even more blunt, stating that the entire democratic party, including Blanchard, was “guilty of forgetting its roots.” Prophetically, hood warned that “many of the working people i know have talked about sitting this election out.” if all this was not enough, three months before the election Blanchard’s ex-wife published a book portraying the governor as a neglectful husband and father.

one other issue worked against Blanchard’s reelection chances. in 1990, anti- abortion groups were beginning a parental consent petition drive, but the gov- ernor was not only a supporter of Medicare-funded legal abortions but also a spokesman for the national Abortion Action League. Conversely, his oppo- nent, John Engler, worked diligently to win support from Right to Life of Michigan. Abortion rights thus became not only a major issue in the race, but also, as many pundits argue, the key factor in Engler’s narrow 17,595 vote victory.

Years of Reform

in an economic situation similar to that of his predecessor, the new governor inherited a $1.8 billion deficit. Unlike Blanchard, Engler opted to reduce it through systematic cost-cutting and government reorganization rather than to increase taxes. Engler’s reforms revitalized the fiscal climate so successfully that in 1993 Michigan led the nation in new business growth and had the most robust economic development of all industrial states. in 1993, a state record of 4,350,000 men and women were employed, an increase of nearly 400,000 since 1991, and unemployment was at its lowest level (7 percent) in fifteen years. Furthermore, the growth in personal income for Michigan citizens was nearly three times the national average.

Michigan’s turnaround was based on three factors. First came welfare reform, aimed at ending dependency on the state. in 1991 general assistance welfare payments were stopped for 84,000 single, able-bodied adults. despite allega- tions made by democratic lawmakers, social service employees, and labor union leaders that Engler was insensitive to the poor, and polls showing a high disapproval rating, the governor remained steadfast about reducing welfare. he assured residents that this was merely the initial step in a program that would result in more than mere cost savings, because it was in conjunction with new

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employment retraining programs and community service alternatives to wel- fare. to the surprise of many of his critics, the program worked so well that in 1993 Michigan led the nation in the number of welfare recipients who were also employed and moving toward self-sufficiency. in mid-1994, Engler announced the second stage of his welfare reform program, which required that able- bodied welfare recipients either become employed or enroll in a job training program, or their state assistance would be reduced by 25 percent after one year and eliminated after two years.

Even as prosperity returned for many Michigan residents, poverty remained a major issue in urban centers. detroit, for example, with a minority population of 76 percent, had the unfortunate distinction of being the nation’s poorest major metropolitan center, ranking last among the country’s largest 100 cities in median home value and first in the number of households receiving welfare. thirty-three percent of the city’s households were beneath the federal poverty line, an increase of 8 percent from 1979. in keeping with the governor’s initia- tive, detroit’s “Focus: hoPE” established retraining programs for the unem- ployed, in an effort to reduce the city’s social and economic ills.

A second element of the governor’s financial recovery plan was put into effect: a tax-relief program including a property-tax freeze, a cut in the state small business tax, and elimination of inheritance taxes. Michigan ended the 1993 fiscal year with nearly $1 billion in surplus. A government program for privatization of state services, such as competitive bidding for health insurance and government partnerships with private industries, was begun, resulting in significant benefits. Such a partnership with a pharmaceutical company made it possible for the state to supply free vaccines to virtually all children. the gov- ernment also made a contract with the Salvation Army to provide shelter for more than 5,000 homeless persons.

Another of Engler’s primary goals was education reform. initially, the Michigan Educational trust Fund was eliminated from the budget due to its high cost. however, education was spared from budget slashing; in fact, it received increases of more than $500 million. in a bold bipartisan initiative, Engler endorsed a 1993 proposal introduced by democratic state senator debbie Stabenow calling for ending reliance on property taxes for school fund- ing, and in March 1994, voters approved reducing state property taxes on pri- mary residences by an average of 83 percent. to replace the lost revenue, the state sales tax was increased by 50 percent to 6¢ on a dollar, and an increase on cigarettes of 50¢ per package was instituted. the latter proviso led critics to point out derisively that the state’s residents had placed themselves in a dilemma: if they chose to reduce their risk of lung cancer by not smoking ciga- rettes, they were cutting revenue for schools as well. Also in 1994, the governor

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signed into law a bill establishing the most comprehensive charter school act in the nation, enabling outside entities, such as public universities, community colleges, teachers, or other school districts, to open competing schools within a school district. other elements of Michigan’s “education revolution” included legislation for the minimum number of hours in a school year to be increased from 900 hours to 1,080 hours beginning in 1999 and the addition of $230 million for teaching “at-risk” students. School administrators throughout the nation are watching the results of the “Michigan Model,” and if it proves suc- cessful, Michigan will regain its historic place as an innovative leader in public education.

Solving the Mystery of the “Fitz”

the Great Lakes have been for Michigan not only a source of commercial and recreational benefits but also of tragedy. Gale-force winds and waves have sunk hundreds of ships. historically, november has been the most treacherous month for sailing on the Great Lakes, with major storms claiming more than twenty vessels in 1842, ninety-seven in 1869, and eighty-one during the years 1900–66. twentieth-century november disasters alone caused the death of more than 700 seamen, including all but two on the Carl D. Bradley, which went down november 18, 1958, and all but one from the Daniel J. Morrell, which sank november 28, 1966.

none of these maritime calamities, however, captured the public imagination as did the loss of the 729-foot ore-carrier Edmund Fitzgerald, with all of its twenty-nine crewmen, on november 10, 1975. Upon learning of the tragedy, Reverend Richard ingalls, rector of the Mariners’ Church of detroit, rang its bell twenty-nine times in honor of those who perished on the Fitzgerald. When Canadian songwriter Gordon Lightfoot read of the tolling of the bell, he was so moved that he penned a ballad, “the Wreck of the Edmund Fitzgerald,” as a memorial tribute. Partly because of Lightfoot’s popularization of the tragedy and partly because the exact cause of its sinking had never been determined, the loss of the “Fitz” became an event of fascination, even luring world-renowned oceanographer Jacques Cousteau to examine the site of the wreckage.

in the early 1990s, an underwater video of the wreckage tended to discredit the earlier Coast Guard theory that the Fitzgerald had broken in two after being lifted simultaneously by two waves. the new pictures indicated that the ship had taken water through unsecured hatch covers, had sunk in one piece, and had then broken into three parts upon crashing into the lake bottom 535 feet below the surface.

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in July 1994, “Expedition 1994,” headed by a Michigan diver, Fred Shannon, came to another conclusion. When new photographs showed all hatch bolts in their proper position, Shannon blamed the tragedy on an undisclosed “struc- tural failure.” Even with this new evidence, the exact cause of the Fitzgerald sinking remains a mysterious chapter in the lore of the Great Lakes.

As a consequence of the increasing numbers of visits to the site by subma- rines and robotic cameras and the removal of artifacts such as the ship’s bell, which is now on display at the Great Lakes Shipwreck Museum at White Fish Point, family members sought to have the final resting place of their loved ones be designated as a burial site. Failing to gain their desire by law, in July 1999 relatives of the Fitzgerald’s crew boarded the U.S. Coast Guard cutter Mackinaw to hold a “graveside consecration” over the wreckage, which is believed to con- tain the remains of all those who perished in the disaster. Following the service, one relative appealed to those who wished to explore the Fitzgerald: “Let them alone. it’s their grave. You just don’t violate that sort of thing.”

Figure 20.2 the Edmund Fitzgerald, which sank on november 10, 1975, with its entire twenty-nine member crew. Courtesy of the national oceanic and Atmospheric Administration/department of Commerce; May 1975 ‒ St. Mary’s River. Photo by Bob Campbell, Grand Ledge, Mi.

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“Dr. Death”

throughout the 1990s, dr. Jack Kevorkian, a retired pathologist, gained national attention for his campaign for the rights of the dying. Using a simple carbon monoxide delivery system, which he named the mercitron, Kevorkian assisted more than 100 terminally ill persons to commit suicide. Although each of the victims and their families had sought Kevorkian’s aid in gaining “death with dignity,” his opponents charged that he was abetting in murder and dubbed him “dr. death.”

As his notoriety grew, Kevorkian came under attack not only from Right to Life groups who tried unsuccessfully to bring him to trial for murder, but also from Governor Engler and the Michigan legislature. in February 1993, Engler signed into law legislation declaring assisted suicide a felony punishable by a $2,000 fine and a maximum of four years in jail, but three months later the law was declared unconstitutional.

in 1994 Kevorkian, who referred to himself as an “obitiarist” (specialist in death), began to collect petition signatures to place assisted suicide on the bal- lot for a statewide referendum. Although voters rejected the ballot referendum in 1998, Kevorkian predicted his ultimate triumph, saying: “it may not happen in my lifetime, but my opponents are going to lose.”

Figure 20.3 dr. Jack Kevorkian and his suicide machine. Courtesy of Gary Porter/ The Detroit News.

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in the short term, however, it was Kevorkian who suffered defeat. in 1998 he administered a fatal injection to a patient suffering from Lou Gehrig’s disease. What made this assisted suicide unique was that he permitted the procedure to be videotaped, and the tape was subsequently shown on a network television news program. the uproar resulting from the telecast prompted the oakland County Prosecutor to arrest Kevorkian on a charge of murder.

At his trial, the seventy-year-old Kevorkian presented no defense and refused to permit his attorney to call witnesses to testify on his behalf. in early 1999 he was found guilty of second-degree murder and sentenced to ten to twenty-five years in prison. Kevorkian appealed his sentence but remained in prison ineligi- ble for parole until 2007, unless the Appellate Court ruled in his favor. Kervorkian four times appealed his sentence unsuccessfully, but after serving more than eight years in prison, he was granted a parole in 2007, the first year of his eligibil- ity for such a request. Kervorkian stated to the parole board that while he would not participate in any form of assisted suicide, he would support legislation to legalize the procedure. he pledged, “i’m not going to do it again. Anything that will bring me back to prison i will avoid. Prison is not a place to live.”

The Election of 1994

As Michigan neared its opportunity to have a referendum on Governor Engler’s policies in the november 1994 election, several significant facts dominated the state’s political and economic environment. during fiscal years 1990 to 1995, the general fund budget had decreased by $10.1 million but spending for higher education had increased 14.35 percent, allocations for mental health had gone up by 22.2 percent, funding for the department of Corrections had soared 62 percent (with the opening of seven new prisons and three prison camps), money for the State Police had risen by 36.6 percent, and welfare spending had been increased 45.5 percent. in short, essential state services had received more funding, while the overall budget had declined.

As a result of these policies and a strong economy that had created a $1 billion surplus in the state treasury, the electorate gave Engler an overwhelming vote of confidence. the governor garnered 61 percent of the vote and carried all but two of the state’s eighty-three counties in defeating his democratic oppo- nent, former congressman howard Wolpe. Moreover, the governor’s coattails enabled not only Spencer Abraham to become the first Republican elected to the United States Senate from Michigan since 1972 but also Candice Miller to oust veteran Secretary of State Richard Austin, giving Republicans that office after forty years of democratic control. in addition, Republicans retained their

Figure 20.4 detroit democrat, Senator Carl Levin. Courtesy of the U.S. Senate.

Figure 20.5 Candice Miller, former secretary of state and now representative of Michigan’s 10th congressional district. Courtesy of the office of Congresswoman Candice Miller.

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22–16 margin in the state senate, gained a 56–54 majority in the state house, and achieved a majority on the State Board of Education for the first time in Michigan’s history.

Being returned to office was not the only reason for the governor to rejoice. Five days after the election, the state’s first lady, Michelle Engler, gave birth to tri- plets, making her husband the first Michigan governor since Austin Blair in 1864 to become a father while serving in the executive office. Flashing a broad smile, Engler told reporters: “Four years ago, i was single, a state senator, and looking for 17,000 votes. today, i’m governor, married, and looking for 17,000 diapers.”

The New “Conscience of the Senate”

Carl Levin, a detroit democrat, was first elected to the United States Senate in 1978, upsetting two-term incumbent Republican Robert Griffin. he subse- quently was reelected in 1984, when he survived not only Ronald Reagan carry- ing the state with 59 percent of the vote, but also a determined bid by his Republican challenger, former astronaut Jack Lousma. in 1990, running against state senator Bill Schuette, Levin increased his margin of victory from 52 percent to 57 percent, even though the head of the democratic ticket, Governor James Blanchard, was defeated. then in 1996, he was sent back to the Senate with 59 percent of the vote as he trounced his Republican challenger Ronna Romney.

What makes the liberal Levin so popular in a decidedly moderate state is his awareness of the interests of the people of Michigan, his intelligence, and his ability to appear reasonable in pursuit of his goals. While ardently supporting the liberal position on protecting abortion rights, tightening regulations on lobbyists, support of gun control, civil rights, and advocating pro-labor legisla- tion, Levin has earned a reputation for advocating fiscal responsibility and has spearheaded his party’s call for reduction of the national deficit, both of which appeal to more moderate Michiganians. As either the ranking member or Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, Levin tried to preserve funding for conventional weapons systems, especially those such as the M-1 tank built in Michigan, but has been opposed to nuclear testing, the Strategic defense initiative, and authorizing the use of force against iraq before the Persian Gulf War. Levin also has been at the forefront of the “peace at any price” democrats calling for the immediate end of American involvement in the iraq War of the early twenty-first century.

Like his predecessor, Philip hart, Levin is known among his colleagues for his civility, expertise, and being, as his campaign slogan boasted, “a fighter for Michigan.” he has proven a worthy successor to wear hart’s mantle as “the

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conscience of the Senate,” although his record of achievement for Michigan falls short of that amassed by his noted predecessor. Announcing his intention not to seek reelection in 2014, Carl Levin will leave office not only as Michigan’s longest-serving United States senator, but also as one of its most effective and beloved legislators.

A Third Term for Engler

Basking in unprecedented economic growth for the state, in 1998 John Engler announced that he would run for a third term as Chief Executive. Facing the governor was democrat Geoffrey Fieger, best known for being dr. Jack Kevorkian’s attorney.

Going into the democratic primary, former East Lansing Mayor Larry owen was the favorite, as he had name recognition, support from organized labor, and the endorsement of detroit Mayor dennis Archer. Anticipated to finish second was former state senator doug Ross, and Fieger was expected to bring up the rear. the pundits seriously miscalculated the democratic primary race in two respects. First, they did not anticipate the appeal Fieger’s populist message would have among black voters. Second, they completely discounted the possibility that large numbers of Republicans would cross over and vote for Fieger because he seemed to be the easiest democrat to defeat in november.

the campaign was one of contrasts. Engler stressed how he had kept his promise to move Michigan forward and boasted a litany of accomplishments during his administration. Among the achievements the governor cited were: more than 713,000 new jobs had been created; unemployment was at 3.5 percent—the lowest in forty years; Michigan residents had saved $11 billion as a result of twenty-four tax cuts; the Work First Program had taken 325,000 people off welfare and into jobs, making Michigan the number one state in welfare reform; Michigan ranked first in the nation in funding its schools; Michigan topped the nation in business retention and new or expanded manu- facturing facilities; and $6 billion had been allocated for improvement of the state’s bridges and highways. “Michigan is moving forward, not backward,” the governor reminded the state’s residents. “A decade ago some said, ‘Will the last one to leave Michigan turn out the lights.’ Well, the lights are on and burning bright, and we’re not turning back.”

By contrast, Fieger’s campaign was personal, derogatory, and defamatory, and, as a result, many alienated democrats either stayed away from the polls or endorsed Engler. Among the democratic nominee’s questionable remarks were calling detroit Mayor dennis Archer a “slow learner” when the mayor refused

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to meet with him, saying that Jennifer Granholm, the democratic nominee for attorney general, seemed “almost hysterical” when she criticized his anticrime agenda, and referring to the potholes in Michigan’s roads as being “as big as Engler’s gluteus maximus.”

With polls showing him trailing 59 percent to 27 percent a week before the election, a contrite Fieger made an appeal to democratic party defectors. “to some in our party, i pray you understand how hurtful and destructive some of your unkind and divisive comments have been. Sometimes i may seem a little harsh or a little too loud, and frankly sometimes i’ve said some things that i wish i could take back,” he admitted. “But please let me explain something to you: i care about the people i represent.”

it was a case of too little, too late, however, as Engler triumphed by a 62 per- cent to 38 percent margin. Candice Miller’s political star skyrocketed as she garnered more votes than did the governor to win easily her second term as Secretary of State, and Republicans regained control of the Michigan legisla- ture. the only statewide democratic candidate to weather the Republican del- uge was Jennifer Granholm, who became the party’s beacon of hope by being elected the first female attorney general in Michigan’s history.

Figure 20.6 Jennifer Granholm, former Attorney General and Governor of Michigan, giving the State of the State Address, January 27, 2004. Courtesy of Gary Shrewsbury.

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Looking Ahead

As the 1990s drew to a close, Michigan seemed well on the road to reclaiming its former position as a national leader in economic growth, progressive social reform, and education. the automobile industry had rebounded, but reliance on automobile manufacturing as the sole bulwark of the state’s economy had diminished. Michigan’s business community began to look to the world market by establishing Business development offices in Canada, Mexico, Europe, Japan, and Africa. in addition, by joining with other Great Lakes states, Michigan became part of a consortium to work for preservation of natural resources and regional growth based on cooperation rather than competition.

despite the promising economic outlook and the success of social and edu- cational innovations, many challenges remained. Polls revealed that more than three-fourths of the state’s residents favored women having the right to choose an abortion, but divisive debates between Right to Life and Pro-Choice factions raged on, stressing not legal, but rather moral, issues. While new black leaders emerged, including Mayor dennis Archer of detroit and Mayor Woodrow Stanley of Flint, nonwhites remained underrepresented in the state’s political system. despite victories by Candice Miller and Jennifer Granholm, women’s voices in politics still did not reflect their numerical strength. Minorities con- tinued to suffer both rates of unemployment at least twice those for whites and unequal opportunities in education and housing. Crime remained the number one issue with Michigan residents. Legislation reducing the age of juvenile offenders for trial as adults from sixteen to fourteen years of age was proposed, and bills for “truth in sentencing,” increased hiring of state police troopers, and new prison construction were signed into law.

For Further Reading

While little has been written as yet concerning the Blanchard years, basic information on his first term may be obtained in neil Staebler, Out of the Smoke Filled Room (Ann Arbor: George Wahr Publishing Co., 1990) and George Weeks, Stewards of the State (Ann Arbor: historical Society of Michigan, 1987). Roger Martin, et al., The Journey of John Engler (West Bloomfield: Altwerger & Mandel Publishing Co., 1991) offers a rea- sonably balanced account of the 1990 gubernatorial race as set forth by reporters from the Lansing Bureau of the Detroit News. Current public policy issues facing Michigan are set forth in Phyllis t. h. Grummon and Brendan Mullan (eds), Policy Choices: Framing the Debate for Michigan’s Future (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1993) and Policy Choices: Creating Michigan’s Future (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1995).

Entering the new Millennium

Michigan entered the new millennium filled with both hope and anxiety. if the state used its fiscal and natural resources wisely and met the needs of its citizens, Michigan would continue in the social and economic vanguard of the nation, but the scope of the impending challenges was daunting.

The Election of 2000

Because of its eighteen electoral votes, Michigan was certain to be one of the major political battlegrounds in the presidential race of 2000. Realizing that his reluctance to commit himself early to Robert dole’s 1996 candidacy may have harmed state Republican Party unity, Governor Engler jumped on the George W. Bush presidential bandwagon in 1999, making him one of the texas gover- nor’s first influential supporters. the governor pledged that Michigan would serve as a “fire wall” protecting Bush from his only rival, Arizona senator John McCain. however, the results of the Michigan primary demonstrated that an endorsement by the controversial Engler was a mixed blessing. Registered Republican voters cast ballots for Bush, but independents and crossover democrats turned out in force to deliver the state to McCain. Undaunted, Engler declared that the results did not accurately reflect Bush’s popularity in Michigan, but rather signified only that democrats wished to try to embar- rass the governor by defeating his favored candidate.

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the primary results also sent up an ominous warning that incumbent United States Senator Spencer Abraham’s reelection bid could be threatened. the freshman senator was being challenged by first-term congresswoman debbie Stabenow, and without a strong vote-getter heading the Republican ticket, Abraham’s chances for victory were decidedly diminished. the incumbent’s reelection bid was hampered further when labor unions targeted him for defeat because of his proposal to increase the number of visas available for skilled immigrant workers to enter the country.

on election day, Michigan voters once again demonstrated their independ- ent nature. Vice President Al Gore, the democratic presidential candidate, defeated his Republican rival by a 51 percent to 46 percent margin. Gore’s vic- tory resulted from gaining 95 percent of black voters and 70 percent of union voters, which helped offset the fact that he lost sixty of the state’s eighty-three counties to Bush. Gore’s strong showing in urban areas enabled Stabenow to ride his coattails to a narrow 49 percent to 48 percent victory and become Michigan’s first elected female United States Senator.

After the election, Engler praised his protégé for never missing a vote in six years as senator, for working to protect the Great Lakes, and fighting for fair immigration legislation. Engler’s influence with President-elect Bush resulted in Spencer Abraham being named to the new president’s cabinet as Secretary of Energy.

however, the election also had several bright spots for the Republicans on the state level. State Senator Mike Rogers captured Stabenow’s seat in the house of Representatives, Republican nominees carried all three races for the State Supreme Court, and Republicans retained their 58–52 margin in the state house. thus, despite his party losing two national statewide races, Governor Engler looked forward to Republican control of both houses of the legislature and the state supreme court. this was especially significant for the party’s future because it meant passage of a Republican redistricting plan, based on the 2000 census, that would enhance the Republicans’ chances to increase their six congressional seats. this, indeed, occurred, as by 2007, although Michigan’s declining population had resulted in the loss of one electoral vote, Michigan’s congressional delegation consisted of nine Republicans and six democrats.

Economic Prospects

the bright dawn of the new century was dimmed slightly by several disturbing signs indicating an economic slowdown. in Michigan, the decline had been noticed as early as 1999 when General Motors closed Flint’s Buick City

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assembly line, marking the end of a plant that had produced 15.8 million Buicks since 1906. this followed the closing of another of the city’s historic buildings, Fisher Body Plant no. 1, the site of the Sit-down Strike of 1936–37. then in 2000, the automobile industry suffered two more blows when General Motors announced the elimination of the oldsmobile line and daimler-Chrysler said declining sales and a fourth quarter loss of $1.2 billion would force it to shut down eight plants. this was especially important because, despite efforts at diversification, $1 out of every $8 in the state’s economy was directly generated by the automobile industry, which employed 6 percent of the state’s work force. Moreover, manufacturing in general constituted 26 percent of Michigan’s economy, which led one expert to caution: “Michigan has diversified quite a bit, but so has every other state, and it’s still a lot less diversified than almost every other state in the region.”

to try to offset the loss of revenue caused by diminished automobile sales, Governor Engler joined with detroit Mayor dennis Archer in trying to tap into China’s growing need for inclusion in the global market. China’s automotive production increased from 700,000 in 1991 to 1.8 million in 1999, and some experts predicted that within ten years its share of the world vehicle market would rise from 7 percent to 25 percent. As Archer noted: “there are a lot of auto suppliers who produce parts for the Asian market, and if we can help open up some doors for them in Michigan and through joint ventures in Asia, it will benefit our economy.”

Even Engler, usually the most vocal booster of the state’s growth, was cautious in his 2001 State of the State Address. With thirty-one tax cuts already passed during his terms as governor, a thirty-second would not be in the immediate future. Budget estimates indicated that the state would not bring in enough revenue during the fiscal year to keep up with inflation. the decline in tax revenue was not merely a result of a sluggish economy, but also because of previous reductions in the state income tax rate from 4.4 percent to 4.2 percent, which resulted in a $269 million decrease in the state treasury. Likewise, a cut in the Single Business tax, the state’s main levy on businesses, from 2.2 percent to 2.1 percent caused a drop of $194 million in revenue. As the income tax was reduced to 4.1 percent in 2002 and to 3.9 percent in 2004, and the Single Business tax was cut to 2 percent in 2001 and then reduced by .1 percent annually until it was phased out in 2007, the revenue derived continued to diminish. Because new industries were not created and existing high-technology businesses in other states were not lured to relo- cate in Michigan, the state entered the new century in a period of economic stagnation similar to, or even worse than, that of the late 1970s and early 1980s.

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Environmental Protection

Closely linked to the economic future of the state was the question of maintaining the quality of its air and water. Michigan, whose 3,288 miles of coastline is second among states only to that of Alaska, relies heavily on its waterways for both tourism and commerce. in 1994, tourism generated $8.5 billion for the state, much of it from visitors seeking to enjoy sailing, swim- ming, fishing, and other water-related activities. in addition to the economic benefits, the Great Lakes, which contain 20 percent of the world’s fresh water, provide drinking water to 40 million people.

Michigan also has more than 120 lighthouses, the most of any state, and visitors to Port huron may tour not only the state’s oldest lighthouse, but also the Huron Lightship. the Fort Gratiot Lighthouse, located just north of the Bluewater Bridges, is still in operation, while the Huron, which retired in 1970 as the last active lightship on the Great Lakes, is now a museum located south of the bridges.

Sadly, the future of those tourist attractions and others throughout the state is threatened by industrial pollution from both the United States and Canada. Beaches throughout Michigan were closed in 2000 because of e-coli bacteria, and the condition will continue to deteriorate if more is not done to stop wastewater runoffs and raw sewage pouring into the Great Lakes and other waterways. Fishing has been limited by discovery of high levels of mercury in sport fish. in 2006, another toxic hazard from industrial waste, the fire retard- ant dechlorance Plus, was detected in samples of walleye taken from Lakes Erie and Michigan. Without clean water, a key element of Michigan’s appeal to visitors will be lost.

Likewise, unless action is taken to preserve the Great Lakes through conservation measures, the state will see another of its most important indus- tries wither. the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence Seaway connect the midwestern markets with the world. Since opening in 1959, the St. Lawrence Seaway has handled more than 2 billion metric tons of cargo worth more than $300 billion, of which more than 60 percent has gone to ports in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. domestic shipping on the Great Lakes transported 102.8 million tons of iron ore, coal, grain, and other materials in 2000, an increase of 1.4 million tons from the previous year. however, foreign vessels often bring with them parasitic marine life attached to their hulls, and when they drop off and take up residence in the lakes and rivers they do harm to fresh water fish.

Both foreign and domestic shipping on the Great Lakes, however, is threatened by declining water levels. in 2007, the levels of Lakes Superior,

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huron, and Michigan were nearly twenty inches below their normal depths and were threatening to break the record lows recorded in 1925. in fact, in 2007 Lakes Michigan and huron were losing water three times faster than had been predicted only a few years earlier, and in 2012, Lakes Michigan and huron were twenty-five inches below normal, while Lakes Erie, Superior, and ontario were ten to fourteen inches below normal. For every inch of draft lost, freighters, depending on their size, must lighten their loads by between 50 and 270 tons. huge freighters, such as the Paul R. Tregurtha, at 1,013.5 feet the largest ship on the Great Lakes, have to make additional trips with less cargo to avoid running aground. At $5 per ton of iron ore, a load lightened by 6,000 tons results in a loss of $30,000 in revenue, and most freighters make fifty runs annually. Moreover, the loss cannot be made up by lengthening the shipping season because the locks at Sault Ste. Marie close from January 15 to March 25. Lower lake levels also mean a loss of revenue for the pleasure boat industry and tourism. in 2007 more than 50 percent of boat ramps on Lake Michigan no longer reached the water. Additionally, declining water levels have so affected the shipping of coal to fuel electric plants that every electricity consumer in Michigan was warned in mid-2007 to expect a steep increase in electric bills beginning in 2008.

Figure 21.1 the Fort Gratiot Lighthouse. Library of Congress, Washington, d.C., LC-d4-13256. United States Coast Guard Photo.

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Warmer than normal winters and diminished snowfall have helped to create this great drop in water levels, but so has the sale of millions of gallons of Great Lakes water by both the United States and Canada to other nations. While government has no control over the elements, it certainly could restrict the sale of this natural asset until the lake levels begin to rise. if shipping, which is already being harmed by the closure of several steel plants which previously purchased iron ore, is further limited by declining water levels, Michigan, as well as other states bordering the Great Lakes, will lose yet one more tradi- tional economic bulwark.

Another environmental issue facing Michigan is whether it should continue to permit the dumping of Canadian trash in the state. As a result of a contract negotiated by a private landfill company with the government of toronto, more than 313,500 tons of trash from that city cross the west-bound Bluewater Bridge annually into Michigan, while another 495,000 tons enter across the Ambassador Bridge in detroit. in return for accepting the trash, the company receives $9.7 million a year for the duration of a five-year contract. this means approximately forty tractor-trailers daily cross each bridge heading for a land- fill in Wayne County. included in this daily caravan are truckloads of toronto sewage. Unless Michigan joins with the federal government in stopping such practices, the “Water Winter Wonderland” will slowly turn into a dumping ground for waste matter.

Social Issues

in late 2000 the “State of Working America,” a report issued biannually by the Economic Policy institute of Washington, d.C., stated that, despite a growth in median income and a slight decline in the number of residents living in poverty, Michigan continued to experience a widening income disparity. during the past two decades the hourly wages of the lowest-earning 20 percent of the state’s workers declined 6.9 percent and the number of poverty-level jobs had increased, thereby creating a new social class known as the “working poor.” the report cited decreased unionization, fewer well- paying opportunities for workers with only a high-school education, and a higher tax burden on low- and middle-income residents than the national average as primary causes for the disparity. if the state is to regain its eco- nomic stability, Michigan must continue to seek ways to train workers for jobs in the new high technology market and encourage development of new businesses, while relying less heavily on temporary workers supplied by contract companies.

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Statistics on crime in the state provide a mixed message. Serious crimes, including murder, arson, larceny, rape, and robbery, declined throughout the last half of the 1990s, but overall Michigan’s crime rate increased by 1 percent. the decline of serious crimes is deceptive, however, as residents of the state’s large urban centers remain threatened by the prospect of being victims of crim- inal activities. For example, detroit was regaining its unwanted reputation as a “Murder City,” climbing to third in the national homicide figures in 1999, while Flint jumped to tenth in the same category. Flint also led the nation in 1999 in assaults and burglaries. Statistics such as these led one national survey taken in 2000 to list detroit as the most dangerous city in the nation, with Flint close behind at seventh in the ranking.

Shortages of jail facilities and income disparity accounted perhaps for the rise in urban violent crimes, as the unemployment rate among the state’s urban minority males with less than a high school diploma was more than 28 percent in 1999. While the state has attempted to deal with the former by permitting privately owned prisons to be built to house youthful offenders, it must address the unemployment issue or crime will continue to plague the state’s urban centers.

Politics in the Early Twenty-first Century

With Governor John Engler’s announcement that he would not seek reelection for a fourth term, the year 2002 marked the first time since 1982 that there would not be an incumbent in the gubernatorial race. to avoid a potentially divisive Republican primary, Secretary of State Candice Miller announced her intention to seek a congressional seat rather than the gubernatorial nomina- tion, which left Lieutenant Governor Richard Posthumus virtually uncontested for the nomination. For the democrats, first-term Attorney General Jennifer Granholm emerged as the party’s choice.

the race was primarily about the record of the incumbent, with Posthumus, who before reaching his current executive position had been Michigan’s longest-serving Senate majority leader, pledging to carry on Engler’s policies of educational reform and lowering property taxes, while Granholm posed as a centrist, “new democrat,” pro-business, pro-growth, and not bound by tradi- tional democratic ties to big labor, high taxes, and government programs to solve every citizen’s problems. Posthumus, a gracious politician with a rural background, ran a low-key campaign emphasizing family values, agriculture, and the possible need to stimulate the state’s economy by increasing the sales tax. the national democratic Party poured money into the race and raised the

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blond, Canadian-born Attorney General to the status of a rising star. the infu- sion of outside funding and press attention helped lift Granholm to a narrow 51 percent to 49 percent victory, making her Michigan’s first elected female Chief Executive. United States Senator Carl Levin won a fifth term by trounc- ing his obscure GoP opponent, garnering 62 percent of the votes.

Although defeated in the gubernatorial and senate races in 2002, Republicans retained control of the Michigan legislature and the secretary of state’s office. terry Lynn Land proved to be as attractive a candidate as her predecessor, Congresswoman-elect Candice Miller, by easily besting her democratic opponent by a 56–44 percent margin. As well, the state GoP nar- rowly captured the attorney general position vacated by Granholm, with Mike Cox besting former State Senator Gary Peters by 5,200 votes out of nearly 3 million cast. Peters subsequently was rewarded by the new governor, who appointed him state lottery director.

in 2004, Michigan again voted democratic for president, with liberal Massachusetts Senator John F. Kerry gaining a victory over President George W. Bush by a 52–48 percent margin, but his coattails were not long enough to elect sufficient democrats to gain control of the Michigan Senate.

Economic Woes

during her first term, Governor Granholm presided over an economic down- turn which rivaled that of the Great depression. From January 2003 through december 2006, Michigan lost more than 164,000 jobs, many of which were in the domestic automobile industry. however, the losses were not limited to auto- motive-related businesses, as the Ann Arbor area was devastated by the loss of 5,000 jobs when Pfizer pharmaceuticals relocated. Among other major compa- nies that either relocated their corporate headquarters from Michigan or closed their doors since 2000 were Comerica Bank, Kmart, Upjohn Pharmaceuticals, and Gerber Foods. Michigan lost one job every ten minutes during the initial four years of the Granholm administration, and, as a result, personal bank- ruptcy rates reached all-time highs with 63,000 families filing for bankruptcy protection in 2004. Michigan’s unemployment level remained constant at a national high of 7.1 percent in 2003 and 2004, but dipped to 6.6 percent in mid- 2007, which was still significantly above the national average of 4.3 percent, and thousands of state residents, often reluctantly, were compelled by financial necessity to relocate. A study by Michigan State University found that in 2005 Michigan employers were planning on hiring 43 percent fewer college gradu- ates, while nationwide employers anticipated a 5 percent hiring increase of

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college graduates. the study concluded that if Michigan was excluded, national hiring would be up 13 percent, making Michigan “the drag on the nation.” in 2006, more than half the graduates of the state’s three largest universities told pollsters that they intended to leave the state to seek employment, and most expressed no desire to return. Michigan had earned the unwanted title of “Job Loss Capital of America.” Seeking to capitalize on Michigan’s economic misfor- tunes, states such as Wyoming and texas engaged in vigorous recruiting efforts to lure workers from Michigan. in 2006 alone, Wyoming, whose coal, oil, and natural gas industries were booming, had given employment to nearly 2,000 laid-off Michiganians, while thousands of other state residents relived the mass exodus of the 1980s to texas from Michigan to find jobs not only in the oil industry, but also in law enforcement. the Union Pacific Railroad Company hoped to recruit as many as 50,000 workers from Michigan to work for the company in nebraska, texas, California, oregon, and Wyoming.

Between the years 2003–2005, nearly 85,000 Michigan residents, hoping for financial security, fled the state; many of these emigrants were well-educated, young people who represented the future of the state. Governor Granholm, like Wilber Brucker, another depression-era governor, traveled throughout the nation urging the purchase of Michigan goods; she also traveled to Asia and Europe urging foreign companies not only to invest, but also to relocate, in the Wolverine State. While her efforts brought hundreds of new jobs to the state, these paled in contrast to the loss of tens of thousands during the same period.

Election of 2006

As a consequence of the state’s economic travails, by 2006, Governor Granholm’s reelection was anything but certain. despite Michigan being the only state in the Union not sharing in the national economic growth, the gover- nor chose to blame President Bush’s economic policies for Michigan’s fiscal woes, ignoring the fact that the same policies which she decried had brought economic stimulation to every other state. According the Detroit News, not known for its support of the governor, Granholm, despite her campaign rhetoric of 2002, had become “an old-school liberal, devoted to the discredited programs of the new deal and Great Society and enamored of central planning. . . . Freed of her centrist bonds, [in her fourth State of the State message] she rattled off a breathtaking far left agenda that should have had taxpayers gripping tight to their wallets and businesses fleeing for the hills.” the governor’s response was to promise the citizens that “We will protect you and your family and your economic security,” with her “jobs today, jobs tomorrow” program and touting

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her fiscal conservatism by having resolved more than $4 billion in inherited deficits and cutting state government more than any of her predecessors. As part of her promise to protect Michigan residents, during her administration health- care coverage was provided to 300,000 uninsured state residents, and the nation’s first bulk-buying of prescription drugs was instituted, saving the state nearly $40 million in 2003 alone. Granholm also introduced the MiRx Card which granted discount prescription drugs to uninsured families. She also proposed the Michigan First health Care Plan to extend universal health care to every Michiganian. As to the economic troubles in the state, the governor remained upbeat, likening Michigan to a Great Lakes freighter plying through rough seas in a storm. this unfortunate analogy led one wag to remark: “Yeah, the Edmund Fitzgerald.” despite polls that showed more than 60 percent of Michigan voters disapproved of the charismatic governor’s job performance, the same polls showed nearly the same percentage liked her “as a person.”

the Republican Party, using the failing economy as its main message, nomi- nated conservative millionaire businessman dick deVos, a proven job-creator while heading Alticor (formerly Amway), who poured $35 million of his own money, along with $6 million in donations, into advertising campaigns to increase familiarity with himself and his positions. As the campaign progressed, deVos unveiled a vague, yet sweeping, plan to revitalize the state economy. his proposal, called “the Michigan turnaround,” included tax cuts, lower government spend- ing, limiting welfare benefits to four years, cutting health-insurance costs, elimi- nation of the Single Business tax, and eliminating state income taxes on families earning less than $14,000 annually. Unfortunately for deVos, he came across, especially in the televised series of debates, as stern, pedantic, and lacking in cha- risma. in contrast, Governor Granholm, perhaps the greatest orator in Michigan’s political history, was upbeat with her message of better times, reiterating her pledge that in five years the results of her efforts to make Michigan a vibrant part of economic globalization and restore the state’s economic climate “will blow you [Michiganians] away.” Polls showed that by being the state’s “chief cheerleader,” the governor’s contagious optimism made her the “more likeable” candidate. her deftly articulated message, although equally as devoid of specifics as that of her opponent, resonated with the voters, who gave her a 56 percent to 42 percent victory in the most expensive gubernatorial race [$56 million] in state history.

the governor’s coattails helped bring about the unexpectedly easy reelection of United States Senator debbie Stabenow by a 58 percent to 42 percent margin over oakland County Sheriff Michael Bouchard, despite polls giving the incumbent a 60 percent disapproval rating, and the takeover of the State house by democrats for the first time in nearly a decade. however, despite these victories, the democrats failed in their bids to capture the positions of Secretary

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of State and Attorney General, as both terry Lynn Land and Mike Cox were returned by comfortable margins.

Other Socioeconomic Difficulties in the New Millennium

As the economy spiraled downward, urban crime experienced a resurgence. in 2007, among cities with a population of at least 100,000, Flint was ranked by the Federal Bureau of investigation as first in violent crimes, with detroit ranking a close third, after experiencing an 11 percent jump in crime from the prior year. As crime increased, so did the number of felons sent to prison. in early 2007, Michigan had 51,000 prison inmates, an increase of 4.2 percent from the previ- ous year and 143 percent increase from 1987, and corrections officials projected that the state would run out of prison bed space by late 2007. With 489 inmates for every 100,000 residents, Michigan’s incarceration rate is 28 percent higher than other Great Lakes states. in 2007 the cost of maintaining the state’s 42 pris- ons and eight minimum security camps was $5 million daily, and taxpayers pro- vided $30 million in health care to treat the 300 most costly inmate cases. these figures translated into a troubling comparative statistic: Michigan was spending $1.94 billion a year on corrections and only $1.78 billion on its fifteen state- supported universities. in an effort to reduce costs by $92 million, in 2007 Governor Granholm proposed to release 5,500 nonviolent offenders. Critics of the plan included Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick of detroit and detroit Police Chief Ella Bully-Cummings, both of whom expressed concerns that many released fel- ons would return to the detroit area. Macomb County Sheriff Mark hackel sum- marized public safety concerns succinctly, noting: “Because these are low-risk inmates, it doesn’t mean they may not commit more serious crimes in the future.”

Public safety was also threatened by the state’s crumbling infrastructure. in 2006, Michigan was rated third in the nation in the number of structurally defi- cient bridges, with 16 percent of the state’s 5,000 bridges seriously in need of repair. the average age of the state’s county bridges is fifty years, but many of the railroad overpasses were built more than 70 years ago.

Revival of the Motor City

A key to Michigan’s recovery will be the revitalization of detroit. despite having to battle rising crime rates and a decades-long negative image, Mayor Kwame M. Kilpatrick, elected in 2002 and reelected four years later, presided over the city’s largest housing and commercial construction growth since the 1950s.

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Construction of a RiverWalk began in 2003 and plans were finalized in 2006 for building a multimillion dollar residential and retail project along the detroit River. downtown detroit was energized by the construction of Comerica Park and Ford Field, which attract millions of people each year. these facilities, respectively, hosted the Major League Baseball All Star Game in 2005 and the national Football League Super Bowl in 2006, drawing favorable national attention to detroit’s new, more positive image. in 2007, a $180 million renova- tion of the Book-Cadillac hotel to its former world-class status was begun. Built in 1924, but vacant since 1984, the restoration of the once-elegant Book- Cadillac was called the biggest rebuilding project in detroit since the Fox theatre reopened in 1988. When completed, the Book-Cadillac will accom- modate 2,000 guests and employ more than 300 people, thereby making detroit even more viable as a convention center. the mayor focused on “Kids, Cops, and Clean,” which he considered the three keys to a safe, healthy, and prosperous detroit. despite the mayor’s commitment to education, however, only 21.7 percent of detroit’s high school students graduate in four years, making detroit’s public schools the worst in the nation in rate of graduation. the mayor was more successful in creating a safer city, especially in the area of fatal fires, which declined by 30 percent, and in reducing urban blight and cracking down on illegal dumping of trash in the city.

Return to the “City of Champions”

As in the Great depression of the 1930s, the mental suffering of the citizenry was lightened somewhat by the return to dominance of Michigan teams in pro- fessional and collegiate athletics. the detroit tigers, who had nearly equaled a major league record with 119 losses in 2003, rebounded in 2006 to capture the American League pennant. Even though they were bested in the World Series by the St. Louis Cardinals in five games, the tigers had “restored the roar” in detroit, and the city’s economy was bolstered by near record-setting attendance at Comerica Park. in 2012 the tigers again set an attendance record and returned to the World Series, only to suffer a disappointing four-game sweep at the hands of the San Francisco Giants. on the ice, detroit remained “hockeytown, USA” as the Red Wings won the Stanley Cup in 2002, and made the playoffs every season through 2012. Avid hockey fans yearly fill Joe Louis arena, adding to detroit’s economic coffers. the detroit Pistons, who bear the Motor City name despite playing in suburban Auburn hills, recaptured some of their glory of the late 1980s by winning division titles in the 2002, 2003, 2005, and 2006 seasons, conference titles in 2004 and 2005, and a world championship

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in 2004. the detroit Shock, the Piston affiliate in the Women’s national Basketball Association began in 1998 as one of the league’s first expansion fran- chises. the Shock, who finished in last place in 2002, rebounded under the leadership of a new coach, former Piston great Bill Laimbeer, won conference titles and world championships in 2003, 2006, and 2008. Unfortunately, attend- ance never matched the team’s success on the court, and in 2009 the Shock relocated to tulsa, oklahoma. Among professional sport franchises in Michigan, only the woeful detroit Lions have not shared championship hon- ors, not having won a world championship since 1957. despite their dismal performances on the field, the Lions have loyal fans who fill Ford Field regu- larly and help stimulate the Motor City economy.

At the collegiate level, the University of Michigan annually fields one of the premier football teams in the nation. Although not gaining a national division i championship thus far in the twenty-first century, the Wolverines won Big ten titles in 2002, 2003, and 2004. the most successful football program in the state since 2000 is that of Grand Valley State University. After losing the division ii national championship in 2000, Grand Valley won national championship titles in 2002, 2003, 2005, and 2006. Entering the 2007 season with 28 consecutive victories, GVSU boasted the longest winning streak in collegiate football. Michigan State University has one of the finest collegiate basketball programs in the nation, appearing in the Final Four four times since 2000, and winning the national championship in 2000. the Spartan hockey team also has enjoyed success, winning the national collegiate hockey tournament in 2007.

the Great Lakes State, while languishing economically, boasts many jewels in its sporting crown. Symbolically, a winning sport program is critical in times of depression, especially if the team, like the 2006 tigers, is not expected to triumph. Fans identity with, and derive hope from, fighting underdogs who, with a “never give up” attitude, defy expectations and reach the top. thus, a state’s residents, although beset with problems, may model themselves after their sporting heroes and keep battling through adversity. if athletics represent the light to guide Michigan out of its long economic and spiritual depression, a stronger Michigan will arise from the ashes of the early twenty-first century.

Prospects for the Future

Michigan’s political, economic, and social leaders are aware of what needs to be done to keep moving the state forward, and all agree that education is the cor- nerstone upon which progress must be based. Under Governor Engler several initiatives were proposed, many of which have been set in motion.

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in 1999, at the urging of the governor, the legislature gave detroit Mayor dennis Archer authority to reorganize his city’s failing school system. Charter schools have opened giving parents an alternative educational opportunity for their children if they reside in a city whose public schools are not doing their job. By 2000, approximately 3 percent of the state’s students were attending such a school. the Michigan Merit Award Scholarship Program was established in 1998 to motivate high school students to do well on their Michigan Education Assessment Program (MEAP) tests. Under this program, a $2,500 college scholarship is awarded to students who meet or exceed Michigan standards in mathematics, reading, science, and writing. to further motivate academic excellence, in 2000 Governor Engler created the Golden Apple Award which gave a minimum of $50,000 to schools that attained the highest MEAP scores in the state and those that improved the most. Engler explained: “it bothered me that we hand out championships for athletics and not for academics. When it comes to science and math, people don’t really know the conference rankings.”

As well, the Michigan Education trust (MEt), which had been suspended when Engler assumed the office, was reorganized. Under the new program, parents could invest in contracts totaling slightly more than $20,000 over a four-year period, to defray future costs of college tuition for their children.

the Class of 2007 was the last required to take the MEAP tests, as the oft-criticized testing system was replaced by the Michigan Merit Examination (MME). the new system consists of three components—the ACt college entrance examination, the Work Keys jobs skills assessment in reading and mathematics, and the State of Michigan tests in mathematics, science, social studies, and persuasive writing. the new test lived up to its billing as being “tougher,” as attested to when the 2007 results showed that only 51 percent of the state’s high school juniors passed the English component of the MME, and fewer than half (47 percent) passed the mathematics test. other lackluster scores were recorded in reading, with only 40 percent receiving a passing grade, and science, with a success rate of 56 percent. only in social studies, with an 83 percent passing rate, did the state’s students excel. despite these relatively dismal results, more than 94 percent of Michigan’s high school juniors who took the test qualified for the $4,000 Michigan Promise Scholarship, which requires only that students take the MME and receive “valid scores.” Minimizing the issue of quality performance as an indicator for academic success in higher education, Governor Granholm, who had proposed the scholarship in 2005, boasted: “For the first time in our state’s history, the Michigan Promise Scholarship offers every Michigan student the opportunity for a post- secondary education. Students who continue their education beyond high school will be

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part of our highly educated and skilled work force and will help to transform Michigan’s economy.” With steps such as these, Michigan committed itself to expand educational opportunities to prepare the state’s children for greater success in the twenty-first century. only the passage of time would measure whether the efforts bore fruit.

By 2007 traditional optimism waned under predictions from leading eco- nomic analysts that Michigan’s economic doldrums would continue for at least another decade. Unless financial conditions improve through innovative and bold diversification and the state’s college graduates can find fiscal security in their home state and choose not to seek their fortunes elsewhere, Michigan’s future as a leader in the nation’s economic, social, and political growth seems increasingly dim.

the state’s economic doldrums reached panic level in late 2008 when General Motors and Chrysler pleaded with the federal government for a “bailout” to save them from bankruptcy. Congress initially balked at using $85 billion of taxpayers’ money to save private companies from their own failed business practices. After General Motors and Chrysler projected a loss of three million jobs, in the immediate companies as well as in automotive-related fields, should the federal government not commit the funds to save them, Congress took action, consenting to assume partial ownership and temporary control of the companies through a loan to Chrysler and the purchase of 61 percent of General Motors stock at a cost of $49.5 billion; government control purportedly would continue until the loans were repaid and General Motors reorganized itself by eliminating poorly selling model lines and closing 27 percent of its dealerships. this agreement resulted in the structured bankruptcy that critics of the federal loan initially predicted and favored. Ford Motor Company, the other member

Figure 21.2 A panoramic scene of detroit as it was in 1906. Courtesy of the detroit historical Society.

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of the historical “Big three,” refused to accept federal money, secured its own financing, and continued to profit under its own direction. By 2013, some four years after the start of what came to be known as the Great Recession, Chrysler had repaid its loan, but “Government Motors,” as it was derisively nicknamed, despite repurchasing of hundreds of millions of shares of its own stock, still owed the treasury billions of dollars. in February 2013 the treasury department announced its intention to sell its remaining 300 million shares, representing 19 percent of the company’s stock, on the open market by March 2014. Unless the price of General Motors stock more than tripled during that time, the treasury stood to lose more than $12 billion on the bailout, making it a dubious investment of federal resources, although it arguably saved the jobs of thou- sands of UAW members.

The Lost Decade

While Governor Granholm remained optimistic about the state’s future, in 2009 she expressed surprise that the economy had not, as expected, recovered but had grown even worse, with Michigan having lost more than one million jobs, the most in the state’s history, and being burdened with a staggering high unemployment rate of nearly 15 percent, compared with the national average of slightly over 8 percent. to the governor’s credit, she tried to reverse the eco- nomic decline, but unfortunately many of her attempts mirrored the failed policies of Governor Wilber Brucker during the Great depression. Among her programs were the Pure Michigan campaign to encourage the purchase of Michigan products and increase tourism, twelve trips overseas to urge reloca- tion of businesses to Michigan, and attempts to persuade the motion picture industry to come to Michigan when considering new film sites. While these efforts did achieve some level of success, such as bringing 45 new businesses and 11,000 new jobs to the state, the gains paled in comparison to the massive losses the state suffered during her administration. the Pure Michigan campaign brought in $600 million to the state treasury in 2009, and several mostly small independent movie companies, lured by the highest tax credit (42 percent) in the nation, began making films in Michigan. the governor also strove to attract alternative energy industries to the state and cut the size of government, more so than any of her predecessors.

Many of Granholm’s political failures stemmed from national and even global economic factors beyond her control, but some were self-inflicted. her inability to work effectively with both the Republican Senate Majority Leader Mike Bishop and the democratic Speaker of the house Andy dillon stymied

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many of her proposed legislative programs, most notably a sales tax on services to help fund public schools. Although remaining personally popular with Michiganders, Jennifer Granholm’s two terms as governor were defined by economic chaos and decline of the state’s image and political influence.

For Further Reading

the depletion of the water supply in the Great Lakes is detailed by Peter Annin, The Great Lakes Water Wars (Washington, dC: island Press, 2007). A self-serving, but readable autobiography of Governor Granholm and her administration is Jennifer Granholm and dan Mulhern, A Governor’s Story: The Fight for Jobs and America’s Economic Future (new York: Public Affairs, 2012).

Reinventing Michigan

As the state approached the second decade of the new millennium, it found itself mired in a deepening crisis. Among the hard facts it faced were an unemployment rate that remained the second highest in the nation. the number of job losses in Michigan alone accounted for more than half of the nation’s total job losses in 2010. in addition, more than 100,000 residents had left the state in the hope of finding a better life elsewhere, its budget had a $1.6 billion shortfall for fiscal 2011, and Michigan now bore the dubious distinction of being ranked the worst state in the nation for business because of its tax structure, excessive regulations, and contract demands by organized labor.

Emergence of the “Tough Nerd”

on January 1, 2010, as term-limited Governor Granholm entered her last full year in office, state democrats assumed that their next gubernatorial nominee would be Lieutenant Governor John Cherry, an experienced politician who had a lengthy legislative career before having been named as Granholm’s running-mate, and one who also had solid backing from the state’s labor organ- izations, which constituted the base of the state democratic party. Four days later, on January 5, Cherry rocked the state’s political landscape by announcing that he would not seek the gubernatorial nomination, leaving democrats scrambling to find another candidate before the election later that same year.

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Ultimately the choice narrowed to moderate Speaker of the house Andy dillon and the fiery liberal Virg Bernaro, the mayor of Lansing. in the primary election, Mayor Bernaro, thanks to strong union support, won an easy victory over dillon, garnering 59 percent of the vote.

the Republican primary field was crowded with five candidates, three of whom were prominent conservatives: Congressman Peter hoekstra, Attorney General Mike Cox, and oakland County Sheriff Mike Bouchard. Also run- ning were the lesser-known but highly respected moderate state senator tom George, and a political neophyte named Rick Snyder, a successful business- man and former head of Gateway Computer, who had helped turn Gateway from a fledgling enterprise into a Fortune 500 company. Snyder was given so little chance of winning that if one factored in the margin of error into his poll standings, he was in negative numbers. Undaunted, he ran with the self- deprecating description of “one tough nerd,” touting his record of making tough decisions to achieve success in business as making him the candidate best qualified to reverse Michigan’s sinking economic fortunes. in the primary election, the more familiar candidates divided the party’s conservative base, enabling Snyder to emerge with a comfortable plurality victory, having amassed 37 percent of the vote to 27 percent for his nearest challenger, Congressman hoekstra.

in the general election, Snyder campaigned against the Michigan Business tax, saying it was killing job growth, and promised to replace it with a flat 6 percent corporate income tax. he also pledged that with his experience as an accountant he would balance the state budget through structural changes and end reliance on “bookkeeping gimmicks” or temporary measures. his major theme was that he would “Reinvent Michigan,” by establishing an economic environment conducive to growth and job creation for both large and small businesses.

Bernaro, who had earned the title “America’s Angriest Mayor” for his out- spoken defense of automobile workers during the debates over the federal bailouts, campaigned, as he stated, “as a fighter for the working stiff who can’t seem to get a break in this economy,” while attacking Snyder as a “ candidate of the rich and corporate raiders.” he further assailed Snyder’s career as a venture capitalist and revived Governor Granholm’s successful tactic of 2006 by alleging that the Republican nominee outsourced American jobs overseas, saying that “Michigan doesn’t need a CEo – chief executive outsourcer.”

on election day, Michigan voters overwhelmingly rejected the negative class-warfare campaign of the democrats and gave Snyder a nearly 600,000- vote victory. Election results also gave Republicans control of both houses of

Michigan336

the legislature and saw the GoP retain control of the offices of Attorney General and Secretary of State with the election of Bill Schuette and Ruth Johnson, respectively. Polls reflected that disillusioned residents believed that a govern- ment more business oriented than politically motivated would be the best way to restore Michigan as a good place to live, work, and offer a prosperous future for their children.

Relentless Positive Action

Governor-elect Snyder promised to pursue a course of “relentless positive action” to overcome not only the state’s $1.8 billion deficit, but also to reverse the state’s population decline, which amounted to 0.6 percent or 54,000 of the total residents during the decade 2000–2010, this after having experienced a growth rate of 6.9 percent from 1990 to 2000. the most important priority for Snyder was to establish his economic team. in so

Figure 22.1 Michigan Republican gubernatorial candidate Rick Snyder speaks to sup- porters at his election-night event after the day’s primary election, August 3, 2010, in Ypsilanti, Michigan. Snyder edged out Michigan Attorney General Mike Cox and U.S. Congressman Pete hoekstra to face democratic nominee and Lansing mayor Virg Bernero in the november general election. tony ding/AP/Press Association images (PA-9267375).

Reinventing Michigan 337

doing he lured Utah’s John nixon, president of the national Association of State Budget officers, to head Michigan’s department of technology, Management, and Budget. the incoming governor then named former democratic Speaker of the house Andy dillon as state treasurer. Within two months this trio had devised a balanced budget by proposing several politically daring measures, including instituting taxes on the state’s senior citizens’ public and private pensions. Snyder explained this move in terms of fairness, saying that paying for state-supported services for seniors, who constituted a full 15 percent of Michigan’s population (a figure expected to rise to 20 percent by 2030), would cause an unfair tax burden on the rest of the state’s residents. Snyder also called for a $1.8 billion tax cut for business, reductions in funding for education and cities, concessions from state, local, and school district employees, as well as eliminating the 42 percent tax credit for the state’s film industry and capping state film subsidies at a less generous $25 million per annum. As a consequence of these necessary but unpopular measures, the state’s economy began to recover, even re- bloom. new York bond-rating agencies raised Michigan’s credit ranking, more than 141,000 new private-sector jobs were created, the state unem- ployment rate dropped back into single digits, and per capita personal income rose to the eighth highest in the United States after six consecutive years of decline. By 2012 the state’s “rainy day fund,” which had dwindled from nearly $1.3 billion in 2000 to zero in 2003, had risen to $365 million, and would rise by another $140 million during 2012. As a result of its fiscal recovery Michigan was the nation’s “ comeback state.” not only did it have the sixth fastest growing Gross domestic Product of any state in the nation, but, remarkably, it was now ranked in the top ten states in which to do business.

Election of 2012

While Governor Snyder was not up for reelection in 2012, he had a vested interest in the outcome of the political contests of that year. there were six initiatives to amend the state constitution on the ballot, and Snyder’s posi- tions were agreed to by the electorate on five of the six proposals. Most important to the governor were the rejection of a proposal that would have permitted construction of a second privately funded bridge between detroit and Windsor, ontario, and the overwhelming rejection of a union-backed proposal to guarantee within the state constitution collective bargaining rights.

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Although President Barack obama’s landslide victory over Republican chal- lenger Mitt Romney, son of Michigan’s legendary governor George Romney, helped democrats gain five seats in the Michigan house, Republicans retained a 59–51 majority in that body. Republicans also retained control of the State Supreme Court. the only bright spot for the democrats was the easy 59–38 percent reelection of United States Senator debbie Stabenow over former congressman Pete hoekstra, who waged an underfunded and lackluster race against Stabenow, one of the most effective campaigners in Michigan’s political history.

Right-to-Work

heartened by the defeat of the pro-union ballot proposal, on december 11, 2012, the lame duck Republican house passed a bill, long sought by many con- servatives, making Michigan the twenty-fourth “right-to-work” state. this historic legislation was also passed by the Republican-controlled State Senate on the same day, and sent to Governor Snyder for his signature.

this action rocked national labor organizations, as Michigan was considered the birthplace of the labor union movement and as late as the 1950s had the most highly unionized workforce in the nation, even if by 2012 it had slipped to eighth place. organized labor, led by the United Automobile Workers and the Michigan Education Association, was outraged and held protests attended by thousands of angry union members who jammed the Capitol and its grounds, yelling threats and vowing to overturn the law; one democratic representative claimed, “this is the day Michigan fired its workers,” while another went so far as to threaten on the floor of the house that there would be bloodshed if the governor signed what they perceived to be an anti-labor bill.

the proposed legislation prohibited requiring employees to join a union or to pay fees comparable to union dues as a condition of employment. Supporters defended the measure as “freedom to work,” noting that it did not prohibit unions from trying to organize workers and to vote for a union shop, only from forcing workers to join a union in order to get a job.

Amid outbreaks of continued unrest on the Capitol grounds and the din of shrieking protestors within the Capitol, Governor Snyder signed the measure. in the aftermath of this controversy, which cost taxpayers more than $100,000 in overtime pay to state police troopers called in to protect the Capitol, lawmakers, and supporters of the bill from the outraged protestors, Governor Snyder’s high level of popularity suffered a decline.

Reinventing Michigan 339

Relentless Positive Action Continued

Snyder’s priorities for the remainder of his term were ambitious. he wished to expand on trade relationships he had begun by being the first Michigan governor since John Engler to visit China. he also sought to reform Blue Cross, Blue Shield of Michigan to become a public organization without tax-exempt status, reform or eliminate the personal property tax, establish a regional transit authority for southeast Michigan, move forward on a new detroit-Windsor bridge, and improve the state’s crumbling infra- structure by increasing the gasoline tax and automobile registration fees. his success would be determined by whether he could forge a working coalition with democrats in the legislature while maintaining the unity of his Republican base.

Figure 22.2 Protesters gather in the Michigan Capitol Rotunda in Lansing as they rally against Governor Rick Snyder’s proposal to empower emergency financial man- agers to void union contracts. the governor’s plan helped inspire a 2012 ballot initiative to put collective bargaining rights in the state constitution. Al Goldis/AP/Press Association images (PA-14924591).

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The Nation’s “Most Miserable City”

often overshadowing Michigan’s economic recovery, in the eyes of state and national media, was the plight of detroit. By 2010 detroit had regained its unwanted reputation of the 1970s as a butt of jokes, symbolic of everything that was considered wrong in urban centers. in February 2013 Forbes Magazine listed three Michigan cities among the top seven “most miserable cities” in the United States in which to live, an assessment based on figures for crime, housing foreclosures, unemployment, opportunities for personal advancement, income, and quality of schools. heading the list was detroit, followed by Flint, ranking second, and Warren, at seventh.

detroit’s plunge from the mid-1950s, when it was at the height of its glory years, resulted from several factors, most notably the high levels of crime and governmental corruption. detroit’s population loss between 2000 and 2010 was 140,000, a full 25 percent of its residents. detroiters were fleeing the city at a rate of one every twenty-two minutes, which resulted in the city falling out of the nation’s ten largest urban centers. the reason cited most often for departure or planned departure was rampant crime.

in 2012, detroit suffered 411 homicides, taking its murder rate per 100,000 residents up 9.9 percent over the previous year and higher than in 1974, the year in which the city was designated the “murder capital of the United States.” despite the horrendous homicide rate, detroit ranked only third in the nation in per capita murders, trailing Flint and new orleans, Louisiana, according to statistics compiled by the FBi. Making detroit’s attempt to combat crime more difficult was a lack of continuity in the leadership of the police. Between the years 2008 and 2013, the detroit police department had four chiefs who resigned, most tainted by issues of ethics.

Such issues in the police department were only a minor aspect of what had become a “culture of corruption” in detroit and the larger Wayne County gov- ernment for nearly the past half-century. Most damaging was the lingering saga of Kwame Kilpatrick, once considered the brightest rising star in Michigan and national democratic Party politics. A dark cloud hung over Kilpatrick dating back to his days as a state representative, when he was inves- tigated by the internal Revenue Service for soliciting an illegal campaign con- tribution in return for influencing the awarding of a state contract. As mayor, Kilpatrick, his father Bernard, and City Councilwoman Monica Conyers, the wife of long-time Congressman John Conyers, were subjects of an FBi probe into the granting of a $1.2 billion city sludge-removal contract to Synagro technologies. in 2009, Councilwoman Conyers pleaded guilty to having

Reinventing Michigan 341

accepted at least $6,000 in bribes in the Synagro case and was sentenced to a thirty-seven-month prison term.

in late 2008, Kilpatrick was forced to resign as mayor after pleading guilty to obstruction of justice and no contest to an assault charge. According to his plea bargain agreement, Kilpatrick was sentenced to 120 days in jail and ordered to pay the City of detroit $1 million in restitution; as of 2013, he still owed the city more than $850,000.

in 2010, Kilpatrick was sentenced to fourteen months to five years in federal prison for probation violations while awaiting trial on federal fraud and tax violations. in June of that year he also was found guilty of nineteen counts of fraud and tax fraud. in 2012 Kilpatrick was again in federal court to face charges that he operated “a criminal enterprise” from City hall. After a lengthy trial, the jury found the former mayor guilty on twenty-four of the thirty counts against him, including racketeering, extortion, bribery, fraud, and tax evasion, and sentenced him to a minimum of twenty years in federal prison. his co-defendants, contractor Bobby Ferguson and his father Bernard Kilpatrick, were found guilty on nine counts of racketeering, extor- tion, and bribery, and one count of tax evasion, respectively. United States Attorney for detroit Barbara McQuade called the scope of the corruption in Kilpatrick’s administration “breath-taking.” After the court ruling, new mayor dave Bing expressed the hope of most residents of detroit and Michigan, stating: “We can finally put this negative chapter in detroit’s his- tory behind us. it is time for all of us to move forward with a renewed commitment to transparency and high ethical standards in our city government.”

Saddled by the burden of their predecessor’s malfeasance, Kilpatrick’s mayoral successors, former City Council president Kenneth Cockrel, Jr. and dave Bing, a local entrepreneur and sports legend, did their best to cope with the mounting crisis but detroit’s financial structure continued to decline, until in 2013 Governor Snyder was compelled to declare detroit in a state of financial emergency, a legal technicality necessary before he could appoint an Emergency Financial Manager to try to resolve the city’s $14 billion long-term liabilities and a short-term accumulated deficit of $327 million. this made detroit the fifth Michigan city placed under emergency management, joining Benton harbor, Ecorse, Pontiac, and Flint. despite incurring the wrath of the City Council and several civic groups, who steadfastly claimed, in the face all evidence to the contrary, that the city could solve its fiscal matters without a state takeover, Governor Snyder stuck to his decision, calling it “a sad day, a day which i wish had

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never happened in the history of detroit, but also a day of optimism and promise.”

Promise for the Future

despite the bleak first decade of the twenty-first century, there is promise for Michigan to restore itself to its past glories. in detroit, entrepreneurs such as Mike illitch and dan Gilbert have committed themselves to reviving the city’s economy and residential attractiveness. Within the next decade, they envision detroit as a place toward which college graduates seeking an urban working and living environment will gravitate, thus bringing more vibrancy and diver- sity to the city’s cultural and business climate. if this vision is realized, detroit will become the state’s “brain center” and will once again thrive, and with it so too will all of Michigan.

Figure 22.3 demonstration at Wayne State University’s Law School in detroit, where state-appointed emergency manager Kevyn orr was scheduled to speak at a public informational meeting, June 10, 2013. orr told people attending the meeting that chances detroit could avoid bankruptcy were 50/50. david Guralnick/AP/Press Asso- ciation images (PA-16774188).

Reinventing Michigan 343

For Further Reading

Kilpatrick gives his version of his career in a self-serving autobiography, Kwame Kilpatrick, Surrendered (new York: Audioink, 2012). detroit’s plight is vividly described in Charlie Leduff, Detroit: An American Autopsy (new York: Penguin, 2013), while the city’s racial issues are recounted in Joe darden and Richard thomas, Detroit: Race Riots, Racial Conflicts, and Efforts to Bridge the Racial Divide (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2013). Another aspect of detroit’s decline is told in Scott Burnstein, Motor City Mafia (Chicago: Arcadia, 2006).

Appendix A

Governors of the territory and State of Michigan

Territorial Governors Term of Office Political Party William hull 1805–1813 democrat Lewis Cass 1813–1831 democrat George B. Porter 1831–1834 democrat

State Governors Term of Office Political Party Stevens t. Mason 1835–1839 democrat William Woodbridge 1840–1841 Whig John W. Gordon 1841 Whig John S. Barry 1842–1846 democrat Alpheus Felch 1846–1847 democrat William L. Greenly 1847–1848 democrat Epaphroditus Ransom 1848–1850 democrat John Barry 1850–1851 democrat Robert McClelland 1852–1853 democrat Andrew Parsons 1853–1855 democrat Kinsley S. Bingham 1855–1859 Republican Moses Wisner 1859–1861 Republican Austin Blair 1861–1865 Republican henry h. Crapo 1865–1869 Republican henry P. Baldwin 1869–1873 Republican John J. Bagley 1873–1877 Republican

Appendix A

Charles M. Croswell 1877–1881 Republican david h. Jerome 1881–1883 Republican Josiah Begole 1883–1885 Fusion Russell A. Alger 1885–1887 Republican Cyrus G. Luce 1887–1891 Republican Edwin B. Winans 1891–1893 democrat John t. Rich 1893–1897 Republican hazen S. Pingree 1897–1901 Republican Aaron t. Bliss 1901–1905 Republican Fred M. Warner 1905–1911 Republican Chase S. osborn 1911–1913 Republican Woodbridge n. Ferris 1913–1917 democrat Albert E. Sleeper 1917–1921 Republican Alexander J. Groesbeck 1921–1927 Republican Fred W. Green 1927–1931 Republican Wilber M. Brucker 1931–1933 Republican William A. Comstock 1933–1935 democrat Frank d. Fitzgerald 1935–1937 Republican Frank Murphy 1937–1939 democrat Frank d. Fitzgerald 1939 Republican Luren d. dickinson 1939–1941 Republican Murray d. VanWagoner 1941–1943 democrat harry F. Kelly 1943–1947 Republican Kim Sigler 1947–1949 Republican G. Mennen Williams 1949–1961 democrat John B. Swainson 1961–1963 democrat George W. Romney 1963–1969 Republican William G. Milliken 1969–1983 Republican James J. Blanchard 1983–1991 democrat John Engler 1991– 2003 Republican Jennifer Granholm 2003–2011 democrat Rick Snyder 2011–present Republican

345

Appendix B

Counties, dates of organization, and origins of County names

Alcona 1869 Believed to have been coined by henry Rowe Schoolcraft to mean “the excellent prairie.”

Alger 1885 named for Governor Russell Alger. Allegan 1835 thought to be a name derived by Schoolcraft from

the Chippewa words for “fine lake” or “fine river.” Alpena 1857 A Schoolcraft word that loosely translated into “the

bird.” Antrim 1863 Several Michigan counties had substantial numbers

of irish Catholic settlers who sought to preserve some of their native heritage. thus, this county is named for County Antrim in ireland.

Arenac 1883 A combination of the Latin “arena” and the indian “ac,” which means “the sandy place.”

Baraga 1875 named for the Catholic bishop of northern Michigan, Frederic Baraga.

Barry 1839 Several Michigan counties were named for members of President Andrew Jackson’s cabinet as a means of honoring the administration under which statehood was first sought and then achieved. William t. Barry was Jackson’s postmaster general.

Bay 1857 So named because it nearly encompasses Saginaw Bay.

Appendix B 347

Benzie 1869 originally derived from a French river title “aux- Bec-Scies.” in later years, the name was changed to Betsey and finally Benzie.

Berrien 1831 named for Jackson’s attorney general, John Berrien. Branch 1833 named for Jackson’s secretary of the navy, John

Branch. Calhoun 1833 named for Jackson’s first Vice-President, John C.

Calhoun. Cass 1829 named for Michigan’s territorial Governor Lewis Cass. Charlevoix 1869 named for the Jesuit missionary Pierre Charlevoix. Cheboygan 1853 taken from the indian name for the major river in the

area. Chippewa 1826 named to honor the Chippewa indians who inhabited

much of the state before the arrival of Europeans. Clare 1871 named for County Clare in ireland. Clinton 1839 named to honor new York Governor deWitt Clinton,

whose administration financed construction of the Erie Canal, which brought thousands of settlers to Michigan.

Crawford 1879 named for Colonel William Crawford. delta 1861 originally the county contained parts of the later

counties of Menominee, dickinson, iron, and Marquette, and formed a triangle, or delta, shape.

dickinson 1891 named for don M. dickinson, attorney general under President Grover Cleveland.

Eaton 1837 named for Jackson’s secretary of war, John Eaton. Emmet 1853 named for irish patriot Robert Emmet. Genesee 1836 Many settlers came from the Genesee Valley in west-

ern new York and settled in the Flint area. to honor their former residence, they named their new home Genesee, the iroquois word for “beautiful valley.”

Gladwin 1875 named for Major henry Gladwin, commander of Fort detroit during Pontiac’s uprising.

Gogebic 1887 thought to mean “rock,” the derivation is unknown. Grand traverse 1851 From the French “grande travers,” meaning “great

crossing” or “long crossing.” Gratiot 1855 named for Captain Charles Gratiot, who built and

commanded the garrison bearing his name at Port huron.

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hillsdale 1835 named for the beautiful hills and fields in the area. houghton 1846 Reorganized in 1848. named in honor of geologist

douglass houghton. huron 1859 named to honor the huron indians. ingham 1838 named for Jackson’s secretary of the treasury, Samuel

d. ingham. ionia 1837 named for the Greek province. iosco 1857 derived from the indian word for water “osco.” iron 1885 named for the ore abundant in the area. isabella 1859 named for the Spanish queen who financed the voy-

age of Columbus to the new World. Jackson 1832 named for President Andrew Jackson. Kalamazoo 1830 Supposedly an indian word for “boiling water.”

other translations include “reflected river” and “otter tail.”

Kalkaska 1871 A Schoolcraft creation. originally spelled Calcasca, in honor of Schoolcraft’s family name Calcraft, the Ks were substituted to make the title seem more like an indian word.

Kent 1836 named for the noted new York judge, Chancellor Kent.

Keweenaw 1861 An indian word meaning “portage place.” Lake 1871 Many small lakes dot the region. Lapeer 1835 Purportedly from the French “La Pierre,” meaning

“flint” or “stone.” Leelanau 1863 A sentimental creation of Schoolcraft, whose wife

used the word as one of her several literary pen names.

Lenawee 1826 An indian term for “man.” Livingston 1836 named for Jackson’s secretary of state, Edward

Livingston. Luce 1887 named for Governor Cyrus G. Luce. Mackinac 1849 originally organized in 1818 as Michilimackinac, it

was reorganized in 1849 under the shortened title given the former fort at the Straits.

Macomb 1818 named for General Alexander Macomb. Manistee 1855 named for the primary river in the county. Marquette 1846 Reorganized in 1848. named for the Jesuit missionary

and explorer Jacques Marquette.

Appendix B 349

Mason 1855 named for the state’s first governor, Stevens t. Mason. Mecosta 1859 named for Chief Mecosta. Menominee 1861 originally named Bleeker, it was reorganized in 1863.

it is named for the Menominee indians. Midland 1850 So named because it is near the geographical center of

the state. Missaukee 1871 named for a local indian chief, although he was better

known as nesaukee. Monroe 1822 named for President James Monroe. Montcalm 1850 named for the French general, Louis Montcalm. Montmorency 1881 named for one of the many Counts Montmorency. Muskegon 1859 An ojibwa word for “swamp.” newaygo 1851 Allegedly named for an indian chief. oakland 1820 Abundant stands of oak trees were found in the

area. oceana 1851 Reorganized in 1855. it received its name because of

its nearness to Lake Michigan. ogemaw 1873 Reorganized in 1875. named for Chief ogemaw- ki-

keto of the Chippewa of Saginaw, Swan Creek, and Black River.

ontonagon 1846 Reorganized in 1848 and declared legal by the state legislature in 1853. it derives its name from the ojibwa word for “dish” or bowl.”

osceola 1869 named for the Seminole indian chief osceola. oscoda 1881 A combination of two Schoolcraft words “ossin,”

meaning “stone,” and “muskoda,” meaning “prairie.” otsego 1875 iroquois for “clear water” or “meeting place.” ottawa 1837 named to honor the ottawa indians who inhabited

much of the state before the arrival of Europeans. Presque isle 1871 From the French for “narrow peninsula” or “almost an

island.” Roscommon 1873 named for County Roscommon in ireland. Saginaw 1875 derived from the indian terms “Sac-e-nong,” meaning

“Sauk town” or “sagong,” meaning “place of the opening.”

St. Clair 1821 named for General Arthur St. Clair. St. Joseph 1829 named for the patron saint of new France. Sanilac 1848 named for Chief Sanilac. Schoolcraft 1846 named for henry Rowe Schoolcraft.

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Shiawasse 1837 Exact meaning is unknown. Some possibilities include “straight running water” and “twisting river.”

tuscola 1850 A Schoolcraft word meaning “levellands.” Van Buren 1850 named for Jackson’s second Vice-President, Martin

Van Buren. Washtenaw 1826 Reorganized in 1829. its name comes from the ojibwa

words for “land beyond the Grand Rivers.” Wayne 1815 named for General Anthony Wayne. Wexford 1869 named for County Wexford in ireland.

Appendix C

Michigan’s State Song “Michigan, My Michigan”

—Douglas M. Malloch

A song to thee, fair State of mine, Michigan, my Michigan. But greater song than this is thine, Michigan, my Michigan. the whisper of the forest tree, the thunder of the inland sea, Unite in one grand symphony of Michigan, my Michigan.

i sing a State of all the best, Michigan, my Michigan. i sing a State with riches bless’d Michigan, my Michigan. thy mines unmask a hidden store, But richer thy historic lore, More great the love thy builders bore, of Michigan, my Michigan.

(Sung to the melody of “o tannenbaum”)

Appendix d

Michigan’s State Symbols

State Flower: Apple Blossom State Bird: Robin State tree: White Pine State Stone: Petoskey Stone State Gem: Chlorastrolite State Fish: Brook trout State Soil: Kalkaska Sand State Reptile: Painted turtle State Game Animal: White-tailed deer State Wildflower: dwarf Lake iris

index

abolition of slavery, 85 abolitionists, 92‒93, 166, 305

abolitionist areas, 87 as cause of Civil War, 105 democratic Party, 97 Free Soil Party, 98 and the law, 92‒93 Michigan 92‒93, 166 newspapers, 88 party members, 89, 97, 98, 99 Republican Party, 99 societies, 88 views of, 105 see also Underground Railroad

abortion, 303, 306, 316 abortion rights, 306, 313 anti-abortion groups, 306

Abraham, Senator Spencer, 311, 318 Adams, Charles Francis, 120 Adrian, 88, 90, 123, 166, 168, 228

attempt to become Lenawee County seat, 185‒86

college, 166 Adrian (locomotive), 186

affirmative action, 277 African Americans, see blacks agribusiness, 142, 153 Agricultural deferment Act (1942), 252 agriculture in Michigan, 131, 142‒56

changing views of, 148 climate and soil, 143 costs, 153 decline in Michigan, 142, 305 declining prices, 210 depression of 1873 and, 126 developments following World War ii,

153, 251 education for, 145, 100, 165‒66 effects of the Civil War on, 112,

143‒49 in 1870s, 148, 150 improvements, 144‒45, 147, 153 of indians, 4, 6, 7 interwar period, 152‒53, 228 late 20th‒early 21st centuries, 153, 264,

275, 290 mid-19th century, 72, 145 mechanization of, 144, 146

Index354

agriculture in Michigan, (cont’d) new deal, 152‒53 in 1960s, 142, 275 P.B.B. crisis, 293–94 and politics, 153 railroads and, 150, 187 scientific agriculture, 145 on settlers’ prairies, 72 subsistence farming and

sharecropping, 152 transport, 72 use of oxen, 145 World War i and, 152, 220 World War ii and, 251‒52, 253

Aid to dependent Children, 12 airplanes, 193, 250 Albion, 89, 146

college, 166 Kansas-nebraska Bill, 99

alcohol distribution to indians, 9, 43, 44 henry Ford and, 202 regulation of, 36 timber industry, 181 see also prohibition; temperance

movement Alexander Vi, Pope, 17 Alger, Fred, Jr., 264 Alger, Russell, 124 Algonac, 289 Algonquin, 3 Allardt, Max E., 131‒32 Allegan, 253 Allegheny Mountains, 38, 51, 167,

183, 186 Allegheny River, 38, 183 Allen, tim, 173 Allouez, Father Claude, 27, 28 Almy, John, 130‒31 Alpena, 183 Alticor (Amway), 326 Ambassador Bridge, 62, 225, 249, 322 American Federation of Labor (AFL), 241

American Fur Company, 63–64 American Motors Corporation, 208,

277, 279 American Party, 97

see Know-nothing Party American Protective Association of

Michigan, 140 American Protective League, 220 American Red Cross, 184 American Revolution, 50, 51‒55

peace treaty ending, 57 Americans for democratic Action, 270 American work ethic, 232 Amherst, Lord Jeffrey, 1, 39, 42–44, 48,

49, 52 policies toward indians, 42–44

Amherstbergh, ontario, 111 Anatomy of a Murder (Voelker), 172 Angels of Mercy, 148 Ann Arbor, 133, 167, 324

legislators’ meeting on U.S. statehood, 67

population changes, 274 relocation of Pfizer, 324 Underground Railroad, 89, 90

Anne (Woolson), 171 Anthony, Susan B., 118 anti-abortion groups, 306 Antietam, battle of, 107, 110 antiforeign sentiment, 216 Anti-Market hunting Act, 155 anti-Mormonism, 94, 95‒96 antipollution and safety legislation, 297 anti-Radicalism 105 Anti-Saloon League, 217 anti-Semitism, vii, 202, 227

Black Legion, 238 Coughlin, 238

anti-slavery movement and Kansas- nebraska Bill, 99

anti-slavery societies, 88, 89 Anti-trust Act (1976), 115, 297 antiwar protests, 271, 287

Index 355

Arab oil embargo, 287, 289–90 Archer, Mayor dennis, 314‒15, 316, 319

reforms, 330 architecture, 170 Army-McCarthy hearings, 272 Army of northern Virginia, 109 Arnow, harriette, 172 Arsenal of democracy, 247, 249,

253, 258 artists, 169, 172, 246, 299 assembly line, 200, 270 319 assisted suicide, 310–11 Association St. Jean-Baptiste, 135 Astor, John Jacob, 63–64, 75 Auction Bell (ex-slave), 91 Austin, Richard, 311 automobile industry, 195–208, 299, 335

in 1970s, 287, 289‒92 in 1980s, 303 antipollution and safety

legislation, 297 and attitudes, 208 beginnings, 195 Communists and, 236, 270, 271 demand following World War ii,

261, 264 early 20th century, 197‒98, 199 economics, 289‒90 effect of the Arab oil embargo, 289‒90 effect on society, 208 emissions standards imposed on, 287 foreign competition and imports, 301 impact of Great depression, 231,

236, 246 impact on railroads, 192, 193 impact on women, 208 indians in, 11 interwar period, 227, 224 Ku Klux Klan and, 254 late 20th century, 316, 319, 339 recession of 1958 and 275 role in World War i, 221 role in World War ii, 249‒50

Romney’s testimony on, 279 sales, 301, 303 strikes, 241 unemployment, 290, 324, 331 see also Chrysler; Ford Motor

Company; General Motors; olds Motor Vehicle Company; Reo Motor Car Company

Auto Workers Union, 269 Autrain, 253 Axis propaganda, 253, 258

Baby, François, 55 baby boom, 24, 265, 275 Backfurrow (Eaton), 171 Bagley, John J., 120, 121, 122, 123‒24, 131 Bagwell, Paul d., 264, 277 Baldwin, Governor henry P., 119‒20,

123‒24 Baltimore and ohio railroad, 186 Bank holiday, 237, 238 Bank of the United States, 74 Bank of the United States of

Pennsylvania, 74 banks, closure of, 236–37 Barry, Governor John, 100, 102, 130‒31 Bath School Massacre, viii, 227‒28 Bartha, Justin, 173 Barton, Clara, 184 Bates, Frederick, 58 Bates township, 139 Battle Creek:

as breakfast food capital, 151‒52, 250 Know-nothing Party in, 98 military camp near, 220 prisoner-of-war camps in, 252, 253 prohibition demonstrations in, 86 sanitarium in, 152 Underground Railroad in, 89 women suffrage in, 118‒19

Battle Creek sanitarium, 151, 152 Battle of the overpass, 243 Battle of the Running Bulls, 242

Index356

Battle of ticonderoga, 20 Bay City, 226, 250

Ku Klux Klan, 226 sawmills in, 183 violence at convention, 215

Bay County, 266 Beaman, Judge Fernando, 123 Beaubien, Angelique Cullier dit, 46 Beaver islands, 93‒96

King of, 94‒95 Begole, Josiah W., 118, 124, 132 Bell, Kristin, 173 Belle isle, 52

riot, 257–58 Bellestre, François de, 40 Benton harbor, 283, 341 Benton harbor Fruit Exchange, 134 Bering Straits, 2 Berlin, irving, 227 Berlin, Michigan, name change, 220 Bernaro, Mayor Virg, 335 Bernstein, Ray, 259 Berrien County, 73, 143 Bessemer, 136 Beveridge, Senator Albert, 214 Big Round top battle, 107 Bill of Rights, 10 Bing, dave, 341 Bingham, Kinsley S., 99, 104 Binsfeld, Connie, 305 birds, 154‒55 Birney, James, 89, 102 Bishop, Mike, 332 blacks

affirmative action and, 277 black power groups, 277 civil rights of, vii, 122, 254, 255, 282 in Civil War, 106, 254 education, 276‒77 free black early 19th century, 88, 89 Know-nothing Party and, 97 migration into Michigan, 224 in politics, 288, 304, 314, 316, 318

riots, 88‒89, 257 slavery and, 87‒88 suffrage, 82, 116‒17 unemployment, 282, 288 in World War ii, 253‒55 see also segregation

Black Arts Convention, 282 Blackburn, thornton, 88‒89 “Black hat” iron Brigade, 107–08 Black Knights, 240 Black Legion, vii, 238–40

hostile public reaction to, 240 origins, 238 and strikes, 241 see also Ku Klux Klan

Black Panthers, 277, 282 Black River, 135 Black Swamp, 186 Blainville, Céloron de, 38 Blair, Austin, 313

anti-slavery campaign, 99 Civil War and, 103‒04 decision to not run again, 106 election of, 102, 103 Liberal Republican Party and, 104, 120 on Lincoln’s administration, 102 renomination, 105 rise of Republican Party and, 103 Senatorial campaign, 119 state legislature grants powers, 103

Blair, Selma, 173 Blanchard, James J., 302‒04, 313

Milliken on, 303 1982 election, 302–03 1986 election, 304 1990 election, 305‒06 tax hikes, 303‒04

Blazed Trail (White), 171 Bliss, Aaron, 128 Blissfield, 253 Board of Commissioners of internal

improvements, 73 Board of indian Commissioners, 180

Index 357

Board of Regents, 165 Bono, Sonny, 173 Book-Cadillac hotel, 328 Boone, daniel, 38 Borgess, Bishop Caspar, 134 Bouchard, Michael, 326, 335 Bouquet, henry, 48 Bowen, dana thomas, 172 Bowman, John, 280 Boys Vocational School, Lansing, 168, 228 Braddock, General Edward, 39 Bradish, Alvah, 170 Bradley, Reverend George, 180 Bradstreet, John, 48 Brébeuf, Jean de, 22 Brickley, James, 302 bridges, 327 Briggs’ Manufacturing Company, 269 British northwest Company, 34, 63 British, see England/British Broadhead naval Arsenal, 257 Brock, isaac, 60 Bronte Vineyards, 291 Brown, h. Rap, 282 Brown, John, 92‒93 Brown, Prentiss M., 240, 267 Brucker, Wilber M., 232‒33, 234, 247, 325

policies, 332 re-election, 240

Brûlé, Étienne, 21 Bryan, William Jennings, 127 Buchanan, President James, 103 Buick, david d., 203‒04 Buick automobiles, 199 Buick Auto-Vim and Power Company, 203 Buick City 318‒19 Buick Motor Company, 204, 206, 205, 270 Bullet Club, 24 Bull Run, battles of, 107, 110 Bully-Cummings, Ella, 327 Bunyan, Paul, 181 Burgoyne, “Gentleman John,” 52 Burnham, t.W.o.P. “Alphabet,” 169

Burns Anti-Mask Law (1923), 169, 227 Burns detective Agency, 212 Burt, William A., 78 Busfield, timothy, 173 Bush, George h. W., 301 Bush, George W., 317, 325 Business development offices, 316 businesses

agribusiness, 142, 149, 153 automobile, 196 business community, 14, 272 Civil War, 92, 93, 103‒04, 121 Cold War era, 261 during colonial period, 31, 49, 59 exports, 316 Grange and, 150 Great depression, 237‒38, 242 late 19th century, 115 late 20th‒early 21st century, 299, 306,

319, 322, 331, 332, 334 lumber, 177 Pingree era, 126, 128 and politics, 97, 314, 336 Prohibition era, 225 promotion of, 140 railroads and, 121‒22, 185, 186, 187,

190, 191, 193 regulation of, 121, 211, 213, 297 relocation to other states, 304 Republican Party and, 100, 121, 122, 264 strikes, 216, 244 taxation of, 126, 301, 307, 319, 326,

335, 337 tourism, 267, 268 World War i, 219 see also automobiles, lumbering

busing, 297

Cadillac, Antoine Laumet de la Mothe, Sieur de, 34, 35, 36–37

policies 36 Cadillac Motor Company, 212 Caldwell, William, 54

Index358

Calhoun County, 105, 214 Calhoun, John C., 75 Calumet, 169, 217 Calumet Mine, 77, 138, 216

Copper Strike, 229 strikes, 216‒17

Camp Custer, 220, 252 Camp Pugsley, 226 Canada, 27, 45

abolitionists and, 92, 93 agriculture, 24, 29 British in, 42, 54 division of, 54‒55 exploration, 19, 213 French in, 17, 19, 20‒21, 23‒24, 26, 27,

28, 29, 36, 38 fur trade, 64 harrison’s invasion, 61 hull’s invasion of, 60‒61 law, 55 pollution, 320 relations with U.S., 62, 88‒89, 90, 225,

316 sale of water from the Great Lakes, 322 slavery, 87 spying ring in, 269 statute prohibiting slavery, 87 trash, 322 Underground Railway and, 89, 90, 91,

92, 93 and U.S. Civil War, 111, 254 see also new France

Canadian statute of 1792, 87 Canadians, 60, 134–35 Canadiens, 25, 63, 134–35, 181 canals

Erie Canal, 65, 70, 71, 72 Portage Lake and Lake Superior Ship

Canal, 120 Sault Ste. Marie Canal, 79–81 transpeninsular canals, 73

Cape Rouge, 19 Carignan Salières regiment, 23

Carl D. Bradley (vessel), 308 Carleton, Guy, 49 Carleton, Will, 173 Carr, Judge Leland W., 259 Carter, Jimmy, 300 Cartier, Jacques, 17, 19 Carver, Jonathan, 50 Case, Jerome, 144 casino gambling, 13–14 Cass County

abolitionists and, 92 Cass, Lewis, 61, 100

concern over British and indian threat, 62–63

Crosswhite trial and, 91–92 as democratic presidential candidate,

89, 91–92 and education, 164–65 and indians, 62–63 and Missouri Compromise, 99 move to Republican Party, 100, 105 north West Scientific Expedition, 63, 75 political career, 61, 62, 91 portrait of, 169 proposal of popular sovereignty, 99 resignation of, 103 testimony against hull, 61

Casson, Father François dollier de, 25 Cassopolis, 89 Catherine (indian woman), 46 Catholepistemiad, 164, 165 Catholic Church/Catholics

Beaver islands, 93 Black Legion and, 238, 239 Canadian, 51, 134–35 democrats, 100, 121 discrimination against, 98 division of new world by, 17 German, 133 irish, 137 Know-nothings and, 97, 100 missions work of, 5, 10 opposition to, 140, 226

Index 359

political impact of, 97 Quebec Act, 1774, 51 Sulpitian order in Montreal, 28 view of Cadillac, 34 see also Jesuits; St. ignace

Cattlegate, 293–94 Cavanagh, Governor Jerome, 282–83 Central Michigan College, 266 Central Michigan Line, 89–90 Cerberus Capital Management, 207 Chambers, Whittaker, 269–70 Champion, Albert, 204 Champlain, Samuel de, 19–21 Chandler, Elizabeth Margaret, 88 Chandler, Zachariah, 102, 122–23, 124, 125

Blair’s electoral campaign, 119 Chairman of Michigan Republican

State Committee, 122 on Civil War, 103 election to the Senate, 99, 119 position on hard money, 121 and Seward, 102 support of Radical Reconstruction, 116 support of temperance, 86 views of, 122

Chapin, Roy d., 196, 208 Charlevoix, Pierre François de, 74 Chatham, battle at, 61 Chelsea, 73 Cherry, John, 334 Chequamegon, 27 Chevrolet, Louis, 205, 206, 242 Chicago fire, 176, 183, 184 China, 17, 269, 339 Chippewa 3, 6, 7, 10, 13, 14, 22, 37, 44,

48, 51, 75, 78 and American government, 76 in American Revolution, 54 and British, 44, 48, 54, 59 casino gambling and, 14 fishing, 3, 4, 13 Fox indians and, 37 and French, 37

iroquois Wars and, 22 lifestyle, 3–4 and mining concessions, 75, 76, 78 ownership of upper peninsula, 75 region inhabited, 3, 75 relationship with whites, 9–11, 13, 14, 76 religion, 5 reservations, 76 sale of ontonagon boulder, 78 social structure, 4 and tobacco, 5 War of 1812, 59

Christiancy, isaac P., 86, 122, 123 Chrysler Corporation, 207–08

bailout package, 302, 331 economic crisis of effect of the Arab oil embargo, 290 founding of, 207 loans, 302, 331, 332 losses, 319 purchase by daimlerBenz, 207 request for loans, 302 role in World War ii, 250 support of banks during

depression, 236 and UAW, 207, 243 during World War ii, 250, 251

Chrysler Expressway, 268 Chrysler, Walter P., 207 cities and towns, see also specific city Citizens for Michigan, 277, 279 civil liberties, viii civil rights

of blacks, 88, 117, 254, 255 detroit, 281, 282 hart’s role in legislation, 297 legislation, 255 Levin and, 313 Red Scare and, 271 Republicans, 117 Romney and, 281–85 StRESS and, 288 Williams’ reforms, 266

Index360

Civil War, 103–13 and agriculture, 135–136, 146–47 and emigration, 131 racism, 106

Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), 245 Clardy, Kit, 271–72 Clare County, 163, 274 Clark, George Rogers, 52–53, 54 Clark, Ramsey, 283–84 Clary, Jim, 172–73 Clay, henry, 92 Cleveland iron Company, 78 Cliburn Van, 299 Cliff Mine, 76 climate, 58, 75, 131, 132, 139, 143, 272 Climax, 86, 89 Clinton County, 133 Clinton River, 73 Clive, Alan, 251 Cobo, Albert E., 264 Cockrel, Jr., Kenneth, 341 Colbert, Jean Baptiste, 22, 24, 25, 29, 33

Canadian agriculture, 29 and Canadian fur trade, 25, 29 and Fort Frontenac, 29

Cold duck wine, 291 Cold War period, 261–72 Coldwater, 120, 125, 168 Coleman, Silas, 240 colleges and universities, see education;

specific college or university Coloma, 253 Columbus, Christopher, 1 Comerica Bank, 324 Comerica Park, 14, 328 Committee on Commerce, 176 Committee for industrial organization

(Cio), 241 Common Council, 234 communism, 222, 243, 258, 269–70

anti-Communist attitudes, 241, 242, 269, 270–71, 272

Black Legion, 239

in Michigan, 268–69 Rouge riots, 236 see also Red Scare

Communist Control Act, 271 Communist Party, 222, 234, 235–36, 269

in Michigan, 271 Compromise of 1850, 92, 98 Comstock, William A., 236, 237 Conely, William B., 170 Conger, omar d., 123–24, 126

lumber interests and, 176 response to Michigan fires, 176, 184 as senator, 121, 184 women’s suffrage and, 119

Congress, U.S., 65 Congress for Racial Equality, 282 Conscription, 276 Conscription Act, 254, 262 conservation, 155–56 constitutional convention

of 1850, 82 of 1908, 119, 218 of 1961, 277, 278 proposals for, 67, 73, 278

constitution of Michigan of 1835, 65, 158–59, 160, 161 of 1850, 10, 82, 100, 165, 167 of 1867, 117 of 1908, 119, 218, 277–78 of 1963, 279 of 1964, 159 Article X of 1835, 158 and black suffrage, 116 clause banning slavery, 89 and detroit, 81 and education, 158, 159, 167 and establishment of state, 58, 65 Ferris and, 215 Gateway Amendment, 278 and liquor licences, 85 Mason and, 65 prohibition amendment, 278 requirement for balanced budget, 303

Index 361

revision, 277–79 Romney and, 279 suffrage amendment, 116 2012 proposals, 337–38 women’s suffrage, 117, 119

construction safety bill, 281 consumer protection laws, 297 Continental Congress, 52 conventional weapons system, 313 Conyers, John, 283, 340 Conyers, Monica, 340–41 Cooley, thomas M., 161 Cooper, Alice, 173 Cooper, James Fenimore, 170 Copper harbor, 76 copper mining, 74–78, 112 Corktown, 137 Cornish immigrants, 136, 137 Cornish miners, 216 corporate malpractice, 211 Coughlin, Father Charles E., viii,

237–38, 256 Coulier, dave, 173 Council of Five, 58 counterculture revolution, 287 counties, see specific county by name Country Gentleman magazine, 146 Courage of Captain Plum (Curwood), 171 Court of King’s Bench, 55 Cousin, Victor, 158 Cousteau, Jacques, 308 Couzens, James, 199, 222, 223–24, 228,

332–33, 240 and Red Scare incident, 223–24 and Roosevelt, 240

Cox, Mike, 324, 327, 335, 336 Crapo, henry h., 120, 140, 204

and agriculture, 148–49 on end of Civil War, 112 nominated, 106

Crary, isaac, 67, 158, 160, 266 Crédit Mobilier scandal, 122 Crim, Bobby, 302

crime assisted suicide as, 310 Blanchard’s anticrime package, 306 in detroit, 288, 322, 327, 34 increases in, 322 McCarran Act, 270 in 1970s, 287–89 in 1980s, 302 and 1990 election, 305, 315, 316 on railroads, 188 Sigler, 263–64 in 2000s, 323, 327

Cromwell, Robert, 92 Cross Music and Record Company, 227 Crosswhite, 90–91 Croswell, Charles, 123 cultural enrichment, 246 Curwood, James, 171–72 Cust, Edwin M., 130 Custer, Elizabeth, 109 Custer, George Armstrong, 107–09, 110

dablon, Father Claude, 27, 28 daimler-Benz AG, 207 daimlerChrysler AG, 207, 319 Daniel J. Morrell (vessel), 308 daniels, Jeff, 173 darrow, Clarence, 216, 254 dawber, Pam, 173 davis, Jefferson, 111 dearborn, 199, 219, 234–35, 266, 269 Dearborn Independent, 202 de Baptiste, George, 92, 93 dechlorane Plus, 320 deere, John, 144 delaware indians, 45 delta College, 266 democratic Party, 97–100, 117, 339, 340

appeal to racial prejudice, 106, 117 black suffrage, 116, 117 1800–1836, 62 1836–1840, 97 1840s and 1850s, 89, 97

Index362

democratic Party, (cont’d) 1863 platform, 105 1870s, 115, 122, 123 in 1880s, 123, 124 in 1890s, 126–28 Catholics, 100, 121 civil rights and, 266 after the Civil War, 106, 115 convention of 1959, 278 and Free Soil Party, 98, 99 Fusion Party, 124, 125 governors of Michigan, 67, 83 and iraq War, 313 irish immigrants and, 138 Kansas-nebraska Act and, 99 Mormon vote and, 96 Murphy, 234 and poverty, 231 prohibition and, 86, 121 and Republican split, 105 and Romney, 279, 280, 283 Senatorial campaign of 1918, 221 slavery and, 89, 92, 97, 99 Southern democrats, 105 split during Civil War, 105 Strang and, 95 21st century, 323–24, 326 Union democrats, 105 views on Lincoln, 105 see also elections; Republican Party;

women’s suffrage denonville, Le Febvre de Le Barre,

Marquis de, 33 department of Corrections, 311 department of natural Resources, 13 department of technology, Management,

and Budget, 337 de Peyster, Arent, 53–54 depression

of 1839, 97 of 1873, 120, 150 of 1893, 126 see also Great depression

Der Michigan Wegwiser (Allardt), 131 desegregation, 297 détente with Soviet Union, 296 dethmers, John, 259 detroit, vii

in American Revolution, 52–53, 54 antislavery society in, 89 automobile industry in, 224, 233, 249 Black Legion in, 238 blacks in, 253–54, 256, 281, 282, 306 business, 268, 288, 289, 342 casino gambling in, 14 civil rights movement in, 281–82 Cornish immigrants in, 136 corruption in council, 212–13, 341–42 crime, 287–89, 322, 327 culture of corruption in, 340–41 delegates to 1959 constitutional

convention, 278 dutch immigrants in, 135 education in, 276 effects of Arab oil embargo, 290 effects of Great depression, 233–34 entertainment facilities, 169 financial emergency, state of, 341–42 and hull’s invasion of Canada, 60–61 immigrants in, 116, 140, 224 inner city decay, 276 interwar period, 225 irish immigrants in, 116, 137–38 Ku Klux Klan in, 254, 256 Milliken and, 292 as most miserable city, 340 as murder capital, 340 narcotics, 288 1963 civil rights conclave, 282 Pingree’s reforms in, 136 politics in, 116 Pontiac’s uprising, 47 population changes, 274, 287, 340 poverty levels in, 307 prohibition in, 116, 225 protest at Kansas-nebraska Act, 99

Index 363

public high school established, 160 race riots in, 253–54, 255, 257–58,

281–85 Red Scare in, 268–69 Republican national Convention in,

288, 301 revitalization of, 327–28 River Walk, 328 role in World War ii, 255–56 shortages after World War ii, 261–62 sports in, 247, 328, 328–29 as state capital, 81, 299 StRESS, 288 strikes, 244 suburbanization of, 280 Sunday’s campaign in, 217 218 Underground Railroad in, 90 unemployment in, 288, 290 urban blight, 328 in War of 1812, 59–62 white flight from, 268, 276 writing of Michigan’s constitution, 67

Detroit Advertiser and Tribune, 106 detroit Art Association, 170 detroit Bankers’ Company, 236–37 detroit Citizens Committee for Equal

opportunity, 284 detroit Citizens League, 212 detroit Common Council, 268 detroit Community Chest, 232 Detroit Free Press, 103, 105, 106, 117 detroit housing Commission, 256 detroit institute of Art, 169–70, 299 detroit institute of technology, 167 detroit Lions football team, 169, 247, 329 detroit Lubricator Company, 191 detroit and Milwaukee railroad, 189 detroit Municipal League, 212 detroit Museum of Art, 170 Detroit News, 200, 215, 245, 284, 288, 325

and Pingree, 127–28 detroit opera house, 169 detroit Pistons basketball team, 328

detroit Receiving hospital, 258 detroit Red Wings hockey team, 247, 328 detroit Ring, 122 detroit River, 31, 36, 44, 45, 47, 59, 60, 328

as border, 134, 225 detroit Shock, 329 detroit tigers baseball team, 14, 247, 328 Detroit Tribune, 99, 117 detroit-Windsor tunnel, 225, 339 deVos, dick, 326 dexter, 89, 99 diepenbeck, Rudolph, 131 diggs, Charles, 283 dillon, Andy, 332–33, 337 dinwiddie, Robert, 38, 39 discrimination, 266

against blacks, 255, 257, 276–77 against Catholics, 98 in colleges and universities, 276 against indians, 14 irish, 138 racial, 14, 276 Red Scare and, 268 sex and age, 305 in the workplace, 266 see also Black Legion

dobbs, Arthur, 49 dodge, horace, 199 dodge, John, 199 dodge Motor Company, 207 doe, Mary, 118 dole, Robert, 317 Dollmaker, The (Arnow), 172 donnacona (iroquois chief ), 17 douglas, Stephen A., 102 douglass, Frederick, 92–93 dow Chemical, 250 downs, thomas, 278 draft riot, 1863, 117 driggs, John F., 179 drug Safety Act (1962), 297 drug trafficking, 288 dunbar, Willis, 192

Index364

dundee, 253 duPont, Pierre S., 206 duquesne, Marquis, 38, 39 durand, 189, 190 durant, William Crapo, 189, 204–06

and General Motors, 205–06 purchase of Buick Motor Company,

203–04, 205 duryea, Charles, 195 duryea, Frank, 195 dutch immigrants, 135–136

Eastern Michigan College, 266 Eaton, G. d., 171 economy

agriculture, 142, 153 automobiles and, 275, 290, 316, 319 colonial, 24, 29, 43 culture, contribution of, 173 decline, 302 detroit, 301, 328, 329, 342 early 19th century, 83, 121 Engler, 311 Gerald Ford and, 296 henry Ford and conspiracy, 238 foreign trade, 319 lumber, 185 prisons, 266 Romney’s administration and, 281 21st century, 323, 326, 327, 331,

332–37 and wine, 292 WWi, 261

Ecorse, 341 Ecorse River, 45 Edison, thomas Alva, 191–92 Edison Electric Company, 191 Edmonds, Sara Emma, 110 Edmund Fitzgerald (ore-carrier), 308–09,

326 education

advances in 1960s, 275–77 Bath School Massacre, viii, 227–28

blacks, 282 Blanchard’s commitment to, 303, 304 charter schools, 168 compulsory attendance laws, 164 Cooley’s ruling, 161 in detroit, 276 elementary education, 161–64 1835 Constitution, 159 Engler’s reforms, 307–08, 323, 329–31 excessive cruelty, 163 Finnish immigrants and, 140 German contribution to, 133–34 graduation rates, 304, 324–25, 328 Grange, 149 Groesbeck’s reforms, 228 higher education, 164–67, 168–69, 311 of indians, 11, 14, 75, 163 land allocated for financing, 158–59 law of 1809, 157 law of 1829, 158 law of 1869, 160 Millikin, 292 19th century, 72, 131, 160, 161–64 1960s and 1970s, 275–77 1980s, 300 1990s and after, 316, 328, 329–31, 337 ordinance of 1787, 157 primary, 160 reforms, 330 school laws, 157–58 for special needs children, 167–68 student attendance, 163–64 union districts, 163 Williams and, 264–65, 266 for women, 165, 167

Edwards, George, 282 Eighteenth Amendment (U.S.

Constitution), 218 85th “Polar Bears” division, 221 Eldred, Julius, 77–78 elections

in 1840s and 1850s, 131 of 1850 and 1852, 81, 95, 121

Index 365

of 1856, 99 of 1860, 100, 102 of 1862 and 1864, 105, 106, 107 of 1868, 119 of 1869, 119 of 1869 and 1871, 119 of 1872, 115, 120, 121 of 1874, 120–22 of 1875, 1878, and 1880, 122–23, 124 of 1882 and 1884, 124 of 1887, 125 of 1889, 126 of 1890, 126 of 1892, 1894, and 1896, 127 of 1900, 213 of 1912, 214, 215 of 1914, 215–16 of 1916, and 1918, 217, 221 of 1914, 215 of 1918, 221 of 1920–1928, 229, 240 of 1932, 236 of 1934, 262 of 1936, 244 of 1938, 244 of 1942, 1946 and 1948, 262, 264 of 1950, 4, 270 of 1952, 271 of 1960, 277, 280 of 1962–1966, 280–81 of 1968, 280 of 1970, 1974, and 1978, 292 of 1973, 293 of 1976, 296 of 1978, 293, 313 of 1984, 313 of 1980, 301, 314–15 of 1982, 302–03, 323 of 1986, 304 of 1990, 305–06, 313 of 1994, 311–13 of 1996, 213, 317 of 1998, 314–15

of 2000, 317–18 of 2002, 323 of 2006, 325–27 of 2010, 335–37, 334–36 of 2012, 334, 334–35, 337–38

Ellis, George E., 211–12, 213 Emancipation Proclamation, 105, 254 Emigrant’s Guide to the State of Michigan,

The (thomson), 131 Emmet County, 14 Emrick, Richard, 284–85 England/British

acquisition of north America, 40, 42 American Revolution, 52–55 capture of Quebec, 21 colonies of, 16, 38–39, 42, 49, 51 exploration by, 62–63 free-trade policies, 134 French and indian War, 37 hudson Bay Company, 27 immigrants to Michigan, 134–35 and indians, 42–44, 62–63 King William’s War, 33 and Michigan, 60–63 policy on migration to America, 38 Pontiac’s uprising, 44–48 Proclamation of 1763 and, 48–49 Quebec Act (1774), 51–55 rivalry with French in north America,

39–40 rule of north America, 42–55 War of 1812, 59–62 see also fur trade; mining

Engler, John casino gambling, indians and, 14 election of 1990, 305 election of 1994, 311, 313 election of 1998, 311, 314–15 election of 2002, 323 as governor, 298–300 initiatives, 329–30 joint ventures with China, 319 and dr. Kevorkian, 310

Index366

Engler, John (cont’d) referendum, 311 reforms to educational system, 168–69 State of the State address (2001), 319 support for George W. Bush, 317 visit to China, 339 welfare reforms, 306–07

Engler, Michelle, 313 English Poor Law (1601), 231–32 entertainment industry, 173, 174 environment, 299

antipollution and safety legislation, 297 effect on European trade with indians

on, 7–8 effects of lumbering, 184–85 environmental protection, 320–22 indians and, 3, 4, 5, 7 industrialization and, 77 pollution of, 320 protection of, 156, 299, 320–22 waste of wildlife, 153–56 see also lumbering; mining

Equal Rights Amendment, 303 Ericson, Leif, 1 Erie Canal, 65, 70–71, 72 Erie and Kalamazoo railway, 183, 185, 186 Etherington, George, 47 Ethiopian Pacific League, 258 Europeans

arrival in north America, 1–2 exploration by, 16, 19, 21, 25, 28,

31–32, 50, 62–63, 75, 213 impact of white contact, 7–9 trade with indians, 7 understanding of reciprocity, 6 see also England/British; France/

French; immigration; missionaries Evelyn, 253 Everet, Philo M., 78 Expedition 1994, 309

Fairbanks Scale Company, 81 Fair Employment Act, 266

farmers decline in numbers in Michigan, 142 Great Railroad Conspiracy, 187–89 and mechanization, 144–46 poverty of, 145

farming, see agriculture Farner, Mark, 173 Federal Bureau of investigation (FBi),

249, 269, 327 Federal Corrupt Practices Act, 222 Federal deposit insurance Corporation

(FdiC), 237, 238, 262 Felch, Alpheus, 100 Ferber, Edna, 170 Ferency, Zolton, 280 Ferguson, Bobby, 341 ferries, 193 Ferris, Governor Woodbridge n., 215,

216, 262 Ferry, thomas W., 119, 121, 124 Fieger, Geoffrey, 314, 315 Fiery Cross, The, 227 Fifteenth Amendment (U.S.

Constitution), 116, 117 5th Michigan infantry, 107 Fillmore, Millard, 95–96 Finns, 138, 139–40 fires, 183–84

automotive factories, 198, 235 Chicago, 176, 184 detroit, 258, 283, 285, 328 fire protection, 14, 137, 211, 254 forest, 184

First Ambulance Company, 221 1st Michigan infantry, 104, 107 First Michigan Colored infantry, 106 1st Michigan Sharpshooters, 107 Fisher Body plant, 241, 242, 319

strikes, 269 Fisher Brothers, 204 fishing industry, 153–54 Fitch, Abel F., 188 Fitzgerald, Frank, 138, 237, 244

Index 367

Fitzgerald, William B., 293 Fitzsimmons, Frank, 294 Flint

automobile industry in, 241, 242, 318–19

Battle of Running Bulls in, 242 Black Legion in, 238 crime rate in, 327, 340 education in, 276 emergency management, 341 as miserable city, 340 renewal projects in, 246, 289 riots in, 283 school for the deaf, dumb, and blind

in, 120, 167 sit-down strikes, 241, 242 unemployment in, 301 University of Michigan at, 265, 289

Flint Alliance, 242 Flint River, 299 Flint Wagon Works, 203 Florek, dann, 173 Florida, 106 Focus: hoPE, 307 Food Preparedness Committee, 220 Ford, Edsel, 201, 203, 221 Ford, Gerald R., 296, 300, 301 Ford, henry

admiration of, 202 anti-Semitism of, viii, 202 automobile manufacturing, 199–203 and banks, 236 durant’s offer, 205 impact on society, 202–03 political activity, 226–27 response to Great depression, 233, 234 response to union activity at the Rouge

plant, 235–36, 242–43 Senatorial campaign, 221–22 and temperance, 217 UAW and, 243 use of assembly line, 200 World War i peace efforts, 219

Ford, henry ii, 203 Ford Field, 328, 329 Ford Local 600, 270 Ford Motor Company, 199–203, 208

donation of land to University of Michigan, 265–66

durant’s offer, 205 effect of the Arab oil embargo, 290 effects of Great depression, 207 establishment of, 199 Model t, 201, 202 refusal to accept federal money,

331–32 restructuring, 203 role in World War i, 219 role in World War ii, 250 strikes against, 243 UAW and, 243 vehicles produced, 187–89, 199–202, 203 workers, 202, 203

foreign policy, 262–63 Fort Brady, 63 Fort Chartres, 48 Fort Custer, 253 Fort dearborn, 60 Fort detroit, 45–46, 47 Fort du Buade, 34, 36 Fort duquesne, 39 Fort Frontenac, 29–30, 32 Fort Gratiot Lighthouse, 320, 321 Fort Le Boeuf, 38, 39 Fort Malden, 60 Fort Meigs, 61 Fort Miami, 32, 47 Fort Michilimackinac, 33, 40, 47, 49,

50–51, 55, 60 Pontiac’s uprising, 47–48

Fort necessity, 39 Fort niagara, 47 Fort ouiatenon, 47 Fort Pitt, 48 Fort Ponchartrain, 36, 40 Fort Presque isle, 38

Index368

Fort Sackville, 53 Fort Sandusky, 47 Fort St. ignace, 32, 31 Fort St. Joseph, 32, 47, 54 Fort Sumter, 103 Fort Venango, 38 Fort Wayne, 60, 254 42nd “Rainbow” division, 221 Fourteenth Amendment (U.S.

Constitution), 116 4th Michigan Cavalry, 111 4th Michigan infantry, 107 Fox, noel, 13 Fox indians, 22, 37, 51 Fox River, 28 Fox theatre, 328 France/French

copper discovery, 25 Crown control of colonies, 22–23 entry into race for new lands, 16, 17, 19 exit from new France, 32, 37–40 exploration by, 16, 19–21, 28–32,

34–35 French and indian War, 23, 32, 37–38 King William’s War, 33 legacy, 40 missionaries, 21–22, 26–28 new France, 18, 19, 23–26 role in Pontiac’s uprising, 44 trade and expansion, 34–37 see also Canada; Cartier; new France

Francis i (king of France), 17 Frankenmuth, 133 Frankensteen, Richard, 245 Fredericksburg, battle of, 110 Freeland, 253 Free Soil Party, 89, 98, 99

Kansas-nebraska Bill, 99 Fremont, 253 Frémont, John C., 99 French and indian War, 37, 42, 49, 52 French Ministry and new France, 35 Frey, Glenn, 173

Frigerator Company, 205 Frontenac et de Palluau, Louis de Buade,

Comte de, 29–36 expansion of new France, 34, 35

Fugitive Slave Act, 92, 98, 99 Fulton, Robert, 70 fur trade

American Fur Company, 62–63 Cadillac and, 34–37 Canadian, 25 copper mining and, 74–75 expansion of, 37 English, 33, 58 French and indian War and, 21–22 Frontenac and, 34–37 of indians, 7, 8–9, 17 of new France, 25, 29, 37 Proclamation of 1763 and, 49

Fusion Party, 124

Gage, thomas, 50 Gail, Max, 173 Galineé, René de Brehant de, 25 Galissonière, Comte de la, 38 game wardens and environment, 155 Garfield, President James, A., 124 Garrison, William Lloyd, 88 Gates, horatio, 52 Gateway Amendment, 278 Gateway Computer, 335 General Motors, 167, 198, 199, 207, 208

bailout plea, 331 Chrysler and, 207 closure of plants, 304, 318–19 development of, 198, 205 durant and, 205–06 effect of the Arab oil embargo, 290 Red Scare at, 270 role in World War ii, 249, 250 Romney’s testimony on, 208 Governor Murphy, 242–43 sit-down strikes, 242–43 Sloan, 206–07

Index 369

support of banks during depression, 236 UAW, 242 World War ii, 250–51

General Motors institute, 167 Genesee County, 72, 250 Genesee County Board of Supervisors, 232 George iii (king of Great Britain), 50 George, tom, 335 Gerber Foods, 324 German immigrants

abolitionist, 88 American Protective League and, 140 American Revolution, 107 automobiles, 207 in Civil War, 131–32 culture, 169 democrats, 121 and education, 158, 165 preservation of culture, 134 prohibition and, 116, 121 recruitment of, 131–34 Republican Party and, 121 women’s suffrage and, 118 World War i and, 134, 219, 220, 221 World War ii, 249, 252, 253

German theaters, 169 gerrymandering, 116, 119 Gettysburg, battle of, 107 Gilbert, dan, 342 Girls training School, Adrian, 228 Girls Vocational school, 168 Gladwin, henry, 45, 46–47 Gogebic County, 139, 274 Gogebic range, 79, 136 Golden Apple Award, 330 Goldwater, Barry, 280 Gorcyca, david, 295–96 Gore, Al, 318 Gorham, Charles t., 91 government, 212, 213

and automotive bailout, 331, 332 blacks and, 117 of Canada, 134

and Civil War, 103, 104, 105, 111, 112, 121, 147

corruption, 259, 340 cultural activities 300 detroit, 51, 138, 212–13, 225, 340, 341 and education, 165 English/British, 42, 43, 50, 55, 62, 75 French, 74 and grants, 160 and Great depression, 231–32, 238,

246–47 of indians, 14, 35, 43 and infrastructure development, 78,

81, 228, 322 Know-nothings and, 97–98 McCarthyism, 269–70 of Michigan state, 14, 57, 58, 73, 81–82,

228, 239, 278, 279, 301, 332, 332 muckrakers, 211 of new France, 19, 20, 22, 24, 35, 36 restructuring and reforms of, 100, 306,

307, 326 sale of indian’s lands, 177, 178, 181 support for, 231 theory of limited government, 115 United States, 8, 54, 57, 63, 74, 75–76,

236, 290, 302 United States and indians, 9, 13, 62 of Upper Canada, 49, 51 World War i, 134, 219 Word War ii, 250–52, 253, 254 women’s suffrage, 218 see also constitution of Michigan;

governors; specific governor by name

Government Land office, 177 governors, see specific governor by name Grand Blanc, 145, 250 Grand haven, 136, 183 Grand Portage, 50 Grand Rapids 211, 283

Cornish immigrants in, 136 dutch immigrants in, 136

Index370

Grand Rapids (cont’d) furniture production, 185 industry, 250 Know-nothing Party in, 97–8 progressive reforms in, 211–12 railroads to, 73 Red Raid, 222–23 riots in, 283 role in World War ii, 250 Scandinavian immigrants in, 138–40 wine industry in, 291

Grand Rapids Herald, 224 Grand River, 64, 73, 135 Grand traverse County, 142, 291 Grand trunk Railroad, 191 Grand Trunk Weekly Herald, 192 Grand Valley State College, 266 Grand Valley State University, 329 Grange, (Patrons of husbandry) 120–21,

125, 149–51 Granholm, Jennifer 315, 333, 334

and economy, 324, 325, 332 election of, 316, 323–24, 325 as governor, 324–27, 332–33, 334 health care program, 326 overseas trips, 332 plan for release of prisoners, 327 political failures, 332–33 re-election campaign, 325–26 on scholarship program, 330 2006 election, 325

Grant, 253 Grant, Alexander, 55 Grant, General Ulysses S., 109, 110, 120 Graverat, Lieutenant (in Civil War), 107 grayling, 154, 155 Great depression, 229, 328

Bank holiday, 237, 238 Black Legion activities, 238–40 Brucker’s response to, 233–34, 332 Coughlin’s agitation, 237–38 creation of employment, 245–46 impact on auto industry, 207

impact on railroads, 193, 207 Murphy’s relief efforts, 234–35 new deal programs in Michigan,

152–53 racism, 245

Great Lakes, 2, 59, 70 as boundary, 54 canals and, 81, 320 declining water levels, 320–22 exploration of, 16, 29, 32 fishing, 13 pollution of, 320 preservation of, 316, 318, 320 ships sunk in, 172–73, 308–09, 326 transport, 70, 79, 81, 320 War of 1812, 59 as water supply, 320, 322

Great Lakes area, 43, 44, 54, 57 Europeans and, 7, 32, 37 fur trade, 29, 37, 63, 64 indians and, 2, 3, 5, 6, 14, 22, 29, 44 mining, 75 U.S. government and, 63 War of independence, 47, 52

Great Lakes Center for Education Research and Practice, 168

Great Lakes Shipwreck Museum, 309 Great Railroad Conspiracy, 187–89 Great Recessions, 332 Greektown Casino, 14 Greeley, horace, 120 Green, Fred, 229 Greenbackers, 123, 124 greenbacks, 121 Green Bay, 21, 27, 28, 31, 96 Greenfield Village, 202 Green Timber (Curwood), 171 Grier, david Allen, 173 Griffin, John, 58 Griffin, Senator Robert, 280, 293, 313 Griffiths, hicks, 264 Griffiths, Martha, 303, 305 Griffon (ship), 30, 31–32

Index 371

Griswold, Stanley, 58 Groesbeck, Alex J., 219, 228–29 Groseilliers, Medart Chouart, Sieur de, 27 Grosse ile, 253 Guardian Union Company, 236 Guest, Edgar, 173 gun control, 297, 313

hackel, Mark, 327 hall, Robert, 86 hamilton, henry “hair Buyer,” 51–54

gift giving, 52 hamlin, hannibal, 106 hancock, 77, 139, 140, 169 harding, Warren, 224 hare, James M., 277 harpers Ferry, 93 harrison, Jim, 172 harrison, William henry, 59–60, 61 hart, 253 hart, Philip A., 297, 313 hart, William, 288 hartwick Pines State Park, 177 harvey, Charles, 81 hastings, Erotius P., 89 havighurst, Walter, 172 havilland, Laura Smith, 89 hayes, President Rutherford B., 122 hays, Andrew L., 170 headlee, Richard h., 303 head Start, 282 health care, 326

under Baldwin, 120 under Granholm, 326 for indians, 14

helm, Leonard, 52–53 hemans, Lawton t., 213 hemingway, Ernest, 170 hennepin, Father Louis, 31 henry, Alexander, 48 henry, Patrick, 38, 52 hensel, Professor, Paul, 213 hesse, 54, 55

highway Loan Board, 228 hill, Arthur, 180 hillsdale, 90, 166 hiss, Alger, 270 hitler, Adolf, 202 hochelaga (Montreal), 17 hoekstra, Peter, 335 hoffa, James R. “Jimmy,” 260, 294–95 hoffa, James R., Jr., 295 holland (town), 136 home (Kirkland) home Guard, 220 homeless persons, 307 home Missionary Society of the

Congregational Church, 158 hood, Morris, 306 hood, nicholas, 283 hooper, Warren G., viii, 259–60 hoover, J. Edgar, 222 hoover, President herbert, 232, 233,

236, 262 hopkin, Robert, 170 horner, Governor John S. “

Little Jack,” 67 houghton, 75, 77, 136 houghton County, 136, 137, 139, 169 houghton, douglass, 72, 75 house Judiciary Committee, 67 house of Masses, 222, 223 house of Representatives, 116 house Un-American Activities

Committee (hUAC), 269, 270, 271 howard, Jacob M., 99, 104, 116, 119 howard, William, 49, 119 hudson, Joseph L., 208, 212, 250, 268 hudson, Joseph L., Jr., 285 hudson Bay Company, 27 hudson Motor Company, 208, 250 hudson River, 70 hull, William, 58–61, 68

invasion of Canada, 60–61 hunger March, 235–36 huntington, Samuel, 58

Index372

huron (indians) detroit River council and, 44 and English, 44, 48 and French, 21 intertribal wars, 22, 28 iroquois Wars and, 22, 26 missionaries among, 21, 26–27 Pontiac’s uprising, 45, 46, 47

huron Lightship, 320 hussey, Erastus, 89 hutchinson, Edward, 278

iacocca, Lee, 290 illinois indians, 27, 28, 31, 32 illinois region, 27, 32, 48, 54

settlements, 51 illinois river, 31, 51 illinois, state of, 52, 58, 72, 159 illitch, Mike, 342 immigrants and immigration

after 1890, 140 attitudes toward, 212 blacks, 116 from Canada, 176, 181 in Civil War, 107 from Cornwall, 136, 137 from Eastern Europe, 140 from holland, 135–36 influence in politics, 107, 116, 128 from ireland, 107, 116 Know-nothing Party and, 97 in 1920s, 224 progressivism and, 212 Republican Party and, 116 from Scandinavia, 138–40 see also German immigrants

immoral nineteen, 128 indian agents, 9, 10 indiana territory and State, 58 indian department, 10 indians

agriculture, 4, 6, 7 and alcohol, 34, 36, 43, 52

in American Revolution, 54 Amherst’s policies toward, 42–44 arrival in north America, 2 attitudes toward nature, 4 attitudes toward whites, 9–10 automobile industry and, 11 and British, 42, 62–63 and capture of detroit, 61 casino gambling, 13–14 change in hunting style, 7–9 and Christianity, 10 in Civil War, 107 Constitution of 1850 and, 82 discrimination against, 11, 13 and dutch, 135–36 economic improvements, 12 effects of assimilation, 9–11 effects of white contact, 7–9 employment of, 11–12, 13, 79 in Europe, 1–2, 17 fishing, 13 and French, 20–21 and fur trading, 63 gambling, 169 gift giving, 43–44, 52 and Great Lakes, 13 health, 11 illegal seizure of timberlands of,

179–80 iroquois Wars and, 22 land cessions, 8 land settlements, 75 lifestyle, 3–4 loss of skills, 7 missionaries among, 5–6, 9 in modern Michigan, 11–14 need for education, 11, 14 negotiations over fishing rights of, 13 political structure, 9 population of, 2–3, 9 poverty, 11–12 Proclamation of 1763 and, 48–49 region inhabited, 2–7

Index 373

relationship with French, 17 relationship with nature, 4, 5‒6, 7 religion of, 4–5, 6 schools, 163 significance of tobacco, 5 theory on arrival in north America, 2 three Fires confederation, 2–7 unemployment, 11, 12 and United States, 63‒64 whiskey, impact of, 9 women, 12 see also specific group; French;

missionaries; Pontiac; trade industrialization, 210, 224 industry, 261, 264, 268, 278, 307, 319,

325, 332, 337 automation of, 275, 287–88 during the Civil War, 76, 112–13 detroit, 224, 225, 250 diversification of, 303 entertainment, 173 food processing, 151–52, 290–92 impact on environment, 77, 320 indian, 10, 11, 13 of new France, 21, 24, 29 1950s, 272 Panic of 1837, 64 shift of industry, 287 strikes, 222 tourist, 290, 321 during World War ii, 221, 249–50 see also automobile industry; Great

depression; lumbering; mining, railroads, shipbuilding

infant mortality, 12 inflation, 74, 121, 147, 261, 296,

301, 319 ingalls, Reverend Richard, 308 ingham County, 82, 250, 259 interlochen Arts Academy, 299 interlochen Music Camp, 173 internal improvements, 67, 72–74, 81,

82, 83

see also canals; public services; roads and highways; rural electrification projects

international Brotherhood of teamsters, 294, 295

international Workers of the World, 220, 223

interstate Commerce Act, 115 interurban trains, 191 “intolerable Acts,” 51 ionia, 229, 266 iraq War, 313 “irish hills,” 137 irish immigrants, 136–38 iron County, 139, 274 iron mining, 78–79, 136 iron Mountain, 136, 250 iron River, 136 ironwood, 136 iroquois, 35

Cartier’s relationship with, 17 French military campaign against, 23,

24, 25 Frontenac and, 27 relationship with French, 20, 21, 27, 33 see also missionaries

iroquois Federation, 21 iroquois Point, 22 iroquois Wars, 21–22, 26, 34 irving, Washington, 170 isabella indian Reservation, 178, 180–81 ishpeming, 78, 136 isolationism, 262

Jackson, 89, 99 Jackson, President Andrew, 67, 73, 97

Specie Circular, 74 Jackson Company, 78 James Madison College, 276 Japanese, 316

banks, 302 World War ii, 249, 258, 262

Jay treaty, 55, 87

Index374

Jefferson, thomas, 53, 57, 97 Jeffries, Mayor Edward, 258 jerkwater railroads, 189 Jerome, Governor david, 124, 132, 180 Jerome, timothy, 180 Jesuits

and Cadillac, 34 closure of St. ignace mission, 36 missions work of, 10, 27–28, 33 opposition to further penetration of

interior, 30 and Recollects, 10 understanding of indians, 5, 28

Joe Louis Sports Arena, 288 John C. Lodge–Edsel Ford expressway

system, 267, 268 Johnson, Andrew, 106 Johnson, Lyndon B., 280–1, 284 Johnson, Ruth, 336 Johnson, Sir William, 43–44, 48 Johnson’s island, 111 Jolliet, Adrian, 25, 28 Jolliet, Louis, 28 judiciary system, 82 Junior Chamber of Commerce, 277, 279 Justice department, 222, 223

and Michigan, 268–69 Justin Morrill College, 276

Kahn, Albert, 170 Kaiser-Willys-overland-Jeep Company,

208, 250 Kalamazoo

asylum for the insane in, 120 dutch immigrants in, 136 education in, 160–61 fur trade in, 64 Know-nothing Party in, 98 protest at Kansas-nebraska Act, 99 riots in, 283 role in World War ii wine industry in, 291

Kalamazoo College, 166

Kalamazoo County, 71 Kalamazoo County Agricultural

Society, 146 Kalamazoo River, 73, 135 Kalkaska, 293 Kansas-nebraska Bill, 98, 99 Kanter, Robert, 245 Kaskaskia, 293 Kehoe, Andrew, 227–28 Kelley, Frank, 138 Kellogg Company of Battle Creek,

151–52, 250 Kellogg, John harvey, 151–52 Kellogg, Will Keith, 151–52 Kelly, harry, 264 Kelly, harry F., 252, 258, 262, 264,

270–71 Kennedy, J. J., 245 Kennedy, John F., 264, 265 Kent County, 55, 73, 130 Kentucky, 89 Kerry, John F., 324 Kettering University, 167 Kevorkian, Jack, 310–11, 314 Keweenaw Bay, 76 Keweenaw County, 136 Keweenaw Peninsula, 75, 76, 77, 216 Keywell, harry, 259 Kidd, James h., 107–08 Kid Rock, 173 Kids, Cops, and Clean campaign, 328 Kilpatrick, Bernard, 341 Kilpatrick, Kwame, 327, 340–41 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 282, 283 “King of the Beaver islands,” 94–95 “King’s daughters,” 23–24 King William’s War, 33 Kirkland, Caroline, 171 Kitchi Manitou, 4 Kmart, 324 Know-nothing Party, 97–98

and Republican party, 100 Knox, Frank, 214

Index 375

Knudsen, William S., 249–50 Ku Klux Klan, viii, 226, 238, 254, 255–56

Joe Biden

Joe Biden won the 2020 presidential election to become the 46th president-elect of the United States. He previously served as the vice president of the United States with Democratic president Barack Obama for two terms, from 2009 to 2017. In Biden's earlier political career in the 1970s, he gained a reputation as an outspoken and candid U.S. senator. He later ran for president in the 1988 and 2008 races, dropping out of each one. Democratic presidential nominee Obama chose Biden as his running mate in the 2008 campaign, and the pair won the subsequent election. Biden was sworn in as the forty-seventh vice president of the United States in 2009 and was reelected with Obama in 2012. As Obama's term wound down, rumors existed that Biden would make a bid for the 2016 presidency. However, in May of 2015, he suffered a personal tragedy when his son Beau died of brain cancer. Although Biden declined to run for the White House in 2016, he threw his hat into the ring in 2019 for the 2020 presidential election. After a major victory on Super Tuesday in March of 2020, Biden went on to become the Democratic nominee for president. With vote counts extending several days beyond the Nov. 3 election night, he became the first challenger to defeat an incumbent first-term president in almost 30 years.

Early Life and Education

Joseph Robinette Biden Jr. was born on November 20, 1942, son of a working-class family in Scranton, Pennsylvania. The family moved to suburban Wilmington, Delaware, where he played rugby and football. Childhood friend Marty Londergan told Esquire in 1982 that when he and Biden played football together, Biden was such a fierce competitor that he often got into on-field fights. "The guy just wanted to win too much," Londergan observed.

Biden enrolled at the University of Delaware, where he played safety on the football team. In the classroom, he depended less on hard study than on his native intelligence and glib wit. "He had a talent for getting it done when it had to get done," college roommate and future law partner David Walsh told the Wilmington News Journal. During spring break of his junior year, Biden met Syracuse University student Neilia Hunter. He quit football before his senior year to spend more time with her, and after graduating in 1965, he enrolled in Syracuse University Law School. The two married in 1966 and two years later moved to Delaware, where Biden opened a law practice. He quickly became prominent in Wilmington by defending the accused in the toughest criminal cases.

Political Career

Biden, who registered as a political independent in 1970, was asked to run for the New Castle County Council by Delaware Republicans impressed with his legal oratory skills. He eventually decided to run as a Democrat. Although the district was 65 percent Republican, Biden won by a large margin. The next day, he began planning his U.S. Senate campaign. In 1972, at age 29, Biden challenged J. Caleb Boggs, 63, a two-term senator who had held office in Delaware for 26 years. No other Democrat wanted to challenge the popular Boggs, who was said to have known every state resident on a first-name basis and sent cards to every Delaware family at Christmas. When the unknown Biden entered the race, people saw him as a sacrificial lamb. He expected the race to cost $80,000 and obtained a second mortgage on his home for the first $20,000. "We had trouble getting money from the regular Democratic sources because none of them wanted to invest in what looked like a losing campaign," his sister, Valerie Biden Saunders, told Good Housekeeping.

But Biden gained recognition by meeting voters in six coffee klatches a day throughout the state and by deploying battalions of high school students to pass out leaflets. He argued that Boggs was a do-nothing senator who would prefer to retire. His tenacity impressed donors, and money began to pour in to the campaign. In the end, the campaign spent $300,000, the most for a statewide campaign in Delaware at that time.

On election night, Biden took Boggs' seemingly safe seat by 3,162 votes. "Upstairs in his suite," Esquire reported, "Joe Biden took the concession call from Boggs and then began to cry. 'I didn't want to hurt him,' he said. 'I didn't want to do that.'" At 29, Biden was the youngest senator ever popularly elected and the fourth-youngest ever chosen to serve at the time. His political future shone so brightly that Time mentioned him as a presidential possibility before he even arrived in Washington.

Suffered a Tragedy

On December 18, 1972, not long after his election victory, tragedy struck. Biden's wife and three children were returning from shopping for a Christmas tree, when on a highway west of Wilmington, their station wagon was hit by a hay truck. The car was thrown over an embankment, killing Neilia Biden and infant daughter Naomi. Biden's two sons--Beau and Hunt--were hospitalized with serious injuries.

Biden called Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield and told him he wanted to give up his seat. "They can always get another senator," he said, "but my boys can't get another father." Mansfield convinced Biden to stay and gave him several prestigious committee assignments. In January of 1973, Biden was sworn into office in his sons' hospital room, where he had lived for a month.

Biden then went to Washington, but--raising his two sons alone--he decided to commute daily from Delaware, an 80-minute trip each way. Some said Biden's commuting hurt his effectiveness as a senator. "It's a club here," Senator Fritz Hollings (D-South Carolina) told the Washingtonian in 1985. "The atmosphere of club is missing with Joe. You never really get to know the others unless you go on a trip or to parties with them." Biden conceded that might be true, but he told the Washingtonian, "Family has always been the beginning, the middle and the end with me." He had gone to Washington with no interest in making friends among his Senate colleagues. "There used to be great senators here who made a difference, men like Daniel Webster and Henry Clay," he told Good Housekeeping in 1975. "But not anymore. There are still a few guys you can trust and respect but there is not much greatness here anymore." In that same article, Biden lived up to his reputation as an enfant terrible. "Why should I be here just to be one of 100 guys who vote?" he said. "I want to be one of those guys who change people's minds."

During a 1975 Judiciary Committee hearing, Biden interrupted himself in mid-sentence to say, "I obviously don't know what the hell I'm talking about." Such statements earned him a reputation for unblushing candor. "He's candid--maybe to a fault," Senator Bill Cohen (R-Maine) told the Washingtonian. Senator Hollings, a sort of foster father to Biden, told the Washingtonian, "Joe gets worked up. Some people think he gets too candid sometimes, but that's a mark of his generation. Better his short fuse than no fuse at all."

Mansfield placed Biden on several plum Senate panels, including the steering, judiciary, foreign relations, budget, and intelligence committees. He became friendly with Senate leaders Hubert Humphrey and Edward Kennedy. In the late 1970s, he was President Jimmy Carter's chief Senate salesman on the SALT II treaty. Colleagues considered him a lively debater, quick on his feet and nimble with his questions. But some saw him as a senator who wouldn't do the grunt work, was not always prepared or interested, and thought making a speech was enough. Senator Gary Hart (D-Colorado), a potential competitor for the 1988 presidential nomination, called Biden "a buzz saw, all noise and bite."

"Joe just didn't give a damn," brother Jim Biden told Esquire in 1982. "He didn't give a damn about anything. [Sons] Beau and Hunt were the sole exceptions." Biden admitted he felt disjointed during his first term. "I viewed the Senate as a way station," he told National Journal. "I was going to serve my time and get out."

Focused on Career

That feeling changed in 1977, when Biden met Jill Jacobs, who was finishing college in Delaware. They married that year and had a daughter in 1981. Biden's new wife gave him stability at home, he said, and helped him to pursue his career without feeling that he was abandoning his family.

In 1978 Biden was reelected to the Senate with 58 percent of the vote. Much of his support came from his position as the Senate's leader in opposing busing for school integration. In the mid-70s, Biden successfully proposed an amendment to prevent the Department of Health, Education and Welfare from ordering school districts to institute busing. Two years later, he proposed a bill that failed by two votes on the Senate floor to restrict court-ordered busing. "Is it racist because people don't want to send their kid instead of across the street to a school six miles away?" he asked on the Senate floor.

Such stands created a confusing image of Biden. For every liberal act--opposition to U.S. involvement in Vietnam in the 1970s and El Salvador in the 1980s, grilling of the CIA over covert espionage--there was an equal and opposite conservative act--opposing busing, aiming to cut off federal funds for abortion, and beefing up the defense budget. Yet by 1984, Biden ranked fifth in how often he had voted in opposition to President Ronald Reagan, according to Congressional Quarterly. Two years later, the Democratic Party recaptured control of the Senate, elevating Biden to the post of chairman of the powerful Judiciary Committee. He came to be regarded as an expert on criminal justice and foreign policy. In 1983 he cosponsored a comprehensive anticrime bill criticized by some as anti-liberal. He was a Senate leader on such issues as the MX missile, arms control, Lebanon, U.S.-Soviet relations, and civil rights.

Made a Failed Bid for Presidency

That record, plus Biden's oratorical skills and attractive demeanor, spurred talk as early as 1983 that he would make a run for the presidency. He backed away from a 1984 run and was easily reelected to the Senate. In 1987 he ran for the 1988 Democratic presidential nomination, but his candidacy was wounded when an opponent's campaign released a videotape showing Biden using, without credit, parts of speeches originally delivered by British politician Neil Kinnock. He dropped out of the race in September of 1987, saying he wanted to focus on chairing Senate hearings over a controversial Supreme Court nominee.

President Reagan had nominated arch-conservative judge Robert Bork to the Supreme Court. As Judiciary Committee chairman, Biden presided over Bork's contentious Senate confirmation hearings, and he also led the opposition to his nomination. The Senate rejected Bork in the fall of 1987. That battle helped make Biden well known to the American public, as did a second debate over a Supreme Court nominee. In 1991, when Clarence Thomas was nominated for the court, Biden's committee heard dramatic testimony from Anita Hill, a former employee of Thomas's who accused him of sexual harassment. As Thomas defended himself before the committee, the conflict gripped the nation's attention. The Senate voted narrowly to confirm Thomas.

In early 1988, Biden collapsed in a hotel in Rochester, New York, from an aneurysm. He underwent emergency surgery, suffered a second aneurysm later that year, and had another surgery performed. When he returned to his Senate work later that year, he dedicated himself to developing experience in foreign policy. He eventually became chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Shortly after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Biden met with top Middle East leaders to discuss the war on terrorism and conflicts in the Middle East. In 2002 he voted to authorize war with Iraq, a decision he later regretted. He later became strongly critical of President George W. Bush's Iraq policy. In 2004 Biden, addressing the Democratic National Convention in Boston, said history would judge the administration of Bush "harshly for the mistakes it has made."

Another Bid for the Presidency

Twenty years after his first run for president, Biden made another attempt, announcing his candidacy in January of 2007. He performed well in the Democratic presidential candidates' many debates. In a debate in Philadelphia in October of 2007, he mocked Republican presidential candidate Rudy Giuliani for dwelling on terrorism as a campaign issue. "There's only three things he mentions in a sentence: a noun and a verb and 9/11," Biden complained (according to Elisabeth Bumiller of the New York Times).

After winning 1 percent of the vote in the first contest of the campaign, the January 3, 2008, Iowa caucus, Biden pulled out of the race. However, he had improved his political reputation by running and displaying his seasoned knowledge of foreign policy. Political observers speculated that if a Democrat won the White House, Biden might be a leading contender for a cabinet position, possibly secretary of state.

But Barack Obama, who won the Democratic nomination for president that June, had even bigger plans for Biden. On August 23, 2008, Obama announced he had chosen Biden as his vice-presidential running mate. Biden was viewed as a shrewd choice, given his years of political experience, including deep knowledge of foreign policy and in national security issues, which helped offset the Illinois senator's youth.

During his acceptance speech at the convention, Biden criticized Obama's Republican opponent, U.S. senator John McCain, who had served in the Senate with Biden for decades. Like Obama, Biden derided McCain for supporting Bush on the Iraq war. "Again and again," he said (according to John M. Broder of the New York Times), "on the most important national security issues of our time, John McCain was wrong, and Barack Obama was proven right." Biden attempted to undercut the political appeal of McCain's history as a Navy pilot and prisoner of war in Vietnam. "These times require more than a good soldier," Biden said (according to Broder). "They require a wise leader."

On October 2, 2008, Biden debated Sarah Palin, the Republican candidate for vice president, in St. Louis, Missouri. Rather than challenge Palin directly, Biden used the platform to attack McCain, portraying the Republican presidential candidate's response to the Wall Street financial crisis as out of touch and erratic. Biden defended his ticket's plan to withdraw combat troops from Iraq within sixteen months, arguing that McCain and Palin did not have a plan to end the war.

Role as Vice President

After a spirited campaign, the Obama-Biden ticket won the November election. Biden won his Senate race in Delaware as well, and did not resign from the Senate seat until shortly before he was sworn in as vice president in January of 2009. As vice president, Biden planned on reinventing the office after his predecessor, Dick Cheney, turned it into an extremely powerful position. Biden did not want to be a "do nothing" vice president either, but he worked to strike a balance that would allow him to be active but subordinate to Obama. In his first few months in office, for example, Biden was put in charge of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, traveled to Georgia in Eurasia to pledge American support in the face of Russian threats, and tried to garner international support for an escalated war in Afghanistan.

Biden's expertise in foreign relations played a large role in his vice presidential duties. In September of 2009, he made a surprise visit to Baghdad, Iraq, where he met with Iraqi officials and U.S. soldiers. Biden traveled to Iraq eight more times in two years, including a trip in December of 2011 to mark the end of the war.

In March of 2010, Biden embarked on a Middle East trip to meet with Israeli and Palestinian leaders. According to CNN, Biden, speaking with Israeli president Shimon Peres during the trip, commented that he had been a friend of Israel's since his first visit to the country as a 29-year-old senator. In early 2011, Biden traveled to Afghanistan as Obama considered drawing back military forces in the area. Biden, who believed the president should greatly reduce the number of troops in the country, was said to have influence on the president's eventual decision to draw down the number of troops in the region. The vice president also supported the administration's efforts to strengthen relations in Asia Pacific, and he traveled to China, Japan, and Mongolia in 2011. In February of 2012, Biden met with China's then vice president, Xi Jinping, to discuss a number of key commercial and trade issues between the two countries.

Biden also played a domestic role in the Obama administration, particularly dealing with the economy and clean energy alternatives. Biden and Obama hosted a meeting at the White House in July of 2010 that included former president Bill Clinton and various business leaders to discuss cooperation between the public and private sectors in creating new jobs and more opportunities for investments in clean energy initiatives. In August of 2011, Biden spoke at the National Clean Energy Summit in Nevada, where he noted that the United States must lead the way in clean cars, solar arrays, and wind turbines. "If we don't lead in clean energy, we'll follow. I'd hate to see us replace the importing of foreign oil with the importing of foreign technology," he is quoted as saying in Forbes. Biden was key in implementing the stimulus package, known as the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, to help rebuild the American economy, and he served as chair of the administration's Middle Class Task Force, a White House initiative to build a strong middle class in America.

Second Term as Vice President

Biden was sworn in for a second term as vice president after Obama was reelected in November of 2012. After the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in December of 2012, in which 26 people--including 20 children--were killed, Obama assigned Biden to a task force aimed at reforming gun control laws. Some of the proposed provisions included a ban on semiautomatic weapons, background checks, and increased security at schools. However, the ban on certain automatic weapons and increased background checks failed to pass Congress.

In January of 2014, Biden and his team proposed that states be given the ability to provide the National Instant Criminal Background Check System with mental health information about gun purchasers. The proposal, Biden said, would prevent firearms from being sold to those mentally unfit to carry them. At the same time, Biden and Obama publicly urged Congress to reconsider the background check legislation.

That same month, Obama appointed Biden co-chair of the White House Task Force to Protect Students from Sexual Assault. In its first report, the group recommended that the problem be identified and measured; that bystanders, particularly men, be made part of the solution in preventing sexual assault; and that there be an effective response from the college or university--that is, schools should have a policy, trained officials, and a disciplinary system in place to deal with sexual assault cases. "No more turning a blind eye or pretending it doesn't exist," said Biden. "We need to give victims the support they need--like a confidential place to go--and we need to bring the perpetrators to justice."

In early 2014, Biden said in an interview with CNN that though he had not decided whether he would run for president in the 2016 election, he did not rule out the possibility. Later that year, he told CBS News that he couldn't think of a good reason not to run but would decide by the summer of 2015. Biden traveled to numerous states in late 2014 and into 2015, delivering speeches on Obama's economics and plans for infrastructure improvement. The media noted that Biden's schedule suggested a possible 2016 run, as he was visiting what would become key voting states in the election.

In April of 2015, former first lady and secretary of state Hillary Clinton announced her bid for the Democratic nomination in the 2016 presidential election. A month later, Biden suffered a personal tragedy when his son Beau died of brain cancer. After weeks of delaying his decision, Biden announced he would not seek office.

Sought Presidency

In 2019, after much speculation, Biden announced he would run for president in 2020 against incumbent Republican President Donald Trump. His campaign platform included support for women's abortion rights, though as a practicing Catholic he was personally opposed to abortion; support of transgender Americans to serve in the military; support for free college education and universal kindergarten and pre-K; universal background checks for guns; and higher taxes on wealthy Americans with tax relief for the middle class. Biden faced a deep bench for the Democratic nomination, including Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren. During the first set of Democratic candidate debates, Biden was confronted by an unexpected foe: Senator Kamala Harris. While they were on friendly terms in general, Harris lobbed an attack on Biden over his position on school busing during the June of 2019 debate. Biden had opposed federally mandated busing to integrate schools.

Throughout the early months of his campaign, Biden consistently polled lower than several of his opponents, and he ended up placing fourth in the Iowa Caucuses behind Sanders and Warren. His campaign made a major comeback in March of 2020 when he won ten states in the Super Tuesday primary elections. The wins put him in the overall lead among candidates, and several of his opponents including Warren dropped out of the race shortly after. In April, Sanders suspended his campaign, making Biden the presumptive nominee. Sanders and Warren both went on to endorse Biden. Biden was also formally endorsed by former President Barack Obama.

After a major victory on Super Tuesday in March of 2020, Biden went on to become the Democratic nominee for president. With vote counts extending several days beyond the Nov. 3 election night, Biden was named the winner, becoming the first challenger to defeat an incumbent first-term president in almost 30 years. The win made Biden the oldest president in American history, a title previously held by Ronald Reagan.

PERSONAL INFORMATION:

Full name, Joseph Robinette Biden Jr.; born November 20, 1942, in Scranton, Pennsylvania; son of Joseph (a car salesman) and Jean Biden; married Neilia Hunter, 1966 (died, 1972); married Jill Tracy Jacobs (a teacher), June 17, 1977; children: (with Neilia Biden) Joseph Robinette III ("Beau") (died, 2015), Robert ("Hunt") Hunter, Naomi Christina (died, 1972), (with Jill Biden) Ashley Blazer. Education: University of Delaware, BA, 1965; Syracuse University Law School, JD, 1968. Politics: Democrat Religion: Roman Catholic.

CAREER:

Admitted to Bar of the state of Delaware, 1968; practiced law as a defense attorney on criminal cases in Wilmington, Delaware, 1968-70; elected to the New Castle, Delaware, County Council, 1970, served, 1971-73; elected to the U.S. Senate from the state of Delaware, 1972, served 1973-2009; chairman of Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 2001-02; elected vice president, 2008; took office, 2009; reelected vice president in 2012; took office, 2013; announced campaign for president of the United States, 2019; won presidential election, 2020.

Joseph R. Biden

American Vice President Joe Biden (born 1942) had a long career in public service at the federal level, including two unsuccessful presidential runs, before winning the nation's second-highest executive office in 2008, as the running mate of Barack Obama. Most of Biden's career was spent representing the state of Delaware in the U.S. Senate, to which he won election in 1972 as one of the youngest men ever to hold that office. As a senator, Biden became particularly recognized for his expertise in foreign policy and for his forthright speaking style. After ascending to the Vice-Presidency, Biden used his experience in the Senate to advise the administration on ongoing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and to act as negotiator in key financial debates, among other duties. "The best thing about Joe is that when we get everybody together, he really forces people to think and defend their positions, to look at things from every angle, and that is very valuable for me," assessed Obama to Jeanne Cumming of POLITICO. "I also know, when he gives me his advice, he gives it to me straight."

Had a Modest Upbringing

The eldest of the four children of car salesman Joseph and homemaker Catherine Eugenia "Jean" (Finnegan) Biden, Joseph Robinette Biden, Jr., was born on November 20, 1942, in Scranton, Pennsylvania. Joe Biden, Jr. came from a well-off Baltimore family as his father had held a lucrative job as an executive for a company that made sealant for merchant marine ships during World War II. A series of business setbacks after the war, however, damaged the family's fortunes; a partner in a planned furniture store stole Biden's investment, and a nascent crop-dusting business failed just a few years later. The family lived for a time with the young Biden's maternal grandparents before moving into a small apartment in Wilmington, Delaware, where he attended Catholic school and struggled with a stutter. These experiences proved formative for Biden, who developed an attitude toward facing adversity as a challenge to be overcome. "My dad always said, 'Champ, the measure of a man is not how often he is knocked down, but how quickly he gets up,'" Biden was quoted as recalling by John M. Broder of the New York Times.

Although never an especially talented student, Biden excelled in other aspects of high school life. He played on the football team and twice served as class president. While attending high school, Biden--who faced taunting nicknames such as "Dash" and "Joe Impedimenta" in reference to his speech impediment--also managed to eliminate his stutter by memorizing poems that he repeated in front of a mirror. By studying his facial muscles in this way, Biden was eventually able to control his speaking patterns and stop stuttering. He graduated from the prestigious Catholic prep school Archmere Academy and enrolled at the University of Delaware. There, he continued to play football until meeting future wife Neilia Hunter, who attended Syracuse University; the couple married in 1966. Biden had moved to Syracuse after completing his bachelor's degree in 1965, where he enrolled at Syracuse University Law School.

Biden was far from a stellar law student, and his academic record was marred by an incident of plagiarism. While taking a legal methods class, Biden directly plagiarized several pages of a Fordham Law Review article for his own paper. Upon discovery of the borrowing, Biden pled his case to the law school's administration, hoping to avoid being expelled from the program. "My intent was not to deceive anyone," he wrote in a letter quoted by E. J. Dionne, Jr., in the New York Times. "For if it were, I would not have been so blatant....if I had intended to cheat, would I have been so stupid?" Instead, Biden claimed, he had simply not understood the importance of thoroughly citing his sources. The law school allowed him to remain a student, but gave him a failing grade in the class; he later retook that course and, ultimately, completed his law degree in 1968 near the bottom of his class. The incident was not entirely forgotten, however, and would later prove damaging to Biden's political career.

Elected U.S. Senator

After completing his law degree, Biden returned to Wilmington, where he opened a law practice focusing on criminal defense. He soon won recognition for his public speaking skills, and in 1970, he was asked by a group of Delaware Republicans to stand for the New Castle County Council. Biden agreed to run, but as a Democrat; he won the largely Republican district easily. Two years later, Biden managed a surprising upset victory over popular incumbent U.S. Senator J. Caleb Boggs in a race in which Boggs had been so heavily favored that no one wanted to run against him. Biden carried the race by just over 3,000 votes, and at the age of 29 became the youngest popularly elected senator in U.S. history. Just as his star was on the rise, however, personal tragedy struck. Biden's wife and three children were involved in a car accident shortly before Christmas that killed his wife and young daughter Naomi. Biden spent the next several weeks near his sons in their hospital room, assuming his Senate seat only reluctantly. Even after his sons were released, Biden decided to retain residency in Wilmington, famously taking the train to and from Washington each workday. In 1977, he remarried to Jill Jacobs; the couple had a daughter, Ashley, in 1981.

During the 1970s and 1980s, Biden established himself as an outspoken and influential moderate Democrat. He served on several key Senate committees, particularly the Senate Judiciary Committee, and formed friendships with Democratic leaders such as Massachusetts Senator Edward (Ted) Kennedy. His positions were not always in line with traditional liberal ideology; although Biden strongly supported civil rights, for example, he opposed school integration through mandated busing during the 1970s. He gained a reputation as a knowledgeable figure on criminal justice and a compelling if sometimes long-winded speaker.

In 1987, Biden threw his hat into the highly competitive ring for the Democratic presidential nomination. A popular long-time legislator and chair of the high-profile Judiciary Committee, Biden seemed at first like a strong contender. His moderate record was appealing in a time of conservative political strength and his skill as an orator helped him generate early excitement for a potential run. At an event in the crucial primary caucus state of Iowa in September of 1987, however, Biden included a story meant to reflect his middle-class roots, talking about his family's experiences working as miners and their inability to attend college. Within days, however, a video sent to Iowa media outlets, most likely from the competing campaign of Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, revealed the speech to be closely modeled on a speech previously given by British politician Neil Kinnock. Further investigation revealed that Biden's family in fact had no history as miners, and that his mother's family contained many college graduates. Scandal quickly erupted as the story spread to the national media. Biden's law school plagiarism landed in the papers along with other instances of apparent uncredited borrowing. Biden's own honesty and trustworthiness came under public fire. Despite initial insistence that he would remain in the race, the candidate withdrew just days later.

The controversy ended Biden's executive aspirations for the time, but it did not completely derail his political career. He continued to serve in the Senate, serving as a leading opponent to Reagan's ultimately unsuccessful Supreme Court nominee Robert H. Bork even as the scandal over his borrowed speech swirled. In 1988, he suffered from a series of aneurysms, undergoing emergency surgeries but ultimately fully recovering and returning to the Senate. He next commanded national attention when he presided over the confirmed hearings of another controversial Supreme Court nominee, Clarence Thomas, who was accused of sexual harassment by former employee Anita Hill during the confirmation process. Through his leadership on the Judiciary Committee, Biden helped enact strong anti-crime legislation including the 1994 Violent Crime Control and Enforcement Act, which made sweeping changes to reduce and deter crime, such as a federally banning assault weapons and increasing funding for initiatives to reduce violence against women.

Throughout the 1990s, Biden also worked to deepen his understanding of foreign affairs, and this growing expertise helped him become the ranking Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1997. During the waning years of the Clinton administration, Biden encouraged the president to oppose Yugoslavian leader Slobodan Milosevic and his ethnic cleansing; in 1999, he was a strong supporter of the air strikes that eventually forced Milosevic to leave Kosovo. After the George W. Bush administration gained power in 2001, Biden emerged as a critic of what he considered its scattered and overly isolationist foreign policies. Thrust into international tumult following the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001, he nevertheless supported the administration's decision to wage wars in Afghanistan and, later, Iraq. His initial commitment to the Iraq War quickly wavered, however; he believed that insufficient thought and attention was being paid to the nation-building that would be required in the wake of a military victory, and that Bush was poorly informed and in denial about the realities on the ground. He remained a vocal critic of the administration's foreign policy throughout Bush's two terms.

Became Vice-President

In 2007, Biden again announced that he would stand for the Democratic presidential nomination. As in 1987, the field was a competitive one; former First Lady and then-U.S. Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton was widely considered the frontrunner, with U.S. Senator Barack Obama and former legislator and vice-presidential nominee John Edwards also posing strong challenges. Biden turned in strong and memorable debate performances during the Democratic primaries, but ended his candidacy after winning only a tiny minority of votes in the Iowa caucus in January of 2008. His involvement with the election was far from over, however. In August of 2008, Obama--who had secured the nomination after a long and hard-fought primary campaign--announced Biden as his vice-presidential running mate. Media outlets quickly hailed the choice as a smart one: Biden's foreign policy expertise and decades of political experience were seen as a counterbalance to Obama's brief career at the national level. "Joe Biden is what so many others pretend to be: a statesman with sound judgment who doesn't have to hide behind bluster to keep America strong," Obama was quoted as stating of his decision by S.A. Miller of the Washington Times.

Biden proved a tenacious campaigner, delivering stump speeches on the trail and vigorously debating the Republican vice-presidential nominee, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin. In November of 2008, Biden was simultaneously elected to the vice-presidency and to his own seventh Senatorial term. He resigned his Senate seat shortly before being sworn in as the nation's forty-seventh vice-president. During Obama's first term, Biden contributed to the administration's foreign policy formation, serving as an adviser and frequently traveling abroad to conduct international relations. He was particularly influential in bringing the Iraq War to a graduated close by the end of 2011 and in winning Senate approval for a nuclear arms reduction treaty with Russia. The Vice-President also was active in domestic affairs. Soon after taking office, Obama assigned Biden to head implementation of a large economic stimulus act. He also served as an advocate for policies and legislation aimed at supporting the U.S. middle class.

During 2012, Biden returned to the campaign trail to generate support for a second Obama-Biden term. His blunt speaking style and tendency to make verbal gaffes helped build excitement for that October's vice-presidential debate between Biden and Republican candidate Mitt Romney's running mate, Wisconsin Congressman Paul Ryan. Coming after a lackluster performance by Obama in his first presidential debate, Biden delivered sharp criticisms of the Republican ticket's economic plans and accused them of doing too little to protect the nation's lower- and middle-income residents. Biden won a second term in the following month's election and seemed set to continue his role as an administration foreign policy expert and middle-class advocate.

PERSONAL INFORMATION:

American Vice-President Joe Biden served for more than three decades in the U.S. Senate before becoming the nation's forty-seventh vice-president.

AWARDS:

George Arents Pioneer Medal, Syracuse University, 2005; (with Richard Lugar) Crescent of Pakistan Award, government of Pakistan, 2008; Golden Medal of Freedom Award, government of Kosovo, 2009; inductee, Little League Hall of Excellence, 2009.

Donald Trump

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Before his career move into politics, Donald J. Trump was best known as a reality-show celebrity and real estate mogul. Recognized for the casinos and skyscrapers that once bore his name and made him rich, Trump announced his candidacy for the 2016 presidential election in June of 2015. During debates, interviews, and campaign stops, Trump made many controversial remarks, to the ire of many Republican voters. However, he emerged as the presumptive Republican nominee in May of 2016. In one of the most heated political contests in American history, Trump defeated Hillary Rodham Clinton in the U.S. Presidential Election on November 8, 2016. Trump took office on January 20, 2017; his inauguration was marked by days of protests and demonstrations. The Trump administration was been marked by low approval numbers and an unprecedented turnover rate for cabinet members. Trump’s presidency was also marred by scandal and controversy, much of which revolves around allegations of Russian meddling in the 2016 election and possible collusion between Russian operatives and the Trump campaign. These allegations were at the center of the Mueller Report, the result of an extensive investigation by Special Counsel Robert Mueller that triggered calls for impeachment and numerous Congressional investigations into the Trump administration when it was released in 2019. On December 18, 2019, the House of Representatives impeached Trump on charges of abuse of power and obstruction of Congress, although he was acquitted by the Senate on February 5, 2020. In June 2019, Trump officially launched his reelection campaign; he later officially received the nomination to run as the Republican candidate for president. After a close race against Democratic candidate Joe Biden that caused the vote count to extend several days past election night, Trump lost.

The Legacy of Donald Trump

In a narrative introducing an excerpt from his best-selling book, The Art of the Deal, New York magazine declared, "Donald Trump is one of the most remarkable figures of the roaring eighties---a true creature of the age. More than a New York real estate developer and deal-maker, Trump has become the personification of hustle and chutzpah, flogging Mayor Koch one day, raiding Holiday Inns or United Airlines the next, pronouncing on the Persian Gulf on the back page of the Times the day after that." He wrote a number of other books, including The Art of the Comeback (1999), The America We Deserve (2000), How to Get Rich (2004), Think Like a Billionaire (2005), Trump 101 (2006), Why We Want You to Be Rich (2006), Think Big (2008), Never Give Up (2008), Think Like a Champion (2009), Midas Touch (2011), Time to Get Tough (2011), Trump Tower 2011, and Crippled America: How to Make America Great Again.

Trump was a self-made billionaire by age forty. Aside from buying and selling the landmark hotels and luxury condominiums, the office towers and gambling palaces, what Trump really marketed was his image of success, megasuccess. More than making deals, Trump seemed to exist to publicize his deals, reveling in the high life he led. No matter how busy his day, he always seemed to find time to take calls from reporters, answer questions from television news people, and write diaries recounting his deals. Spoofing this aspect of the Trump persona, television personality David Letterman once showed up in the lobby of Trump Tower, unannounced, with his camera crew and, as props, an out-of-town couple visiting New York. Trump agreed immediately to an interview, and as they made small talk Letterman joked that Trump seemed to have nothing to do. Trump laughed and agreed with him.

In addition to managing his interests in real estate and casino gambling--and, increasingly, stock market speculating--the developer has also been active in the New York political arena, having taken out full-page advertisements in several major dailies in 1987, asserting his political views on national issues. "I'm not running for President," he told Newsweek in 1987. "But if I did, I'd win."

Trump kept busy enough during the 1980s marketing his image of top-of-the-line luxury to everyone who could afford his prices: Apartments at Trump Tower went for as much as $10 million. Among the contractors who built his projects, he was known as a hands-on, detail-oriented boss who made every decision, no matter how small. In a 1985 interview he explained his philosophy to the New York Times' William E. Geist: "You sell them a fantasy. Spend whatever it takes to build the best. Then, let people know about it. In New York, there is no limit to how much money people will spend for the very best, not second best, the very best."

To many, New Yorkers and out-of-town tourists alike, the Trump image was personified by three luxury midtown buildings that bore the developer's name: the Trump Tower, Trump Plaza, and Trump Parc. He also developed Trump Parc East and owned a 50 percent share in the country's largest gambling casino, the former Hilton Casino that he bought in 1985 and renamed Trump Marina Hotel & Casino; he sold the Atlantic City, New Jersey, facility in 2011. For a while, he owned a football team, the New Jersey Generals, of the defunct United States Football League.

Early Life and Success

Real estate deal-making was part of the Trump family tradition. Donald's father, Fred C. Trump, an entrepreneurial developer of Swedish descent, built and sold middle-class housing in Brooklyn and Queens, two residential boroughs of New York City. The business prospered, and the Trumps moved their young family--three boys and two girls--into a twenty-three-room mansion in Queens. Donald took an early interest in his father's work, tagging along to visit construction sites around the city. He attended military school and began working for his father part-time at age sixteen. The family business at the time was worth an estimated $40 million.

After graduating from military school, Donald attended Fordham University, then went on to complete his undergraduate education at the University of Pennsylvania's prestigious Wharton School of Finance. When he got bored with classes, he bought and sold parcels of Philadelphia real estate. He graduated in 1968 and returned home to the family business. At twenty-eight, he left Queens behind and moved out on his own. Setting himself up in Manhattan, he began scouting midtown for opportunities. Land was relatively cheap at the time; the city's financial status was beginning to worsen, and developers were shying away from projects. By 1975, New York City was staring bankruptcy in the face. When the crumbling Commodore Hotel came on the market, Trump studied the situation and decided the hotel's prime location in midtown--next door to Grand Central Station--was reason enough to buy. Against his father's advice, he bought the old hotel, then gutted it, and rebuilt it as a chrome-and-glass showplace. By 1982, when the hotel was reopened as the Grand Hyatt, New York was well on its way back to fiscal health.

Trump's second big deal was a $1 million land investment in Atlantic City, which he made prior to gambling's legalization there in 1976. He bought the land quietly, a few parcels at a time. By the early 1980s, the investment was worth an estimated $22 million. With construction under way on his casino hotel, he sold a half-interest in the property to Harrah's, the casino management company, for $50 million, also receiving Harrah's insurance against loss for many years into the future.

But it was in New York that he had most attracted public attention. Building on his father's lifelong connections in city government and local Democratic clubhouses, Donald Trump quickly mastered the art of obtaining zoning variances and tax abatements, without which his castles would have been built in the sky. He also learned how to make deals without putting his own money at risk. The 68-floor Trump Tower, for example, was built with $200 million provided by Equitable Life Assurance Society. Reported Business Week's Terry Thompson, "With a 10-year tax-abatement and no debt on the property, Trump and Equitable take in about $14 million a year each by renting retail and office space at some of the highest rates in New York."

It wasn't Trump Tower's financing, however, that seized the public imagination--it was the style, bold and brassy, that Trump gave it. The shimmering glass skyscraper on Fifth Avenue almost instantly became one of the city's most popular tourist attractions. There was the million-dollar waterfall in the lobby, the pink marble floors, the upstairs tenants like Johnny Carson, Stephen Spielberg, and Sophia Loren, the main-floor merchants such as Calvin Klein, the doormen who, outfitted in red military tunics, gold braid, and black bearskin hats, stood at attention beside revolving doors. There were two-foot high bronze "T"s in the lobby, and nearby were a pianist and violinist who wore tuxedoes and play duets. Describing the building's spirit of excess in a New York magazine profile, gossip columnist Liz Smith trumpeted: "I like his style. Because he isn't a phony and a fake. How can we really fault him? For isn't he the perfect synthesis of competition---striving, elbowing, wheeling, dealing, showing off, getting, and flaunting it?"

As if he had suddenly discovered the stock market, he began investing some of the profits he seemed to make so effortlessly in real estate. The novice investor bought large chunks of three different companies--Allegis (formerly United Airlines), Holiday Corp. (owner of Holiday Inns), and Bally's--and watched as Wall Street rumors sent the price of the stock skyrocketing. Each time he sold his holdings and, in total, realized a profit in excess of $122 million.

Personal Life, Politics, and Business

Unlike most business tycoons, Trump clearly preferred the goldfish bowl to the seclusion of a penthouse citadel. While he professed a dislike for public appearances, he frequented such high-profile restaurants as the "21" Club, enjoyed walking the floor at his casino, and was often photographed at society galas or charity events. New Yorkers treated him like a celebrity, and his face was one of the best-known in town. Blanche Sprague, who managed condo sales at Trump Tower, told Geist of the New York Times, "When I walk down the street with Donald, people come up and just touch him, hoping that his good fortune will rub off."

On 7 October 1999, Trump announced the formation of an exploratory committee to inform his decision of whether he should seek the Reform Party's nomination for the presidential race of 2000. Later he told Fortune magazine: "If I feel I could win-win-then I'd run. I think I have a good chance... Hey, I've got my name on half the major buildings in New York... I went to the Wharton School of Finance, which is the No. 1 school. I'm intelligent. Some people would say I'm very, very, very intelligent." He added that he had written best-selling books, with the clarification, "Not bestsellers. No. 1 bestsellers." Then he concluded with, "You know I am the highest-paid speaker in the country?"

Certainly he had the name recognition to make a presidential bid. The Gallup Organization reported that 98 percent of Americans knew who he was, making him quite arguably the most famous business man in America. But as it turned out, Trump's candidacy was merely a flash in the pan, washed out as much by the disintegration of the Reform Party as fellow candidate John McCain's popularity surge in the polls.

Not one to succumb to failure, Trump continued to acquire properties and make investments into the new millennium. In 1999, he opened Trump International Hotel and Tower, a fifty-two-story super luxury hotel and residential building. In 2002, he began development of Trump Park Avenue, which was created out of his purchase of the Delmonico Hotel at 59th Street and Park Avenue. He expanded his ventures outside the northeast to include Trump Grande Ocean Resort and Residences in Miami Beach, Florida. He also had long-term plans for buildings in Chicago, Illinois.

Once the icon of successful, aggressive businessmen everywhere, Trump introduced himself to a new generation of wannabe-millionaires with the creation of the reality show The Apprentice in 2004. On the show, contestants vie for an opportunity to become his next employee. If they fail, the contestants are released with peremptory, "You're fired!" from Trump. The popularity of the phrase even led Trump to seek trademark status for the phrase. The popularity of the show led Trump to market himself in every medium possible. In June of 2004, he launched a short, syndicated radio show. In July he announced the launch of his magazine Trump World to the mass market. He also created a board game, Trump, The Game. The television series continued for many seasons, eventually shifting to a celebrity-contestant format. Trump hosted the show until 2015.

The year 2005 was a busy one for Trump's business ventures. Trump's company, Trump Hotels and Casino Resorts Inc., was given approval by a federal judge to begin voting on its bankruptcy plan. In May the company emerged from Chapter 11 bankruptcy with a new name: Trump Entertainment Resorts Inc. Through the rest of the year, Trump continued his trademark gigantic real-estate transactions. In March of 2005, he signed off on the final plans for Trump International Hotel and Tower Chicago, a ninety-two-story condominium and hotel complex that opened in 2008. He told a reporter for Business Week Online, "I like height. It gives you the view. It gives you the drama. It gives you the architecture. And it has always worked for me."

In June of 2005, Trump set a record for the largest-ever residential real estate sale in New York City. Trump and other investors reached a tentative deal to sell 31 hectares (77 acres) of land and three buildings located on Manhattan's Upper West Side to the Extell Development Corp. and the Carlyle Group for $1.8 billion.

Outside of business matters, Trump was most concerned with the issue of nuclear disarmament. He has visited the Soviet Union, based in part on his expressed convictions, and has let it be known he would like to negotiate with Moscow as a representative of the United States. He believes that private enterprise could speed disarmament faster than the Washington bureaucracy, civil servants being a long-standing object of his derision. "There's a vast difference between somebody who's been consistently successful [in private business] and somebody who's been working for a relatively small amount of money in governmental service for many years," he told Ron Rosenbaum of Manhattan Inc. "In many cases because the private sector, who have seen these people indirectly, didn't choose to hire these people, any of them, because it didn't find them to be particularly capable. But then, years and years later they get slightly promoted, promoted, promoted. The private sector has passed them by and all of a sudden these people are negotiating the lives of you and your children, your families."

Ventures and Bankruptcies

Trump and the NBC Television Network were partners in owning and broadcasting the Miss Universe, Miss USA, and Miss Teen USA pageants until 2015. His production company, which also managed The Apprentice until 2015, was based in Los Angeles. He also had a radio program on Clear Channel for a few years. In 2007, he received a star on the Walk of Fame for his work in television.

In 2008, Coastal Marina LLC, an affiliate of Coastal Development LLC, announced a deal to buy the Marina Hotel and Casino from Trump Entertainment Resorts Inc. for $316 million. The sale was never completed, and in May of 2011 Landry's Inc., owners of the Golden Nugget casinos in Nevada, purchased the property for just $38 million--about a tenth of the expected price three years earlier. The previous summer, Trump Entertainment Inc. had emerged from its third bankruptcy court stint.

In early 2011, Trump bought a 757 airplane, considerably larger than his 727, which had been up for sale, with no takers, since 2009. That same spring Trump hinted that he would run for President in the 2012 election, and the purchase of the larger plane fueled media speculation about his run for the White House. He publicly questioned the validity of President Barack Obama's Hawaiian birth certificate, and when Obama released a copy of the long form, Trump took credit for this development. He announced on 16 May 2011, that he would not run for President. Despite this, Trump was anything but quiet about the 2012 presidential election. After throwing his support behind Mitt Romney and deriding President Obama on a near-constant basis, Trump went on a social media rampage when Obama was ultimately reelected, calling the decision a "sham and a travesty."

Trump or companies bearing his name had declared bankruptcy four times as of April of 2011. Though Forbes estimated his worth at $2.7 billion, in 1991, 1992, 2004, and 2009, Trump-branded ventures sought Chapter 11 protection. In 1991, he had $3.4 billion in debt with the Taj Mahal in Atlantic City, New Jersey, when the economy slumped. He turned over half ownership and half equity in the casino to the banks for time and a lower interest rate. He sold his Trump Princess yacht and Trump Shuttle plane. Bankers capped his personal spending. A year later, he owed $550 million on the Trump Plaza Hotel in Atlantic City. He remained chief executive in that deal, but lost his salary. In 2004, Trump Hotels and Casino Resorts Inc., with $1.8 billion in debt, filed for voluntary bankruptcy. Trump reduced his share in the company, from 47 percent to 25 percent, losing control of the company. The tanking economy of 2008 affected his real estate holdings. Trump Entertainment and affiliates were $1.74 billion in debt. His company missed a $53.1 million bond interest payment in December, and Trump Entertainment Resorts was in bankruptcy court. Trump, at odds with his board of directors, resigned as chairman in 2009. Months later, he had just a 10 percent share in the company. According to an analyst, most of Trump's debt came about through bonds sold to the public. The investors lost money, but Trump was relatively unscathed.

With strong completion in Pennsylvania and Maryland, Atlantic city's casinos began to decline; Trump Plaza Hotel and Casino was the fourth in the city to close during 2014. Donald Trump had removed his name from the business, and in February of 2015, a judge in Atlantic City ruled that Trump's name also must be removed from the Taj Mahal Casino, the last one associated with his brand. The casino, scheduled to close in December of 2014, received a last-minute reprieve when its union accepted a new deal and an investor supplied additional cash.

Trump again toyed with the idea of running for President prior to the 2016 election. He agreed to appear as the keynote speaker at a Lincoln-Reagan Day dinner in Iowa in May, feeding rumors of his intentions. According to United Press International, in an earlier speech in Iowa Trump asserted that he had answers for the country's problems. Trump reportedly said, "Our country is in such trouble, and it would be so easy to fix. We have such great potential. If I run for president, and if I win, I would totally succeed in creating jobs, defeating ISIS and stopping the Islamic terrorists."

Announced Bid for the Presidency

In June of 2015, Trump formally announced his bid for the 2016 presidency. Although he had toyed with running several times in the past, this marked the first time he was officially running on the Republican ticket. Early into the election season, Trump enjoyed a clear lead in the polls. His controversial comments about immigration, race, and other issues, however, angered many individuals and led to the end of his affiliations with NBC, The Apprentice reality show, and Miss America/Miss Universe pageants. Trump took part in the GOP debate in September of 2015, and afterward polls showed Trump in the lead.

Trump continued to lead in national polls in December of 2015, showing 27 percent approval early in the month. Republican opponents Marco Rubio and Ben Carson followed with 17 percent and 16 percent, respectively. On 3 December, Trump announced that within two weeks, his doctor would release a medical report showing Trump's health to be perfect. The media noted at the time that Trump would be the oldest person to assume the presidency if he were inaugurated in January of 2017.

In early 2016, Trump's campaign faced competition from Ohio Governor John Kasich, who easily won his home state's primary in March, and from Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, who earned the most votes among more traditional Republican voters in the key state of Wisconsin in April. However, Trump won the Indiana primary--and 57 more delegates, bringing his total to 1,014--on 3 May 2016. With Trump as the presumptive Republican candidate, Cruz suspended his campaign that evening; Kasich suspended his bid for the presidency the following day.

In July, Trump formally accepted the nomination to serve as the Republican Party's presidential candidate at the GOP Convention held in Cleveland, Ohio. Many Republicans felt uneasy about Trump leading their party to the election in November, but the candidate still drew crowds at his rallies and speeches. In the race to the White House, Trump faced Democratic candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton--the first woman nominated to run for President from a major U.S. political party. In what many saw as a divisive campaign, Trump attacked Clinton, calling out his opponent's use of a private email server during her time as U.S. Secretary of State. With unedited language that matched his bold attitude, Trump faced Clinton three times in televised debates. In each debate, Trump maintained he would be able to defeat terrorism, secure America's borders, repeal "Obamacare," and promote job growth.

As the election drew near, Trump's character was repeatedly called into question. Of particular concern was a tape that emerged of Trump using language disparaging to women--a revelation many saw as harmful to his bid for the presidency. Undeterred, Trump pushed forward with his campaign. In addition, Trump steadfastly refused to release his personal financial information, as news reports revealed a strong possibility that Trump did not pay federal income tax for as many as eighteen years. While many polls favored a Clinton victory on 8 November 2016, Trump secured the majority of electoral votes and emerged as the winner. Many Americans and observers around the globe were stunned by Trump's victory, and many people expressed sadness and fear. In his victory speech, Trump called for a time of unity; he hoped the country would not remain divided, and he gave his pledge: "I will be president for all Americans." In December 2016, official election results showed that Hillary Clinton won the popular vote, with 65,844,954 votes; Trump earned nearly 3 million fewer votes, with a total of 62,979,879. Trump's win was secured by winning the majority of Electoral College votes.

Presidency

Trump was sworn into office on 20 January 2017. The day was filled with the standard presidential pomp, including the motorcade down Pennsylvania Avenue and the inaugural luncheon. However, the cheers of supporters were mixed in with catcalls and jeers from protestors. The next day, hundreds of thousands attended the Women's March on Washington, a demonstration that dwarfed the inauguration crowd and sent a powerful message of inclusion and openness--a clear rejection of the new President's platform.

In the first weeks of his administration, Trump began setting his policies in place; these included his approval of the controversial Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines, an executive order to begin construction of a wall at the U.S.-Mexico border, and a notable reorganization of the National Security Council to include his chief strategist, Steve Bannon. The most impactful presidential action was Trump's "travel ban" involving seven predominantly Muslim countries: Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. Travelers from these countries faced a 90-day ban. Additionally, refugees from all countries faced a 120-day ban, with Syrian refugees banned indefinitely. According to numerous reports, the order was poorly executed. News spread of people being stranded with nowhere to go, or having their visas revoked without explanation, with widespread confusion among immigration and border agents regarding how to implement the ban. Demonstrators gathered at airports around the United States to show their support for the people impacted by Trump's order, which was seen by many as a "Muslim ban."

On 6 April 2017, Trump launched a U.S. airstrike against a Syrian airbase in retaliation for a chemical attack ordered by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad against civilians. This marked a shift in U.S. intervention in the Syrian Civil War. In early May 2017, Trump fired FBI Director James Comey, a move that drew shock from both political parties; the timing of Comey's dismissal coincided with his plans to investigate a possible link between Russia and Trump's presidential campaign.

In June 2017, Trump announced that the United States would pull out of the historic Paris accords for climate change. The move was praised by conservatives, but was heavily criticized by liberals. That same months, allegations that the Trump campaign colluded with Russia during the election were raised. Trump denied these allegations.

In July of 2017, the Republican attempt to repeal or heavily reform Obamacare failed. It did not have the necessary number of votes in the Senate to continue. After a White Nationalist march in Charlottesville resulted in violence, Trump condemned the violence on both sides.

The following month, Trump ordered a series of new sanctions on North Korea in response to missile testing actions carried out by North Korea. He also warned the nation of potential military action if North Korea failed to curtail its nuclear testing.

In early 2018, porn star Stormy Daniels alleged that she was paid $130,000 to never speak about her affair with Trump. Daniels offered to repay the money in exchange for freedom to speak about her experiences, but was refused. In February of that year, Trump announced another round of sanctions against North Korea, with the intent of pressuring the rogue state into giving up its nuclear missile program. In April 2018, North Korea suspended nuclear and long range missile tests. Later that year, Trump attended a summit with North Korean leaders. Denuclearization talks continued after the summit.

In July of 2018, Trump took part in a joint press conference with Russian president Vladimir Putin in Helsinki, Finland. During the event, Trump refused to endorse the American government's conclusion that Russia interfered in the 2016 election. Trump's decision to publicly side with Putin over his own country's intelligence community sparked an immediate backlash. While Trump attempted to argue the next day that he simply misspoke, he also floated the idea that other, non-Russian agents could have be responsible for the alleged election meddling.

The following month, two former members of Trump's inner circle found themselves heading to prison. Michael Cohen, who previously served as Trump's personal lawyer, plead guilty to a series of eight federal charges that included two campaign finance violations. He was later sentenced to three years behind bars. At the same time as Cohen entered his plea, former Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort was convicted on eight counts of federal financial crimes. He was eventually sentenced to 47 months in prison.

In November of 2018, Trump released a statement officially supporting Saudi Arabia in the aftermath of the murder of Washington Post reporter Jamal Khashoggi, an outspoken critic of the Saudi regime who was killed at a Saudi consulate in Turkey. While the Saudi government denied having any involvement in Khashoggi's death, U.S. intelligence officials suggested that the incident likely could not have occurred without the approval of Saudi leader Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, a staunch Trump ally.

On December 22, 2018, the U.S. government was plunged into the longest partial shutdown in its history after Trump demanded $5.7 billion in border wall funding before he would sign a federal funding package. The shutdown dragged on for just over a month until Trump finally signed a short-term spending measure designed to provide three weeks of stopgap funding on January 16, 2019. Because this measure did not include a provision for border wall funding, Trump eventually sought to get the money he desired by declaring a national emergency on February 15. A second government shutdown was averted later that day when Trump signed a border security measure negotiated by Congress that allocated $1.375 billion for border barriers. Just three days later, a group of 16 state attorneys general filed a lawsuit in federal court challenging Trump's national emergency declaration.

On February 28, Trump attended a second summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in Vietnam. The two failed to reach a joint agreement after Kim demanded the U.S. lift all sanctions on North Korea.

Departures from the Trump Administration

Trump's administration was plagued by constant cabinet changes. In July 2017, Sean Spicer stepped down as White House press secretary, and Reince Prebius was removed from his position as White House chief of staff. The following month, Anthony Scaramucci removed himself from the position of White House communications director after just eleven days of work. In August, the White House chief strategist Steve Bannon was removed from his position. In September, Tom Price resigned from the post of Secretary of Health and Human Services. In December, Omarosa Manigault Newman resigned as an advisor to the President. In February 2018, Hope Hicks resigned as the President"s communications director. In March, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson was fired by the President. More departures followed, with some of the most notable figures leaving the White House including Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen and Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders. This higher than average number of cabinet replacements has been heavily criticized by the mainstream media.

Impeachment and 2020 Campaign Plans

In March of 2019, Special Counsel Robert Mueller, who nearly two years earlier began an extensive investigation into the possibility of coordination between the Russian government and members of the Trump campaign, concluded his inquiry and delivered his final report to Attorney General William Barr. Barr subsequently released a letter summarizing the Mueller Report that said there was insufficient evidence to suggest that members of the Trump campaign participated in a criminal conspiracy with the Russian government. However, when the full report was released a few weeks later, Congress learned that there was actually a great deal of evidence against not only members of the Trump campaign, but also Trump himself. In fact, Mueller pointedly declined to fully exonerate Trump of obstruction of justice and stopped short of suggesting charges only because of a Justice Department rule stating that a sitting president could not be indicted. These revelations led many Democratic members of Congress to call for impeachment. In the months that followed, Judiciary committees in both the House and Senate launched investigations into the Trump administration and its activities.

On December 18, 2019, the House voted to impeach Trump, making him only the third president to be formally impeached. The move was based on two charges: abuse of power and obstruction of Congress. When voting moved to the Senate, however, Trump was far more protected by the Republican majority. Senate Republicans voted to acquit the incumbent, with the sole exception of former presidential candidate Mitt Romney, who stated that he believed Trump had abused the power of that office. On February 5, 2020, Trump was officially acquitted of both charges against him, thus ending the impeachment proceedings that had dominated much of the government for months. Trump did not mention the impeachment during his State of the Union address, and the entire affair did little to hamper his momentum leading into the election year.

In May of 2019, Trump threatened to impose new tariffs on Mexico in an attempt to strong-arm the country into stepping up its immigration-enforcement actions. Just days later, Trump announced that he would suspend implementation of the proposed tariffs after U.S. and Mexican officials were able to reach an agreement on how to proceed with immigration enforcement.

On June 18, 2019, Trump officially launched his 2020 reelection campaign at a rally in Orlando, Florida. Three days later, Trump announced that he cancelled a planned retaliatory attack on Iran at the last minute. The aborted attack was meant to be a response to an incident in which an American drone was shot down over the Strait of Hormuz on June 20. Trump's campaign continued with minimum impact from the impeachment hearings. In February of 2020, Trump was the clear forerunner for the Republican nomination. Republican leaders have stated their support for Trump and his only challenger for the nomination is former Massachusetts governor Bill Weld, an outspoken critic of the incumbent.

Trump officially received the nomination to run as the Republican candidate for president. After a very close race against Democratic candidate Joe Biden, with vote counts extending several days past election night, Trump lost the election. He continued to have his legal team fight against the results. His refusal to accept the loss put transition work on hold.

PERSONAL INFORMATION:

Full name, Donald John Trump; born 14 June 1946, in New York, NY; son of Fred C. (a real estate developer) and Mary (MacLeod) Trump; married Ivana Winkelmayr (an interior designer, business executive, and former fashion model), 1977; divorced; married Marla Maples (an actress), 1993; divorced, 1999; married Melania Knauss (former model), 2005; children: Donald, Ivanka, and Eric (with Winkelmayr); Tiffany (with Maples); and Barron (with Knauss). Education: Attended Fordham University for two years; University of Pennsylvania, Wharton School of Finance, BA in economics, 1968.

CAREER:

The Trump Organization, New York City, began working in various jobs while attending school; owner of subsidiary companies, including Trump Enterprises, Inc., The Trump Corp., Trump Development Co., Wembly Realty, Inc., Park South Co., and Land Corp. of California, through 2017; President of the United States, 2017-20.

WORKS:

Writings

· Trump: The Art of the Deal (with Tony Schwartz), Random House, 1987.

· Trump: Surviving at the Top (with Charles Leerhsen), Random House, 1990.

· Trump: The Art of the Comeback (with Kate Bonher), Random House, 1997.

· The America We Deserve (with Dave Shiflett), Renaissance Books, 2000.

· Trump: How To Get Rich (with Meredeth Mciver), Random House, 2004.

· Trump: Think Like a Billionaire (with Meredeth Mciver), Random House, 2004.

· Trump: The Way to the Top, Random House, 2004.

· Trump: The Best Golf Advice I Ever Received, Random House, 2005.

· Why We Want You to Be Rich: Two Men, One Message, Rich Press, 2006.

· Trump: The Best Real Estate Advice I Ever Received: 100 Top Experts Share Their Strategies, Thomas Nelson, 2006.

· Trump 101: The Way to Success, Wiley, 2006.

· Think Big and Kick Ass in Business and Life, HarperCollins, 2007.

· Trump: Never Give Up: How I Turned My Biggest Challenges into Success, Wiley, 2008.

· Think Like a Champion: An Informal Education in Business and Life, Vanguard Press, 2009.

· Midas Touch: Why Some Entrepreneurs Get Rich and Why Most Don't, Plata Publishing, 2011.

· Time to Get Tough: Making America #1 Again, Regnery Publishing, 2011.

· Trump Tower, Vanguard Press, 2011.

· Crippled America: How to Make America Great Again, Threshold Editions, 2015.

Donald John Trump

· 1946: Born.

· 1971: Moved to Manhattan from Queens.

· 1975: Purchased Penn Central Railroad for $62 million.

· 1986: Renovated Wollman Skating Rink in Central Park.

· 1986: Purchased large stakes in major corporations.

· 1986: Acquired Eastern Airlines' shuttle operation.

· 1986: Made unsuccessful bid to purchase American Airlines for $7.5 billion.

· 1988: Wrote best-selling Trump: The Art of the Deal.

· 1990: Missed $73 million in payments; creditors put him on a $450,000-a-month living expense limit.

· 1997: Estimated net worth of $2.5 billion.

· 1999: Suggested he might consider running for U.S. president as Reform Party candidate.

· 2000: Co-authored The America We Deserve.

· 2002: Purchased Delmonico Hotel and developed into super luxury hotel and residential units.

· 2004: Produced and starred in popular reality series The Apprentice.

· 2005: Married for third time.

· 2007: Received star on Hollywood Walk of Fame.

Overview

Billionaire real estate developer Donald Trump showed the world that millions could be made in developing expensive commercial and residential properties. His intuitive sense of business and sharp eye for spotting a deal made Trump one of the most respected--and most hated--business persons of the 1980s. Without question, Trump became one of the most famous poster boys of an era known for its big-time financial wheeling and dealing and conspicuous consumption.

Personal Life

Born Donald John Trump in 1946, he was the fourth of five children of Frederick C. and Mary MacLeod Trump. He was raised in Queens, New York , where his father was a builder and real estate developer who later specialized in constructing and operating middle-income apartments in Queens, Staten Island, and Brooklyn. Donald was a bright, energetic, and assertive child who grew up in a 23-room house with his siblings. But by the time Donald was 13, his parents realized he lacked discipline, so they sent him to the New York Military Academy. Trump did well there both socially and academically, and became a star athlete and student leader by the time he graduated in 1964.

While at the Academy, Donald spent his spare time looking around at construction sites and renovating old houses. It seemed Trump would follow in his father's footsteps, but on a much grander scale. He attended Fordham University but later transferred to the University of Pennsylvania, where he earned an undergraduate degree in finance from its Wharton School of Business in 1968. Following graduation, he worked in his father's business, the Trump Organization. Soon, Trump began putting his newly acquired business training to use, and was able to finance an expansion of the company's holdings by convincing his father to be more liberal in the use of loans based on the equity in the Trump apartment complexes. Eventually, Trump bypassed his older brother and became president of his father's company, which concentrated on building houses and apartments. Though this was an important position, it was not really fulfilling for Trump. He had bigger dreams of putting his signature on the Manhattan skyline.

Yearning for bigger, more profitable projects, Trump used $200,000 to move his residence to a small studio apartment in Manhattan in 1971. There, he was closer to the affluent and influential set who, he felt, could make dreams come true. "If I ever wanted to be known as more than Fred Trump's son, I was eventually going to have to go out and make my own mark," Trump once said.

In 1973, Trump persuaded his father to invest in the Manhattan real estate market. By then, the company's worth had grown from $40 million when Donald had joined the firm to a whopping $200 million.

Four years later, Trump married New York fashion model Ivana Zelnickova Winklmayr, who had been an alternate on the 1968 Czech Ski Team. After their first child was born, Trump named his wife vice president in charge of design in the Trump Organization. Ivana, an attractive and stylish woman, had a flair for design, and played a major role in supervising the renovation of the Commodore Hotel. She nicknamed her husband "The Donald," and added a touch of style that he appreciated and welcomed, like color- coordinating his tie to her outfit. But later, as Trump's empire began to crumble, so did his marriage. There were constant reports in the tabloids that Trump and his wife were having marital problems, and that the source of those problems was model Marla Maples. Trump and Ivana, who had three children, divorced, and Trump married Maples in 1994. Time magazine recorded the moment, reporting that "more than a thousand guests attended the 15-minute ceremony in the Grand Ballroom of Trump's Plaza Hotel, causing limo-lock in the surrounding streets. In their wake trailed 17 television-camera crews, 90 paparazzi and a small army of bodyguards." The new Mrs. Trump wore an off-the-shoulder white satin dress, topped off with a $2 million tiara. For all the pomp and circumstance, however, the marriage was brief, and ended in divorce. Trump and his second wife have a daughter, Tiffany. In 2005, Trump married for a third time. He and former model Melania Knauss were married in an extravagant ceremony held in Palm Beach, Florida. The couple had a son, Barron, in March of 2006.

Career Details

Trump's climb to the apex of the business world was remarkable. His strategy was to buy dilapidated properties when prices were cheap, fix them up, and then make a huge profit selling or leasing space when the economy picked up. He made his first major deal in 1975, when he acquired the bankrupt Penn Central Railroad's Commodore Hotel and rail yards near the Hudson River. Trump then sold the rail yards to the city for a hefty commission, and won an unprecedented $120 million, 46-year tax abatement to tear down the Commodore and build the new Grand Hyatt Hotel in partnership with the Hyatt Corporation. To that amount he added $70 million in loans to construct the hotel. The deal incensed a number of community and political people in New York, who claimed that he used political connections to broker a deal with the city. But Trump had supporters, too. Urban analysts credit Trump with helping to ignite a building renaissance in a deteriorating part of town. "Nobody believed I could pull it off," he boasted.

Ignoring naysayers and supporters alike, Trump continued to negotiate complex deals that made him the best-known and most controversial developer in New York. Against the wishes of New York City, Trump was able to convince the courts that he was entitled to substantial tax abatements, which the city was forced to pay. Trump used the abatements to help finance his flagship building, the posh Trump Tower on Fifth Avenue at 56th Street, completed in 1980. The 58-story building featured a six-story atrium lined with pink marble, and included an 80-foot waterfall. The luxurious building attracted well-known retail stores and celebrity renters. Residential condominiums sold for a pricey $10 million and higher. Of course, all this overt show of opulence and wealth attracted national attention for Trump, as the Trump Tower became a major tourist attraction. As quoted in the New York Times, Trump dubbed the project "the finest apartments in the top building in the best location in the hottest city in the world."

By now, a pattern had emerged. Trump had a penchant for glitzy, controversial deals, and maintained this interest throughout the 1970s and 1980s. In 1978 he bought the site of the Bonwit Teller department store and built a 68-story tower on Fifth Avenue, complete with a $2 million marble indoor waterfall. In the early 1980s he purchased a team in the upstart United States Football League, the New Jersey Generals, which sparked the league's antitrust lawsuit against the National Football League. But even Donald Trump could not make every deal happen. He once offered to construct a project on the site that later was occupied by the Jacob Javits Convention Center if New York City would name the building after Trump's father; the city declined. City officials balked at Trump's plan to build a $5 billion complex on a strip of land running along the Hudson River from 59th to 72nd streets.

Trump continued moving from one deal to another. He opened casinos, and entered other real estate ventures. In time, he ventured beyond the real estate market in hopes of making a mark in the high-stakes game of corporate raiding.

Early in his career, Trump earned significant notoriety for artificially driving up real estate prices. He drew similar criticism as he sought to acquire companies that were not looking for suitors. Beginning in 1986, he engaged in stock market deals that made him look like a corporate raider. He bought large stakes in a series of publicly traded companies, including MCI and Pillsbury, fueling takeover speculation that raised stock prices and allowed him to sell at a handsome profit. Though many criticized Trump's deals, he was playing the game much as other speculators did in the high-stakes climate of the time. The process was simple: Trump would identify a company whose stock was undervalued, buy enough shares to take a noticeable position in the company, and make overtures of buying the company. This would immediately attract the attention of other stock traders, who would label the stock a buy, driving the stock price higher. Trump, of course, was never really interested in buying, nor was the company interested in selling; but his actions prompted a significant increase in the value of his shares, and enabled him to sell at a huge profit.

Some acquisitions, however, really did take place. In 1989, Trump acquired Eastern Airlines' shuttle operation for $365 million, and renamed it the Trump Shuttle. In 1990, he was interested in acquiring American Airlines, bidding $7.5 billion for it. But the parent company was not interested in selling.

Nonetheless, it seemed Trump was on a roll. A genius at self-promotion, Trump named several huge projects after himself--making his name a household word by the end of the 1980s. He built or bought a succession of hotels and apartment houses in Manhattan--including the Plaza Hotel, Trump Plaza, and Trump Parc--and became a major hotel and casino operator in Atlantic City, having astutely purchased property in the New Jersey seaside resort before the passage of a 1976 referendum legalizing gambling. This was where the Trump Princess Yacht was docked, and where the Trump Shuttle airplane landed. Trump's Castle and the Trump Plaza and Taj Mahal casinos quickly became big moneymakers and helped raise Trump's profile nationally by sponsoring boxing championships.

"The first time I did it, with Trump Tower, maybe it was ego," he once said. "But now it's economics. If somebody tells you you'll do a $100 million more business if you call a building Trump Parc than if you call it Tower on the Park or some other name, you'd have to be some kind of masochist not to do it."

By 1990 many wondered how much Trump was really worth behind his complex financing schemes. His net worth had been estimated by some at as much as $3 billion. Trump never confirmed or denied it. But Forbes magazine decided to take a closer look, concluding that his property was worth just under $3.7 billion, but he had debts totaling $3.2 billion, for a net worth of only a half-billion dollars. The magazine went on to predict that Trump could expect difficult times ahead.

This bleak prognosis proved accurate. The real estate market soured in 1990 and property values began plummeting. Trump's casinos suffered from oversaturation. Moreover, the credit market tightened, making it difficult for Trump to borrow additional money to cover his debts. Consequently, he missed $73 million in payments due in June 1990, and was extended an emergency $65 million loan, which the banks granted in order to save him from default and to protect their own investment. But that loan came at a hefty price: in return, Trump lost his freedom and was forced to relinquish much of his income, and clear important business decisions with his creditors. At the worst of the slump, his casinos filed for bankruptcy protection and Trump himself had a personal debt of approximately $900 million.

But somehow, Trump bounced back. With the help of Chinese investors, he was able to complete development of huge housing projects on Manhattan's West Side rail yards, and by 1999 was charging an astronomical $100 per-square- foot rent in the General Motors Building--by far the highest ever paid for office space in Manhattan. By early 2000, Trump reported his worth at around $5 billion--a figure disputed by many analysts. Forbes Magazine, for example, calculated his net worth at more like $1.6 billion. Since the Trump Organization is a private company, it is not required to disclose financial information, and analysts found it difficult to estimate the actual worth of Trump's complex real estate holdings.

After a relatively quiet period, Trump made headlines again in 1999 when he expressed interest in running for President in the 2000 election. His book, The America We Deserve, published in January 2000, outlined his views on social and political issues affecting the country. Among his ideas was a plan to eliminate the federal debt by a one-time tax on the wealthy. He also stressed that his success in earning his own fortune made him better qualified than professional politicians: "Politicians are on the take and looking for job security," he noted. "Not me."

Another major point was Trump's insistence that he would use his own money if he campaigned. This would free him from reliance on donations from special interest groups but also make him ineligible to receive federal matching funds. Many expressed doubt, though, that the mogul did, in fact, have access to the $100 million he pledged from his own funds to finance his political ambitions.

On October 7, 1999, Trump announced the formation of an exploratory committee to inform his decision of whether or not he should seek the Reform Party's nomination for the presidential race. Later he told Fortune magazine: "If I feel I could win--win--then I'd run. I think I have a good chance... Hey, I've got my name on half the major buildings in New York... I went to the Wharton School of Finance, which is the No. 1 school. I'm intelligent. Some people would say I'm very, very, very intelligent." He added that he had written three best-selling books, with the clarification, "Not bestsellers. No. 1 bestsellers." Then he concluded with, "You know I am the highest-paid speaker in the country?"

Certainly he had the name recognition to make a presidential bid. The Gallup Organization reported that 98% of Americans knew who he is, making him quite arguably the most famous business man in America. But as it turned out, Trump's candidacy was merely a flash in the pan, washed out as much by the disintegration of the Reform Party as fellow candidate John McCain's popularity surge in the polls.

After Trump withdrew his bid for president, he continued to make successful forays into real estate. His purchase and renovation of the Delmonico Hotel on Park Avenue resulted in a successful luxury hotel and residential unit called Trump Park Avenue. He also developed units in Miami Beach, Florida, and Las Vegas, Nevada. The year 2004 was filled with highs and lows for Trump. He partnered with reality television's leading propagator, Mark Burnett, to produce and star in one of the year's most successful reality series The Apprentice. Trump capitalized on the popularity of the series and launched a radio show, a magazine, and even a board game all bearing his name. On the down side, Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts Inc. was $1.8 billion in debt and was forced into Chapter 11 bankruptcy in late 2004.

In 2005, the company was given approval by a federal judge to begin voting on its bankruptcy plan. In May, the company emerged from Chapter 11 bankruptcy with a new name: Trump Entertainment Resorts Inc. Through the rest of the year, Trump continued his trademark gigantic real-estate transactions. In March of 2005, he signed off on the final plans for Trump International Hotel and Tower Chicago, a condominium and hotel complex that will be 1,360 feet tall, the second-tallest building in the Western hemisphere. He told a reporter for Business Week Online, "I like height. It gives you the view. It gives you the drama. It gives you the architecture. And it has always worked for me."

In June of 2005, Trump set a record for the largest-ever residential real estate sale in New York City. Trump and other investors reached a tentative deal to sell 77 acres of land and three buildings located on Manhattan's Upper West Side to the Extell Development Corp. and the Carlyle Group for $1.8 billion.

Trump's latest venture is "Trump University," an online business school. Courses started at a cost of $297 for 13 hours of online instruction, offered by moonlighting professors from more traditional schools. Although the school is called a "University," students do not get college credit for the courses, and the school has no physical location. The courses emphasize practical topics and their application in the real world; initial course offerings included introductions to real estate, marketing, and entrepreneurship.

Social and Economic Impact

Donald Trump is noted in the business world primarily for his impact on the real estate and casino industries, but he is perhaps best known to the public as a wealthy and eccentric celebrity. His businesses were major developers of real estate during the 1980s and contributed to the rapid growth--and later, decline--of the real estate market in that period. He wrote many books about his business acumen, including Trump: The Art of the Deal, Trump: The Art of Survival, Trump: Surviving at the Top, and Trump: The Art of the Comeback.

Although in many ways Trump seems a holdover from the 1980s, he has shied away in recent years from the sort of financial leveraging that almost brought him to bankruptcy in the early 1980s. These days he has taken to forming partnerships with financial backers, many of whom are willing to do so just to tap into the power of his name, which can in itself be worth millions. During 1999 and 2000, for example, he used his celebrity and wealth to support Minnesota governor Jesse Ventura's style of reformist politics. In 2004, Trump reintroduced himself and his luxurious lifestyle to the public. His popularity has risen and even though he's still the brash, outspoken Donald, he seems to have struck a positive chord with the public. In January of 2007, Trump received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame.

PERSONAL INFORMATION:

Addresses: 725 Fifth Ave., New York, NY, USA 10022 Phone: (212)832-2000.

Works Cited

"Joe Biden." Newsmakers, Gale, 1986. Gale In Context: Biography, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/K1618001182/BIC?u=bccc_main&sid=BIC&xid=0386d52f. Accessed 24 Nov. 2020.

"Joseph R. Biden." Encyclopedia of World Biography Online, vol. 33, Gale, 2013. Gale In Context: Biography, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/K1631009867/BIC?u=bccc_main&sid=BIC&xid=14ea93ed. Accessed 24 Nov. 2020.

"Donald Trump." Newsmakers, Gale, 1989. Gale In Context: Biography, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/K1618000623/BIC?u=bccc_main&sid=BIC&xid=4c98be81. Accessed 24 Nov. 2020.

"Donald John Trump." Business Leader Profiles for Students, edited by Sheila Dow and Jaime E. Noce, vol. 1, Gale, 1999. Gale In Context: Biography, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/K1604000209/BIC?u=bccc_main&sid=BIC&xid=7ae72c6a. Accessed 24 Nov. 2020.

This discussion forum provides an opportunity for you to engage course material and your classmates to critically reflect on issues raised by the material.

To participate in this forum, choose ONE of the question sets below and answer ALL of the questions for the topic option in a 250-300 word post. Your post title should have the topic clearly listed (for example, "Colonial Legacies - British dominance on the Great Lakes"

In order to get full credit on your original post, you need to clearly connect your responses to historical evidence from the book, powerpoint slides, or further research. Indicate the page number where you found the information to help me and your classmates follow up to gain insight.

Answers to the question in each option can be found in all 3 chapters assigned this week. For option 2, I encourage you to listen to the NPR podcast on "The Long Hot Summer" which discusses the work of the presidentially appointed Kerner Commission, which studied the causes of riots that frequently gripped American cities in the mid 1960s, culminating in the riots in Detroit which many see as a turning point in our region's history.

Topic Option 1: Boom and Bust Economy. Using examples from all three chapters this week, how did Michigan's status as the automative capital of the world 1. Make Michigan one of the strongest economies in the United States? 2. Make Michigan one of the most vulnerable economies in the United States? 3. Based on your reading, why does Michigan's economy remain tied to the automotive industry? Is this good or bad?

Topic Option 2: Urban decline. 1. What were the causes of demographic shifts in Michigan during the 1950s that brought Michiganders out of urban and rural areas and into the suburbs? 2. Based on this week's readings and readings and discussions from Weeks 5 and 6, what were some of the unique social and economic

https://www.npr.org/2020/07/07/888184490/the-long-hot-summer

challenges facing the City of Detroit in the 1950s and 1960s. 3. Based on your reading (and the optional podcast), were the July 1967 riots in Detroit primarily about racial tensions or some mixture of other factors?

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The Legacy of Donald Trump

Early Life and Success

Personal Life, Politics, and Business

Ventures and Bankruptcies

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Presidency

Departures from the Trump Administration

Impeachment and 2020 Campaign Plans

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