Chapter 9 Employee Development and Career Management

MGT 484

American Academy of Political and Social Science

Violence in Schools: Rage against a Broken World Author(s): J. Scott Staples Source: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 567, School Violence (Jan., 2000), pp. 30-41 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1049492 . Accessed: 26/01/2011 16:27

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ANNALS, AAPSS, 567, January 2000

Violence in Schools: Rage Against a Broken World

By J. SCOTT STAPLES

ABSTRACT: Violence in schools is a grave issue that is often ana- lyzed in terms of individuals' tendencies toward destructive behav- ior. While this path of analysis is important, in this article, the author contextualizes violence within a cultural milieu that alienates stu- dents from their fundamental yearning for significance. It is argued that violence is a failed epiphany, that is, a heightened moment of awareness emerging out of the everyday flow of experience that seeks to overcome alienation. Violence fails because it cannot create a world of sustainable meaning. The nature of productive epiphanies and the worlds of sustainable meaning that they evoke are discussed in terms of their implication for education and overcoming violence in schools.

J. Scott Staples, a psychologist, has taught at Duquesne University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and Mount Aloysius College, Cresson, Pennsylvania, where he was chair of the Social Science Department. He has written on punishment and cruelty.

30

VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS 31

T HE specter of violence in our schools raises grave issues for

our nation, our communities, and the meaning of our lives. Random acts of violence in schools provoke us, threaten us, and challenge us to come to grips with what amounts to an insidious and growing form of destructiveness. The tendency to analyze violence in terms of the par- ticulars of the perpetrator's psycho- logical, familial, and social abnor- malities has a legitimate place in the discussion of school violence. Cer- tainly, interpersonal violence is, for the most part, forceful action taken by individuals that harms others, either intentionally or as a means to an end. Yet, such assessment leaves us with a sense that the monstrous- ness of violence is simply a matter of individual aberrations that may be due to unconscious conflicts and learned behaviors; it leaves us with the conviction that violence is some- thing that festers in the being of cer- tain individuals waiting to explode, from time to time, within our midst.

In such an analysis, violence is an alien intruder in an otherwise coher- ent, creative, and peaceful world. We may grieve for the victims of vio- lence. We may even grieve for the perpetrators, seeing them as twisted by their situations into violators of an otherwise healthy and well- functioning world. But what if vio- lence is more than this? What if vio- lence is a sign, an indicator that something at root is wrong? That vio- lence, then, is a call to look anew at school, at society, at the very every- day structures that are basic to the lives of our young.

In this article, I will argue that violence in our schools exists in increasing proportions because the fundamental yearning for signifi- cance has been thwarted or per- verted by the cultural milieu in which we live. The need for meaning in life is not addressed thematically in our culture or in our schools. The world in which our young live- indeed, in which we live-is essen- tially broken. We live fragmented lives in which work, for most people, provides little emotional, social, or spiritual sustenance beyond the nec- essary fulfillment of basic needs and in which leisure becomes, for the most part, distraction. An educa- tional system that addresses the need for meaning both in life and in preparation for work is sorely lack- ing. No amount of technical prepara- tion for the job market, however important, will ever speak to this deeper yearning for significance. Until we find a way to address this issue, violence will continue unabated because it is a response to the distortion of our fundamental yearning for meaning. As this article will indicate, it is from an analysis of violence itself that the possibility for overcoming violence emerges.

CULTURAL BACKGROUND OF VIOLENCE

Schools mirror the culture in which they are situated. As such, schools reveal the problems created by cultural values, especially when these values conflict with primordial human issues. The essential conflict between a materialist culture that

32 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

advocates consumption of goods and services as the primary road to per- sonal fulfillment, and the fundamen- tal yearnings of individuals for a sense of significance, which cannot find completion in such consump- tion, is an essential element in the foundation of our broken world.

Consumerism promises more than it delivers. Like the fundamental yearning for significance, consumer- ism begins in a lack basic to our hu- man condition. A consumerist cul- ture attempts to fulfill this lack by the acquisition of objects whose value diminishes upon purchase. The re- sult is greed-psychologically, the need to acquire more and more in or- der to assuage the encroaching sense that the lack still remains. Indeed, as Baudrillard (1983a, 1983b; Poster 1988) argues, the postmodern con- sumer society is a society in which meaningful social relationships, con- tent, and substance have been ex- punged. He says that the communi- cations technology and the media serve the ideology of corporatism through selling images of objects as moments in a series of images rather than selling the products for their actual use value. Commenting on Baudrillard, Henry (1991) observes that in such a culture

consumers do not simply buy chocolate or perfume, but sensation, a drug experi- ence: "Sweet dreams you can't resist" (Nestle's ad). ... Consumption of a prod- uct is consumption of the image to receive its illusion, irrespective of the material function as in perfume for sex appeal, toothpaste for self-confidence, cars for eroticism, soft drinks for friendship and popularity ... Social life in America... is

a simulation, only real by reference to the hyperreal. As a result, any possibility of real social relations and meaning constructed to symbolize them is re- moved. (76)

When an object is consumed, it is the symbolic meaning that gets transferred to the consumer, but that meaning is tantalizing, transient, and elusive-a mirage. Over a hun- dred years ago, Emile Durkheim dis- cussed this in his analysis of suicide. He described the pursuit of individ- ual rather than social goals as the context for the fragmentation of the collective morality. This condition he called "anomie," wherein the society is unable to regulate the unrestricted appetites and desires of its members. Indeed, he said that arousing their greed opens up an insatiable "thirst for novelties, unfamiliar pleasures and nameless sensations, all of which lose their savor once known" (Durkheim [1897] 1951, 256).

As will be seen later, the funda- mental yearning for significance, absent in a postmodern consumer society, fulfills itself only in mean- ingful relationships within a world that can sustain such relationships. For consumerism, on the other hand, relationships are secondary; acquisi- tion is primary. In such a world, indi- viduals become little more than func- tionaries to fulfill each other's symbolic needs and not persons of worth and value.

Along with greed, boredom and distraction are also central psycho- logical elements in the creation of the broken world. Boredom and distrac- tion are intimately related. Boredom, a mood of listlessness in which

VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS 33

nothing seems to hold interest and from which one must, nonetheless, escape, is often the motivating force that leads one to distract oneself. Distraction provides relief from bore- dom, and, interestingly enough, greed often becomes a great distrac- tion, for in greed, one can lose oneself completely in the pursuit of that which one does not have.

Greed, boredom, and distraction as elements of a broken world lead the individual to seek escape from the immediacy of the fundamental yearning for significance in a crazed dialectic that never resolves itself. Greed sated leads to boredom, which seeks to escape through distraction or a return to greed. In this process, the fundamental desire for fulfill- ment by engagement in a meaningful world gets passed over.

The broken world is a world lost to its deepest callings: the fundamental yearning for significance through engagement in the processes of reflection, creativity, compassion, and the gift of self to others. In a cul- ture in which distraction has become an art form, in which the essential issues of meaning are, for the most part, covered over, it should not sur- prise us that our children have become infected by apathy, aliena- tion, and violence, for these are unconscious recognitions that the fundamental yearning has been thwarted.

ALIENATION IN SCHOOLS

Toward what is violence in school directed? In the main, this question is easily answered. Violence is

directed toward the victims of vio- lence, or at least, toward the mean- ing that its victims have for the per- petrators. But this meaning is in part derived from and must be contextu- alized within a world in which vio- lence has become an almost ordinary possibility. My daughter graduated from high school 12 years ago. Her inner-city school was racially mixed, culturally diverse, and populated by an energetic, dynamic student body guided by a caring, dedicated, if over- worked, faculty. Her educational and social experience there opened worlds of meaning and significance for her. She was challenged to think and develop, to enter the clamor and clash of ideas. She tasted the joy of learning. It was no heaven; there were many problems. Nonetheless, real learning took place for her and her classmates.

Today, when one enters her school, one is greeted by metal detec- tors and uniformed guards. One has the impression of danger. A forebod- ing atmosphere plagues the institu- tion. Clearly, the security measures may be necessary insofar as some students have become dangerous to each other and their teachers. Yet, it is clear that such an atmosphere makes genuine education difficult.

Schools transformed by the possi- bility of violence manifest the broken world-a world of fragmentation where the sheltering and care of the young, basic to any meaningful edu- cational process, have been displaced by fear. The educational environ- ment is compromised in a number of ways. First, the primary concern of most educators is maintaining

34 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

discipline in the classroom, for dis- ruptions are regular events in many schools.

In addition, the value of education as a path to an enriched encounter with the world, an adventure in thought, gives way to an obsession with calculation and the mere prepa- ration for college or career. Students are, for the most part, turned off by an educational system that does not speak to their need for purpose. Their alienation is a natural result of this lack of felt meaningfulness.

Central to the students' alienation is the externalization of learning. As more emphasis is placed on technical knowledge, there is less concern for the development of the individual. The acquisition of skills becomes the primary concern. While mastery of particular areas of technique does provide the student with a sense of competence in a specific area, it does not speak to the issues of creativity, relatedness, and responsibility that invite the student into a world of significance.

In other words, much of what passes for schoolwork is essentially alienating in that it does not speak to the deeper needs of personhood. Rarely are students invited into the actual conversation regarding mean- ing. They are not asked regularly to consider what the good life is or what truth and beauty are and how these ideas affect one's existence. By merely preparing students for work or college and by emphasizing the external perspective through our grading and ranking processes, we fail to invite students to discover the internal transformation possible in education.

Beyond the alienation brought on by a functionally dominated curricu- lum is the intensification of this alienation by the encounter with a future that is essentially meaning- less. Often, when the young look to the future-that is, when they look at the lives of those on whom they are asked to model themselves-they are faced with a world that fails to inspire, a leveled-down world with- out hope for insight or rapture. Ram- pant alcoholism, drug use, and mass media that titillate and horrify lead to the conviction that life is a sordid affair. Even those who are successful seem to achieve their power and status by using others. The optimism of the young is dealt a savage blow by such insight.

VIOLENCE AS A FAILED EPIPHANY

The alienation of our young in schools grows out of the dialectic of greed and boredom, the emphasis upon calculation, and the sense that the young live facing a dead future. Violence is often merely a response to the emptiness in which they find themselves. Addiction, mental ill- ness, and a pervasive sense of pur- poselessness are also responses to this condition. The alienation of many of our young in the face of materialism stands as the uncon- scious realization of their broken world-a world that offers diversion and consumerism but no longer speaks to their deeper yearnings. The consumerist world is all glitter and shine, but it offers no enduring significance.

What is the meaning of violence in school in the context of alienation,

VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS 35

greed, and boredom? As psycho- therapist Amory Clarke conveyed to me in 1998, all violence is a reaction to feelings of powerlessness, to a kind of psychic impotence. Within the school system, violence provides an outlet for the inarticulate yearnings not given voice in the educational system, and it does so in destructive ways. As such, violence breaks through the crust of despair, momen- tarily, only to fall back upon the ground of hopelessness out of which it emerged.

Consider the following example, taken from my clinical practice, to illuminate the nature of violence. A client of mine, Bob, described a situa- tion that took place when he was in college. He and a friend, John, had been invited to a party. John was a small, stocky man who had been a lightweight wrestling champion in high school. The two of them went to the party, and, after mingling with the people there, most of whom they did not know, they settled into con- versation with each other. Although welcomed by their host, Bob and John felt a distinct chill from many of the other guests.

The chilly atmosphere was con- firmed when Bob and John were rudely confronted by two large men informing them that because this party was a gathering for a specific social club, of which Bob and John were not members, they were not welcome. Bob, shamed and embar- rassed by this public declaration, prepared to leave when, looking up, to his astonishment saw that John, small though he was, had seized the man who had confronted him, grab- bing him by the throat and the belt,

and hoisted him over a freezer. Then, according to Bob, "John looked over at me as if to say, 'Well, I've taken care of my bully; what are you going to do?' " Instantaneously, Bob felt his shame and embarrassment lift.

Energized by his friend's act, Bob, who was holding a beer bottle in his hand, as was the man confronting him, broke his bottle over a counter and, holding the sharp and deadly weapon before his tormentor's face, said, "Break your bottle." His oppo- nent began to quake and mumble. Bob noted, "It was as if this giant, who had humiliated me, had now become a dwarf. I felt vindicated for all the times I had failed to stand up for myself and had endured shame and humiliation at the hands of men like him. When he refused to break his bottle because he saw my inten- sity, I did not feel relief; I felt disap- pointment. I wanted him to make a move, so that I could hurt him."

In the immediate aftermath of this incident, Bob and John left the party. Stepping out into the wintry cold, Bob noticed steam coming off his friend from the exertion and exhila- ration of their confrontation. John, turning toward Bob, grabbed him by the shirt and said, "Wasn't that beautiful?"

As this example reveals, violence evokes a vivid world. Violence momentarily breaks through the lived structures of shame, doubt, boredom, or apathy to reveal the world in vital encounter. In violence one is fully engaged, alive in the moment- present and unencumbered. The problem of violence is that it achieves this moment of vivid encounter with the power of human agency through

36 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

a negative action that causes harm to others and, in so doing, returns the perpetrator to an awareness of his destructiveness. For those with a conscience, an act of violence can often serve to awaken them to their ability to do evil, as was the case with Bob. He recognized that his desire to hurt the man who had confronted him, while invigorating, posed a great danger. Many who lack Bob's reflective ability simply get caught in a cycle of violence--caught by the momentary liberation from a de- meaned self through the experience of explosive power essential to violence.

So it is with institutionalized schooling. In America, this has become a routinized process, lacking sustained meaningfulness. It is expe- rienced by many students as a bor- ing, fearful series of daily rituals that have to be endured as a means to some future end, one not even decided by the students themselves. This can be frustrating. It can remind students of their powerless- ness. It can invoke anger. That gen- eralized anger can be aroused through the accumulation of pockets of indignities that some students load onto others, creating a concrete, visible target for their angst. Vio- lence seems, momentarily, to be the solution.

Violence, then, is a response to a broken world. As a symptom, vio- lence is explosive and dangerous. As a call, violence points to the need to heal the broken world by cultivating the possibilities of vivid encounter. The key to the issue is engagement in a constructive process of renewal

that points beyond violence by giving voice to the fundamental yearning for meaning suppressed in moder- nity by its overemphasis on func- tional relations. Violence itself pro- vides a hint in this regard.

To summarize, the act of violence is an attempt to escape from a sense of meaninglessness. In this attempt, violence momentarily achieves a breakthrough into a world of felt meaningfulness. The sense of power and agency experienced in violence provides an epiphany that relieves the actor of the existential weight that he or she has been under. Expe- rientially, violence, for all its danger, is immediately felt to be a liberation from a condition of psychospiritual oppression. It is precisely this sense of liberation, which may be only momentarily encountered by the subject and may not even rise to the level of concrete awareness, that makes violence a powerful force for so many young people and, as such, intensely addictive.

To achieve a renewal of human possibility that transcends violence, we must come to grips with the prom- ise of liberation momentarily experi- enced in the act of violence. Violence as a fallen quest for liberation from a felt sense of oppression or meaning- lessness reveals itself as concordant with the deepest yearnings for mean- ing. Yet in its negative form, this lib- eration through violence cannot sus- tain its promise. It remains merely a glimpse at possibility, a glimpse that risks destroying the very human agency that created it. Violence is a failed epiphany, that is, a momen- tary opening upon a world of po-

VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS 37

tential significance that fails because it cannot sustain a meaningful world and thus collapses back into mean- inglessness. Nonetheless, violence provides a guide into the nature of the epiphany as a quest for meaning- fulness toward a sustainable world of significance. The structure of the epiphany and the creation of a sus- tainable world of significance provide the antidote to violence.

EPIPHANY AND THE SUSTAINABLE WORLD OF MEANING

An epiphany is any experience that awakens the individual to an enriched sense of meaning. The epiphany breaks us out of the flow of the everyday, and especially out of indifference, and propels us toward a sense of fullness. Epiphanies arise out of the everyday flow of experience as intensifications of meaning that either invite entry to a world of greater significance or simply return us to the everyday flow of experience. Epiphanies vary as to their existen- tial force. For instance, there are epiphanies that only momentarily pull us out of the flow of our everyday concerns as when, for instance, in the midst of one's busy schedule, an old friend that one has not seen in a long time briefly crosses one's path, and a few warm words of care are shared, or when, rushing to catch the trans- port home from work, one is con- fronted by a woman holding an infant and begging and, touched with compassion, gives her money. These encounters rupture our everyday flow of experience, but they do not

necessarily transform us or invite us to a deeper confrontation.

Epiphanies of great force often propel individuals into confrontations with self and world that create trans- formations of importance. For instance, a client told me about the death of his best friend from a drug overdose. That loss so moved him that he committed to changing his own self-destructive behavior. In this case, the epiphany invited a complete reassessment of his life, awakening him to new possibilities in the face of his friend's death and his own mean- derings in life.

As these examples indicate, there is a relationship between the flow of everyday experience and the sponta- neous arising of epiphanies. In the flow of everyday life, one is, for the most part, given over to one's concern in a functional manner. One is busy with projects and seeks to get them done. This engagement with the things of the world is primarily utili- tarian; one utilizes the objects at hand purposefully within the context of accomplishing a task. For exam- ple, one is awakened by the alarm clock, gets dressed, and fixes break- fast in a habitual routine. One simply does what one has, for the most part, always done. A glance at the clock indicates that one is late for school or work, and one anxiously rushes out the door. At school or work, the pat- tern of the everyday flow continues, as it did at home. Tasks need to be completed and the business of life, managed.

Into the routine of the everyday flow, the epiphany emerges as a kind of break. The flow of the everyday

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yields to being captivated, momen- tarily, by that which has irrupted into the flow. In the onset of the epiphany, one is struck by something beautiful or captured by an idea or horrified and saddened by the beggar or the death of a friend or outraged by an injustice inflicted.

One is called out of the everyday flow of experience by the urgency of the epiphany, and the focus of one's awareness transforms from the rou- tinized project orientation basic to the everyday flow to an immediate encounter that presses forward. The

epiphany reveals itself as an intensi- fication of experience in which awareness is recalled from its habit- ual flow and given a new center that is immediately encountered. In the epiphany, the here and now presents as a power not experienced in the flow of the everyday. Thus there is a fullness and demand given in the

epiphany that is missing in the flow of everyday experiences.

An example may clarify this point. In my work as a college professor, I am expected to help students fill out their schedules each semester. Often students come in confused about which courses to take, which elec- tives fulfill which requirements, and what they might or might not be interested in taking. It is a necessary and often tedious process that requires phoning the registrar to find out if certain sections are open or pleading with colleagues to allow students into closed sections. During the last registration period at my col- lege, a student came in to sign up for her courses. Her schedule was espe- cially difficult to complete because, due to work and other obligations,

she had only limited time that she could be on campus and, being a sen- ior, she had specific requirements to fulfill that semester in order to graduate. This involved sending her to financial aid and the registrar and calling the dean to see if certain requirements could be waived due to her unusual circumstances. In essence, a long, drawn-out process ensued that caused both of us unwanted frustration. At our final meeting, I looked over at her and saw a deep sadness. When I asked her what the matter was, she began to weep quietly and described the diffi- culties that she was having with a drunken husband, lack of money, and problems with her children. School had always provided her with a haven away from the desperation of her everyday life, but now it, too, seemed to be just another weight to add to her difficulties. She talked about fearing that she might not be able to graduate on time and how this would affect her future.

I listened in stunned silence. The low-level resentment that I had felt toward her for not being able to fill out her own schedule evaporated in the face of the concrete reality of her despair at her situation and the pos- sibility of the death of her dream-to finish college and support her chil- dren. Being with her at that moment was an epiphany for me because it wrenched me out of the mere func- tionality of my role as adviser and brought me face-to-face with her in her suffering, her nobility, and her endangered hope. I do not remember what I said to her. I know that I was supportive and assured her that everything would be done to get her

VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS 39

the schedule that she needed and, more important, that I needed her to stay in the struggle and make a go of it in this arduous time.

Essentially, the epiphany sponta- neously and urgently interrupts the flow of our everyday task orientation. The experience demands that we turn toward an encounter in the immediacy of the here and now. The epiphany emerges from within the doing of our everyday flow into a highlighted being-with in which our presence to the object of our concern is consuming. Thus the epiphany is an entry into a world of enriched significance.

As violence and the examples pre- viously given indicate, the epiphany breaks us out of the everyday flow and opens new worlds of possibility. As noted earlier, most epiphanies are simply highlighted moments that emerge from our everyday concern and from which we return fairly soon to the everyday world of our tasks. For example, in the midst of a busy day, one might be momentarily struck by the loveliness of the trees in snow or the songs of the birds in early spring. One returns to the world of everyday concern refreshed by such moments of beauty. Epipha- nies, then, are moments of awaken- ing to that which was not themati- cally present within the flow of our everyday concern.

As awakening, the epiphany often speaks to that which is covered over in our everyday concerns. If, in our everyday life, there is a healthy interaction with a world in which a sense of significance stands forth, then the epiphanies serve to high-

light the value of our endeavors. On the other hand, if, in our everyday life, there is a burdensome quality such that our world is discovered to be a constant struggle in which little sustenance is found, then the epipha- nies urge change. For instance, the moment of despair over one's situa- tion is an epiphany demanding the transformation of the present world of one's endeavors into more vital engagement.

Epiphanies, as momentary irrup- tions within the flow of the everyday, hold open the possibility of an encounter with a world of signifi- cance not thematically given in our everyday concerns. A world of signifi- cance is a process of being that opens as an invitation and response to the fundamental yearning for meaning. As such, a world of significance calls us to engage fully in the exploration of some domain of meaning. This world, then, goes beyond the opening offered by the epiphany through inviting a sustained engagement, over time, with that which calls upon us. In its positive dimensions, a world of significance invites us into a creative use of our powers of imagi- nation, insight, and feeling in which our engagement with the world can lead to a sense of vitality, aliveness, and even enchantment with that with which we are concerned.

As a child of 6 in Trinidad in the West Indies, I would listen to the BBC on my grandparents' old radio. They lived in an oil rigger's camp on the edge of a jungle. The radio was their only entertainment. My grand- mother loved classical music, so we would listen late at night to certain

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music programs. There was one pro- gram that I especially enjoyed because its introduction was a beau- tiful and haunting piece. I would sit there rapt, transported by this loveli- ness. I never knew what the piece was and I never thought to ask. But I remember sitting there in the dark next to the radio, on the floor, the lights dim in the house, the jungle's intense perfume and the sounds of its many creatures coalescing with the beauty of that unknown and riveting music.

Years later, as a college under- graduate, during my final semester I whimsically signed up for a survey course in music. The professor was passionate about his work. He taught us to read music, and he often played pieces for us before lecturing. Sometime in mid-semester, I was transported back to my childhood by a piece he introduced as Ravel's "Pavane pour une infante d6funte." Awakened by the reencounter with this work, a world of fascination opened that remains with me to this day. For me, the world of music became an enduring encounter with the mystery of beauty and memory.

Epiphanies open us to the call of worlds of significance. Such worlds are invitations to vital engagements that speak deeply to our fundamen- tal yearning for meaning. Violence, as a failed epiphany, is one reaction to the alienation that many students experience, a reaction that fails pre- cisely because it does not illuminate a world of significance. I now turn to a brief consideration of the transfor- mation that can be made from vio- lence to a sustainable world of significance.

FROM ALIENATION TO EDUCATION

Violence as an act of despair, pow- erlessness, and hopelessness remains an unfulfilled call for mean- ing. As seen earlier, violence is a failed epiphany because, although violence momentarily breaks out of the broken world of alienation, it does not provide a breakthrough to a world of sustainable significance. Part of the reason for violence in schools is that much of the educa- tional system has lost touch with the ability to inspire students to engage in the process that creates worlds of sustainable significance. The love of learning has been replaced by the obligation to learn. But it is unfair to burden the educational system alone with the problem of the alienation of our young. Poverty, neglect, distrac- tion, and boredom are central to the lives of many in our society.

Concretely, violent acts have to be stopped in the schools. But this is only the beginning of an extensive process of social recovery. Given that many students are not prepared to learn because of structurally induced dysfunctional backgrounds (see Kramer, this volume), time and resources will have to be spent to bring them into the learning situa- tion. Once that is accomplished, we can begin education as the process of unveiling worlds of sustainable meaning in which a sense of discov- ery, vitality, and engagement exists.

Real education demands that we move from merely preparing stu- dents for jobs by giving them specific skills, necessary though this is, to an intrinsic sense of the development of vital interests. The fundamental

VIOLENCE IN SCHOOLS 41

yearning for meaning feasts on the delights of knowledge once the worlds of significance basic to educa- tion have been opened by gifted and committed teachers. This is not an easy task. But if we are to help our students overcome violence, we must find paths for them to satisfy the urge for significance.

Central to this educational process is the cultivation of the epiphanies and the invitation to enter sustainable worlds of signifi- cance. As such, students need to be introduced to this possibility and its relationship with the flow of every- day life. We need to teach our young that hope and disappointment are part of the process of awakening and involvement. If we do this, violence will be overcome, for students will

discover the living processes in which the flow of the everyday and enchantment with the world are brought into harmony.

References

Baudrillard, Jean. 1983a. Fatal Strate- gies. Paris: Bernard Grasset.

1983b. Simulacra and Simula- tions. New York: Semiotext.

Durkheim, Emile. [1897] 1951. Suicide: A Study in Sociology. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

Henry, Stuart. 1991. The Postmodern Perspective in Criminology. In New Directions in Critical Criminology, ed. Brian MacLean and Dragan Milova- novic. Vancouver: Collective Press.

Poster, Mark, ed. 1988. Jean Baudril- lard: Selected Writings. Oxford: Polity Press.

WWW.SCHOOLSHOOTERS.INFO Peter Langman, Ph.D. Version 1.3 (3 October 2014) 1

This transcription has corrected Eric’s writing to some extent in terms of spelling, punctuation, and capitalization. The correction offers two benefits. First, it makes the text easier to read. Second, the corrected spelling is an asset for anyone who wishes to search for a particular word. Though Eric’s writing is usually legible, occasional words are noted as illegible or are tran- scribed with a question mark following to indicate a lack of certainty. The parenthetical phrases are Eric’s; words in brackets are mine. Note that Eric dated his entries at the end, whereas Dylan dated them at the beginning. The numbers in the left column refer to the pages in the Jefferson County Sheriff’s Office (JCSO) Columbine documents. JCSO has blacked out names other than Eric and Dylan; these are indicated thus: .

I hate the fucking world, too much god damn fuckers in it. Too many thoughts and different societies all wrapped up together in this fucking place called AMERICA. Everyone has their own god damn opinions on every god damn thing and you may be saying “well what makes you so different?” because I have something only me and V1 have, SELF AWARENESS. Call it existentialism or whatever the fuck you want. We know what we are to this world and what everyone else is. We learn more than what caused the civil war and how to simplify quadratics in school. We have been watching you people. We know what you think and how you act. All talk and no actions. People who are said to be brave or courageous are usually just STUPID. Then they say later that they did it on purpose cause they are brave when they did [it] on fucking accident. GOD everything is so corrupt and so filled with opinions and points of view and people’s own little agendas and schedules. This isn’t a world anymore. It’s HOE2 and no one knows it. Self awareness is a

wonderful thing. I know I will die soon, so will you and everyone else. Maybe we will be lucky and a comet will smash us back to day 1. people say it is immoral to follow others, they say be a leader. Well here is a fuckin news flash for you stupid shits, everyone is a follower! Everyone who says they aren’t followers and then dresses different or acts different . . . they got that from something they saw on TV or in film or in life. No originality. How many Jo MAMMA jokes3 are there and how many do you think are original and not copied. KEINE [German: none]. It’s a fucking filthy place we live in. All these standards and laws and great expectations [?] are making people into robots even though they might “think” they aren’t and try to deny it. No matter how hard I try to NOT copy someone I still AM! Except for this fucking piece of paper right here, and BTW [by the way] spelling is stupid unless I say, I say spell it how it sounds, it’s the fuckin easiest way! Hey try this sometime, when someone tells you something, ask “why?” eventually they will be stumped and can’t answer any more. That’s because they only know what they need to know in society and school. Not real life science. They will end up saying words = to this “because! Just shut up!” People that only know stupid facts that aren’t important should be shot, what fucking use are they. NATURAL SELECTION. Kill all retards, people with brain fuck ups, drug addicts, people who can’t

1 V is short for Vodka (often written VoDkA), which was Dylan’s nickname.

2 HOE is the abbreviation for Hell on Earth. Besides its generic meaning, Hell on Earth is also a phrase from Doom, which was Eric’s favorite video game.

3 Eric and Dylan liked to make up their own “Jo Mamma” jokes.

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Eric Harris’s Journal Transcribed and annotated by Peter Langman, Ph.D.

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figure out how to use a fucking lighter. Geeeawd! People spend millions of dollars on sav- ing the lives of retards, and why. I don’t buy that shit like “oh, he’s my son, though!” so the fuck what, he ain’t normal, kill him. Put him out of his misery. He is only a waste of time and money, then people say “but he is worth the time, he is human too.” No he isn’t, if he was then he would swallow a bullet cause he would realize what a fucking [illegible] he was.

4/10/98

As I said before, self-awareness is a wonderful thing. I know what all you fuckers are think- ing and what to do to piss you off and make you feel bad. I always try to be different, but I always end up copying someone else. I try to be a mixture of different things and styles, but when I step out of myself I end up looking like others or others THINK I am copying. One big fucking problem is people telling me what to fuckin do, think, say, act, and everything else. I’ll do what you say IF I feel like it. But people (ie, parents, cops, God, teachers) telling me what to [arrow to “do, think, say, act”] makes me not want to fucking do it! That’s why my fucking name is REB!!! No one is worthy of shit unless I say they are. I feel like God and I wish I was, having everyone being OFFICIALLY lower than me. I already know that I am higher than most anyone in the fucking welt [German: world] in terms of universal Intel- ligence. And where we stand in the universe compared to the rest of the UNIVERSE. and if you think I don’t know what I’m talking about then you can just “BUCK DICH” [German: bend over]4 and saugen mein hund [German: suck my dog]! Isn’t America supposed to be the land of the free? How come, If I’m free, I can’t deprive a stupid fucking dumbshit from his possessions if he leaves them sitting in the front seat of his fucking van out in plain sight and in the middle of fucking nowhere on a Frifuckingday night.5 NATURAL SELECTION. Fucker should be shot. Same thing with all those rich snotty toadies at my school. Fuckers think they are higher than me and everyone else with all their $ just because they were born into it? Ich denk NEIN [German: I think not]. BTW [by the way], “sorry” is just a word. It doesn’t mean SHIT to me. Everyone should be put to a

test, an ULTIMATE DOOM test, see who can survive in an environment using only ‘smarts’ and military skills. Put them in a Doom world, no authority, no refuge, no BS copout excuses. If you can’t figure out the area of a triangle or what “cation” means, you die! If you can’t take down a demon with a chainsaw or kill a hell prince with a shotgun, you die! Fucking snotty rich fuckheads [apparently a name] who rely on others or on sympathy or $ to get them through life should be put to this challenge. Plus it would get rid of all the fat, retarded, crippled, stupid, dumb, ignorant, worthless people of this world. No one is worthy of this planet, only me and who ever I choose, there is just no respect for anything higher than your fucking boss or parent. Everyone should be shot out into space and only those people I say should be left behind.

4/12/98

Ever wonder why we go to school? Besides getting a so-called education. It’s not too obvious to most of you stupid fucks but for those who think a little more and deeper you should realize it. Its society’s way of turning all the young people into good little robots and factory

4 “Buck Dich” is a song by Rammstein.

5 This passage refers to January 30, 1998, when Eric and Dylan broke into a van and stole equipment. They were arrested and sent to a diversion program to keep first time offenders out of the legal system.

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workers. That’s why we sit in desks in rows and go by bell schedules, to get prepared for the real world cause “that’s what its like.” Well god damn it no it isn’t! one thing that separates us from other animals is the fact that we can carry actual thoughts. So why don’t we? People go on day by day routine shit. Why can’t we learn in school how we want to, why can’t we sit on desks and on shelves and put our feet up and relax while we learn? Cause that’s not what the “real world is like.” Well hey fuckheads, there is no such thing as an actual “real world.” Its just another word like justice, sorry, pity, religion, faith, luck and so on. We are humans, if we don’t like something we have the fucking ability to change! But we don’t, at least you don’t, I would. You just whine/bitch throughout life but never do a goddamn thing to change anything. “man can eat, drink, fuck, and hunt and anything else he does is madness” — Based on Lem’s quote.6 Boy oh fuckin boy is that true. When I go NBK7 and people say things like, “oh, it was so tragic,” or “oh he is crazy!” or “It was so bloody.” I think, so the fuck what you

think that’s a bad thing? Just because your mumsy and dadsy told you blood and violence is bad, you think it’s a fucking law of nature? Wrong. Only science and math are true, everything, and I mean everyfuckingthing else is Man made. My doctor wants to put me on medication8 to stop thinking about so many things and to stop getting angry. Well, I think that anyone who doesn’t think like me is just bullshitting themselves. Try it sometime if you think you are worthy, which you probably will you little shits, drop all your beliefs and views and ideas that have been burned into your head and try to think about why your here. But I bet most of you fuckers can’t even think that deep, so that is why you must die. How dare you think that I and you are part of the same species when we are sooooooo different.9 You aren’t human. You are a robot. You don’t take advantage of your capabilities given to you at birth. You just drop them and hop onto the boat and head down the stream of life with all the other fuckers of your time. Well god damn it I won’t be part of it! I have thought too much, realized too much, found out too much, and I am too self aware to just stop what I am thinking and go back to society because what I do and think isn’t “right” or “morally accepted.” NO, NO, NO. God fucking damn it NO! I will sooner die than betray my own thoughts. But before I leave this worthless place, I will kill who ever I deem unfit for anything at all. Especially life. And if you pissed me off in the past, you will die if I see you. Because you might be able to piss off others and have it eventually blow over, but not me. I don’t forget people who wronged me, like . He will never get a chance to read this because he will be dead by me before this is discovered.

4/21/98

The human race sucks. Human nature is smothered out by society, job, and work and school. Instincts are deleted by laws. I see people say things that contradict themselves, or people that don’t take any advantage to the gift of human life. They waste their minds on memorizing the stats of every college basketball player or how many words should be in a report when

6 A reference to Stanislaw Lem, a science fiction writer. Eric read and wrote a book report on Lem’s novel “Return from the Stars” (see pp. 26,752, and 26,636-42)

7 NBK is an abbreviation for the film Natural Born Killers. NBK was the code name for the attack on the school.

8 This refers to Luvox, a medication that Eric began taking shortly after this was written, and which he continued to take until his death. It was sometimes reported in the media that Eric had been diagnosed with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). There is no evidence that Eric had OCD or had ever been diagnosed with it. The error likely was a result of the fact that Luvox is often used to treat OCD. Thus, reports that he had been prescribed Luvox, a medication often used to treat OCD, apparently became distorted into statements that Eric had OCD. Prior to taking Luvox, Eric had been on Zoloft, an antidepressant medication, for a brief period following his arrest.

9 This passage is likely an echo of similar statements from the film Natural Born Killers.

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they should be using their brain on

more important things. The human race isn’t worth fighting for anymore. WWII was the last war worth fighting and was the last time human life and human brains did any good and made us proud. Now, with the government having scandals and conspiracies all over the fucking place and lying to everyone all the time and with worthless, pointless, mind- less, disgraceful TV shows on and with everyone ob-fucking-sessed with Hollywood and beauty and fame and glamour and politics and anything famous, people just aren’t worth saving. Society may not realize what is happening but I have; you go to school, to get used to studying and learning how your “supposed to” so that drains or filters out a little bit of human nature. But that’s after your parents taught you what’s right and wrong even though you may think differently, you still must follow the rules. After school you are expected to get a job or go to college. To have more of your human nature blown out your ass. Society tries to make everyone act the same by burying all human nature and instincts. That’s what schools, laws, jobs, and parents do. If they realize it or not. And them, the few who stick to their natural instincts are casted out as psychos or lunatics or strangers or just plain differ- ent. crazy, strange, weird, wild, these words are not bad or degrading. If humans were let to live how we would naturally, it would be chaos and anarchy and the human race wouldn’t probably last that long, but hey guess what, that’s how it’s supposed to be!!!!! Societies and government are only created to have order and calmness, which is exactly the opposite of pure human nature. Take away all your laws and morals and just see what you can do if the governments in our own little so called self-created “civilized world” and get rid of all those damn [or Darwin?] instincts everyone has!! Bullshit. I’m too tired to write anymore tonight, so until next time, fuck you all.

5/6/98

It has been confirmed, after getting my yearbook10 and watching people like and the human race isn’t worth fighting for, only worth killing. Give the Earth back to the ani- mals, they deserve it infinitely more than we do. Nothing means anything anymore, most quotes are worthless, especially the rearranged ones like “don’t fight your enemies, make your enemies fight.” You know, quotes that use the same phrase just rearranged, Dumb fuck shit [illegible] it’s funny, people say “you shouldn’t be so different” to me, and 1st I say fuck you don’t tell me what I should and shouldn’t be and 2nd mother fuckers different is good, I don’t want to be like you or anyone which is almost impossible this day with all the little shits trying to be “original copycats”, I expect shits like you to criticize anyone who isn’t one your social words, “normal” or “civilized” — see: Tempest and Caliban. All you degrading worthless shits all caught up and brainwashed into the 90’s society. “what? You AREN’T going to college, are you crazy!” holy SHIT that is one fucking BIG quote that just proves my point. Step back and look at yourself fuckers, I dare you, maybe I’ll get lucky and you’ll step back to far like Nick in E1M311 with the same consequence.

5/9/98

Wooh, different pen. HA! All right you pathetic fools listen up; I have figured it out. The hu- man race strives for excellence in life and community always wanting to bring more =good= into the community. And nullify “bad” things. Anyone who thinks differently than the majority

10 This tells us approximately when he got his yearbook, which helps pinpoint when he and Dylan wrote their inscriptions to each other.

11 E1M3 is a reference to a level in the video game Doom.

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or the leaders is deemed “unusual” or weird or crazy. People want to be a part of something, a family, a service, a club, a union, a community, whatever. That’s what humans want. Who cares what you as an individual thinks, you must do what you are told, whether it is jump off a bridge or drive on the right side of the road. Protesters in the past protested because the human race that was dominant (Ghandhi and the Brits or the king or the Americans) wasn’t working out = they had fault = they failed = their ideas didn’t work. Humans don’t change that much, they only get better technology to do their work quicker/easier. People always say we shouldn’t be racist. Why not? Blacks ARE different. Like it or not they are. They started out on the bottom so why not keep em there. It took them centuries to convince us that they are equal but they still use their color as an excuse or they just discriminate us because we are white. Fuck you, we should ship yer black asses back to Afrifuckingca were you came from. We brought you here and we will take you back. America = white. Gays. . . . well all gays, ALL gays, should be killed. Mit keine fragen [German: without questions]. Lesbians are fun to watch if they are hot but still, its not human. It’s a fucking disease. You don’t see bulls or roosters trying

to fuck, do you? No, I didn’t think so. Women, you will always be under men. It’s been seen throughout nature, males are almost always doing the dangerous shit while the women stay back. It’s your animal instincts, deal with it or commit suicide, just do it quick. That’s all for now.

5/20/98

If you recall your history the Nazis came up with a “final solution” to the Jewish problem. Kill them all. Well, in case you haven’t figured it out yet, I say “KILL MANKIND” no one should survive. We all live in lies [?]. People are always saying they want to live in a perfect society, well utopia doesn’t exist. It is human to have flaws. You know what. Fuck it. Why should I have to explain myself to you survivors when half of this shit I say you shitheads won’t understand and if you can then woopie fucking do. That just means you have something to say as my reason for killing. And the majority of the audience won’t even understand my motives either! They’ll say “ah, he’s crazy, he’s insane, worthless! All you fuckers should die! DIE! What the fuck is the point if only some people see what I am saying, there will always be ones who don’t, ones that are to dumb or naïve or ignorant or just plain retarded. If I can’t pound it into every single persons head then it is pointless. Fuck money fuck justice fuck morals fuck civilized fuck rules fuck laws . . . DIE manmade words . . . people think they apply to everything when they don’t/can’t. There’s no such thing as True Good or True evil, it’s all relative to the observer. It’s just all nature, chemistry, and math. Deal with it. But since dealing with it seems impossible for mankind, since we have to slap warning labels on nature, then . . . you die, burn, melt, evaporate, decay. Just go the fuck away. YAAAAAA!!!

“When in doubt, confuse the hell out of the enemy.” Fly 9/2/9812

KEIN MITLEID [German: without mercy] wait, mercy doesn’t exist. . . .

6/12/98

Here’s something to chew on . . . today I saw a program on the discovery channel about satellites and radar and aircraft and stuff, and at the end of the show the narrator said some things that made me think “damn, we are so advanced, we kick ass, America is awesome,

12 Fly is a band. The significance of 9/2/98 is unknown, especially because at the time of the entry, the date was three months in the future. Eric may have simply made a mistake with the date.

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we have so many things in our military, we would kick anyone’s ass.” For a minute I actually had some pride in our nation . . . then I realized, “hey, this is only the GOOD things that I am seeing here. Only the pros, not the cons. Maybe that’s what people see, only the pros, and that’s why they are under control, but me, I see all . . . you can only blind me for so long, but alas, I have realized that Yes, the human race is still indeed doomed. It just needs a few kick starts, like me, and hell, maybe even . If I can wipe a few cities off the map, and even the fuckhead holding the map, then great. Hmm, just thinking if I want all humans dead or maybe just the quote-unquote “civilized, developed, and known-of ” places on Earth, maybe leave little tribes of natives in the rain forest or something. Hmm, I’ll think about that. Eh, done for tonight.

REB 6/13/98

As part of the human race, and having the great pleasure of being blessed with a brain, I can think. Humans can do whatever they want. There is no laws of nature that prevent humans from making choices. Maybe from actually DOING some of those choices, but not from making the choice. If a man chooses to speed while driving home one day then it is his fault for whatever happens. If he crashes into a school bus full of kiddies and they all burn to death, it’s his fault. It’s only a tragedy if you think it is, and then it’s only a tragedy in your own mind so you shouldn’t expect others to think that way also. It could also be a miracle for another person maybe that bus stopped the car from plowing into a little old lady walking on the sidewalk, one could think it was a “miracle” that she wasn’t hit. You see, anything and everything that happens in our world is just that, a HAPPENING. Anything else is relative to the observer, but yet we try to have a “universal law” or “code” of what is good and bad and that just isn’t fuckin correct. We shouldn’t be allowed to do that. We aren’t GODS, just because we are at the top of the food chain with our technology doesn’t mean we can be “judges”

of nature. Sure we can think what we want, but you can “think” and “behave” you can judge people and nature all you want, but you are still wrong! Why should your morals apply to everyone else. “Morals” is just another word, and that’s it. I think we are all a waste of natural resources and should be killed off, and since humans have the ability to choose . . . and I’m human . . . I think I will choose to kill and damage as much as nature allows me to so take that, fuck you, and eat napalm + lead! HA! Only nature can stop me. I know I could get shot by a cop after only killing a single person, but hey guess the fuck WHAT! I chose to kill that one person so get over it! It’s MY fault! Not my parents, not my brothers, not my friends, not my favorite bands, not computer games, not the media. IT is MINE! Go shut the fuck up!

-REB- 7/29/98

Someone’s bound to say “what were they thinking?” when we go NBK or when we were planning it, so this is what I am thinking. “I have a goal to destroy as much as possible so I must not be sidetracked by my feelings of sympathy, mercy, or any of that, so I will force myself to believe that everyone is just another monster from Doom like FH [Former Human, mob in Doom] or FS [Former Sergeant] or demons, so it’s either me or them. I have to turn off my feelings.” Keep this in mind, I want to burn the world, I want to kill everyone except about 5 people, who I will name later, so if you are reading this you are lucky you escaped my rampage because I wanted to kill you. It will be very tricky getting all of our supplies, explosives, weaponry, ammo, and then hiding it all and then actually planting it all so we can achieve our goal. But if we get busted any time, we start killing then and there, just like Wilks from the ALIENS books [comic books], I ain’t going out without a fight.

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Once I finally start my killing, keep this in mind, there are probably about 100 people max in the school alone who I don’t want to die, the rest, MUST FUCKING DIE! If I didn’t like you or if you pissed me off and lived through my attacks, consider yourself one lucky god damn NIGGER. Pity that a lot of the dead will be a waste in some ways, like dead hot chicks who were still bitches, they could have been good fucks. Oh well, too fucking bad. Life isn’t fair. . . . not by a long fuckin shot when I’m at the wheel, too. God I want to torch and level everything in this whole fucking area but bombs of that size are hard to make, and plus I would need a fuckin fully loaded A-10 to get every store on Wadsworth and all the buildings downtown. Heh, imagine THAT you fuckers, picture half of Denver on fire just from me and Vodka. Napalm on sides of skyscrapers and car garages blowing up from exploded gas tanks. . . . oh man that would be beautiful.

10/23/98

You know what, I feel like telling about lies. I lie a lot. Almost constant, and to everybody, just to keep my own ass out of the water. And by the way (side note) I don’t think I am doing this for attention, as some people may think. Let’s see, what are some big lies I have told; “yeah I stopped smoking;” “for doing it not for getting caught,” “no I haven’t been making more bombs,” “no I wouldn’t do that,” and of course, countless of other ones, and yeah I know that I hate liars and I am one myself, oh fucking well. It’s ok if I am a hypocrite, but no one else, because I am higher than you people, no matter what you say if you disagree I would shoot you. And I am one racist mother fucker too, fuck the niggers and spics and chinks, unless they are cool, but sometimes they are so fucking retarded they deserve to be ripped on. Some people go through life begging to be shot, and white fucks are just the same. If I could nuke the world I would, because so far I hate you all. There are probably around 10 people I wouldn’t want to die, but hey, who ever said life is fair should be shot like the others, too.

KKK [swastika drawing] SS [American flag drawing]

11/1/98

Heh heh heh. I sure had fun this weekend. Let’s see, what really happened. Before going to Rock-n-Bowl we stopped by King Soopers and me and picked up some big ass stogies. We then went to Rock-n-Bowl and I had a few cigarettes and one of my brand new cigars. We then went back to ’s house where her mom had previously bought us all a fuck load of liquor. Personally I had asked for Tequila and Irish cream, Vodka got his Vodka, and there was beer, whiskey, schnapps, puckers, scotch, and of course, orange juice! So we had some fun there playing cards and making drinks. We eventually made it to bed at about 5 AM. Got up at 10, went to Safeway got some doughnuts and then I took Vodka home. The bottle of Tequila is almost full and is in my car right by my spare tire and right by the bottle of Irish Cream. Heh heh. I’ll have to find a spot for those. And by the way, this Nazi report13 is boosting my love of killing even more. Like the early Nazi government, my brain is like a sponge, sucking up everything that sounds cool and leaving out all that is worthless. That’s how Nazism was formed, and that’s how I will be too!

11/8/98

13 Eric wrote a school paper on the Nazis during the fall of his senior year. There are several drafts among the Jefferson County Sheriff ’s Office documents. See pp. 25,964-78 for one version.

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Fuck you Brady!14 All I want is a couple of guns, and thanks to your fucking bill I will probably not get any! Come on, I’ll have a clean record and I only want them for personal protection. It’s not like I’m some psycho who would go on a shooting spree. . . . fuckers. I’ll probably end up nuking everything and fucking robbing some gun collector’s house. Fuck, that’ll be hard. Oh well, just as long as I kill a lot of fucking people. Everyone is always making fun of me because of how I look, how fucking weak I am and shit, well I will get you all back, ultimate fucking revenge here.15 You people could have shown more respect, treated me better, asked for my knowledge or guidance more, treated me more like a senior, and maybe I wouldn’t have been so ready to tear your fucking heads off. Then again, I have always hated how I looked, I make fun of people who look like me, sometimes without even thinking sometimes just because I want to rip on myself. That’s where a lot of my hate grows from. The fact that I have practically no self-esteem, especially concerning girls and looks and such. Therefore people make fun of me . . . constantly . . . therefore I get no respect and therefore I get fucking PISSED. As of this date I have enough explosions to kill about 100 people, and then if I get a couple bayonets, swords, axes, whatever I’ll be able to kill at least 10 more. And that just isn’t enough!

Guns! I need guns! Give me some fucking firearms!

11/12/98

HATE! I’m full of hate and I love it. I HATE PEOPLE and they better fucking fear me if they know what’s good for ’em. Yes I hate and I guess I want others to know it, yes I’m a racist and I don’t mind. Niggs and spics bring it on to themselves, and another thing, I am very racist towards white trash P.O.S.’s [piece of shits] like and they deserve the hatred, otherwise I probably wouldn’t hate them. It’s a tragedy, the human nature of people will lead to their downfall. People’s human nature will get them killed. Whether by me or Vodka, it’s happened before, and not just school shootings like those pussy dumbasses over in Min- nesota who squealed.16 Throughout history, its our fucking nature! I know how people are and why and I can’t stand it! I love the Nazis too . . . by the way, I fucking can’t get enough of the swastika, the SS, and the iron cross. Hitler and his head boys fucked up a few times and it cost them the war, but I love their beliefs and who they were, what they did, and what they wanted. I know that form of government couldn’t have lasted long once the human equation was brought in, but damn it, it sure looked good. Every form of government leads to downfalls, everything will always fuck up or yeah something. It’s all doomed, god damn it. This is beginning to make me get in a corner. I’m showing too much of myself, my views and thoughts, people might start to wonder, smart ones will get nosy and something might happen to fuck me over, I might need to put on one helluva mask here to fool you all some more. Fuck fuck fuck. It’ll be very fucking hard to hold out until April. If people would give me more compliments all of this might still be avoidable . . . but probably not. Whatever I do people make fun of me, and sometimes directly to my face. I’ll get revenge soon enough. Fuckers shouldn’t have ripped on me so much huh!17 Ha! Then again it’s human nature to do what you did . . . so I guess I am also attacking the human race. I can’t take it, it’s not right . . . true . . . correct . . . perfect. I fucking hate the human equation. Nazism would be fucking great if it weren’t for individualism and our natural instinct to ask questions. You

14 Reference to James Brady, who was shot during the assassination attempt on President Reagan, and whom the Brady Bill (about gun control) was named after.

15 This entry contains the first of only two passages in the journal where Eric complained about being picked on. In both cases he goes on to essentially excuse or justify his mistreatment.

16 Don’t know who he’s referring to.

17 This is the second passage where Eric complains of mistreatment and then seems to excuse it.

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know what maybe I just need to get laid. Maybe that’ll just change some shit around. That’s another thing, I am a fucking dog. I have fantasies of just taking someone and fucking them hard and strong. Someone like where I just pick her up, take her to my room, tear off her shirt and pants and just eat her out and fuck her hard. I love flesh . . . weisses fleisch! Dein weisses fleisch erregt mich so, Ich bin doch nur ein Gigolo! [German: Your white flesh excites me so, I am just a gigolo18]. I want to grab a few different girls in my gym class, take them into a room, pull their pants off and fuck them hard. I love flesh . . . the smooth legs, the large breasts, the innocent flawless body, the eyes, the hair, jet black, blond, white, brown, ahhh I just want to fuck! Call it teenager hormones or call it a crazy fuckin racist rapist. Es ist mir egal [German: it’s all the same to me].

I just want to be surrounded by the flesh of a woman, someone like who I wanted to just fuck like hell, she made me practically drool, when she wore those shorts to work . . . instant hard on . . . I couldn’t stop staring. And others like [several names] in my gym class, or whatever in my gym class, and others who I just want to overpower and engulf myself in them. Mmm. I can taste the sweet flesh now . . . the salty sweet, the animalistic movement . . . iccchhh . . . lieeebe . . . . . . . fleisccchhhh [German: I love flesh]. “Weisses fleisch” — perfect song for me. Who can I trick into my room first? I can sweep someone off their feet, tell them what they want to hear, be all nice and sweet, and then “fuck ’em like an animal, feel them from the inside” as Reznor19 said. Oh — that’s something else . . . that one NIN [Nine Inch Nails] video I saw, “Broken” or “Closer”20 or something. The one where the guy is kidnapped and tortured like hell . . . actual hell. I want to do that too. I want to tear a throat out with my own teeth like a pop can. I want to gut someone with my hand, to tear a head off and rip out the heart and lungs from the neck, to stab someone in the gut, shove it up to their heart, and yank the fucking blade out of their rib cage! I want to grab some weak little freshman and just tear them apart like a wolf, show them who is god. Strangle them, squish their head, bite their temples in the skull, rip off their jaw, rip off their collar bones, break their arms in half and twist them around, the lovely sounds of bones cracking and flesh ripping, ahhh . . . so much to do and so little chances.

11/17/98

Well folks, today was a very important day in the history of Reb today, along with Vodka and someone else who I won’t name,21 we went downtown and purchased the following: a double barrel 12 ga. Shotgun, a pump action 12 ga. Shotgun, a 9mm carbine, 250 9mm rounds, 15 12 ga slugs, 40 shotgun shells, 2 switch blade knives, and a total of 4 10-round clips for the carbine. We . . . . . . . . have . . . . . . GUNS! we fucking got them you sons of bitches! HA! HA HA HA! Neener! Booga Booga. Heh. It’s all over now. This capped it off, the point of no return. I have my carbine, shotgun, ammo and knife all in my trunk tonight and they’ll stay there till tomorrow . . . after school you know, its really a shame. I had a lot of fun at that gun show, I would have loved it if you were there Dad. We would have done some major bonding. Would have been great. Oh well. But alas, I fucked up and told about my flask. that really disappointed me . I know you thought it was good for me in the long run and all that shit, smart of you to give me such a big raise and then rat me out.22 You figure it was supposed to cancel each other? God damn flask, that just fucked me over bigtime. Now you all will be on my ass even more than before about being on track. I’ll get around it though. If

18 These are lyrics from a song by Rammstein called “Weisses Fleisch.”

19 Trent Reznor, the man who created the group Nine Inch Nails. A quote from the song “Closer.”

20 “Closer” is a song on the album “Downward Spiral”; “Broken” is an EP.

21 Robyn Anderson, a classmate and close friend of Dylan’s.

22 The reference to a raise suggests that the man he told was Bob Kirgis, his boss at Blackjack Pizza.

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[I] have to cheat and lie to everyone than that’s fine. THIS is what I am motivated for, THIS is my goal. THIS is what I want “to do with my life.” You know what’s weird, I don’t feel like punching through a door because of the flask deal, probably cause

I am fucking armed. I feel more confident, stronger, more God-like. I have confidence in my ability to deceive people, hopefully I’ll make it to April, but that might not happen. Ug, its been a busy weekend, I need to sleep, I’ll continue tomorrow.

11/22/98

Yesterday we fired our first firearms ever. 3 rounds from the carbine. Taught that ground a thing or 2. I even had the 2 clips in my pocket while talking to Vodka’s dad about senior ditch day. God it felt great firing off that bad boy, and hopefully I’ll be able to get more than just 4 clips for it. I dubbed my shotgun “Arlene” after Arlene Sanders from the DOOM books. She always did love the shotgun. Vodka’s OB [?] is looking fucking awesome, all cut down to the proper lengths. This is a bitch trying to keep up with homework while working on my guns, bombs, and lying. By the way, I bought that flask in the mall and I had a friend fill it up with scotch whiskey, only had about 3 swigs in the 3 weeks I had it. Plus Monday I gave my T and IC [tequila and Irish cream] to Vodka, just in case. I never really did like alcohol, just wasn’t my thing, but it felt good to just have around. That argument on the 22nd was a real bitch, but I think I should have won a fucking Oscar. I even quoted a few movies, remember “what the hell am I gonna do now man?! What am I gonna do!?” that’s good ole Hudson from “Aliens.” Sounded good too. And hey god damn it I would have been a fucking great marine. It would have give me a reason to do good. And I would never drink and drive, either. It will be weird when we actually go on the rampage. Hopefully we will have plenty of clips and bombs. I’m gonna still try and get my calico 9mm. Just think, 100 rounds without reloading. . . . hell yeah!

We actually may have a chance to get some machine pistols thanks to the Brady bill. If we can save up about $200 real quick and find someone who is 21+ we can go to the next gun show and find a private dealer and buy ourselves some bad-ass AB-10 machine pistols. Clips for those things can get really fucking bit too.

12/3/98

woohoo, I’ll never have to take a final again! Feels good to be free. I just love Hobbes and Nietzsche. Well tomorrow I’ll be ordering 9 more 10-round clips for my carbine. I’m gonna be so fucking loaded in about a month. The big things we need to figure out now is the time bombs for the commons and how we will get them in and leave them there to go off, without any fuckin Jews finding them. I wonder if anyone will write a book on me. Sure is a ton of symbolism, double meanings, themes, appearance vs. reality shit going on here. Oh well, it better be fuckin good if it is written.

12/17/98

Heh, get this. KMFDM’s new album’s entitled “Adios” and its release date is in April. How fuckin appropriate, a subliminal final “Adios” tribute to Reb and Vodka, thanks KMFDM . . . I ripped the hell outa the system.23

23 The album was released on April 20, 1999, the day of the attack. Perhaps this was another reason to attack on that day, along with the fact that it was Hitler’s birthday.

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12/20/98

Jesus christ that was fucking close. Fucking shitheads at the gunshop almost dropped the whole project.24 Oh well, thank god I can BS so fucking well. I went and picked up those babies today, so now I got 13 of those niggers woohah. The stereo is very nice, but having no insurance payments to worry about so I could concentrate of BOMBS would have been better. Oh well, I think I’ll have enough. Now I just need to get Vodka another gun.

12/29/98

Months have passed. It’s the first Friday night in the final month. Much shit has happened. Vodka has a Tec 9, we test fired all of our babies, we have 6 time clocks ready, 39 crickets [small bombs] 24 pipe bombs, and the napalm is under construction. Right now I’m trying to get fucked and trying to finish off these time bombs. NBK came quick, why the fuck can’t I get any? I mean, I’m nice and considerate and all that shit, but nooooo. I think I try too hard. But I kinda need to, considering NBK is closing in. The amount of dramatic irony and foreshadowing is fucking amazing. Everything I see and hear I incorporate into NBK somehow. Either bombs, clocks, guns, napalm, killing people, any and everything finds some tie to it. Feels like a goddamn movie sometimes. I wanna try to put some mines and trip bombs around this town too maybe. Get a few extra frags25 on the scoreboard. I hate you people for leaving me out of so many fun things. And no don’t fucking say “well that’s your fault” because it isn’t, you people had my phone #, and I asked and all, but no. no no no don’t let the weird looking Eric KID come along, ooh fucking nooo.

4/3/99

24 Someone from the store where Eric had ordered clips for one of his guns called the Harris residence. When Mr. Harris answered, he was told, “your clips are in.” Mr. Harris said that he didn’t order any clips and hung up.

25 Frags is video game slang for “kills,” i.e., how many entities have been killed.

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Aggression and Violent Behavior 14 (2009) 162–169

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Aggression and Violent Behavior

School shootings: Making sense of the senseless

Traci L. Wike ⁎, Mark W. Fraser School of Social Work, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, United States

⁎ Corresponding author. University of North Carolina atC E-mail address: [email protected] (T.L. Wike).

1359-1789/$ – see front matter © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. Al doi:10.1016/j.avb.2009.01.005

a b s t r a c t

Article history:

Received 4 December 2007 Received in revised form 17 December 2008 Accepted 20 January 2009 Available online 24 January 2009

Keywords: School violence Violent crime Homicide Aggressive behavior

ed the patina of seclusion and safety that once characterized public and higher education. Callous and brutal, school shootings seem to make no sense. However, case comparisons and anecdotal reports are beginning to show patterns that provide clues for understanding both the individual factors motivating shooting events and the characteristics of schools where shootings have occurred. We describe these factors and characteristics as the bases for six prevention strategies: (a) strengthening school attachment, (b) reducing social aggression, (c) breaking down codes of silence, (d) establishing screening and intervention protocols for troubled and rejected students, (e) bolstering human and physical security, and (6) increasing communication within educational facilities and between educational facilities and local resources.

© 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Contents

1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 1.1. The prevalence of school shootings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163

2. Following Columbine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 3. Factors associated with school shootings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164

3.1. Access to weapons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 3.2. Leakage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164

4. What is known about school shooters? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 4.1. Fascination with weapons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 4.2. Depression, anger, and suicidal ideation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 4.3. Rejection by peers and failed relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 4.4. Victimization by peers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

5. What is known about the schools? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 5.1. School bonding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 5.2. Codes of silence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

6. Prevention and intervention strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 6.1. Interventions to strengthen security. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 6.2. Interventions to strengthen the school climate. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166

6.2.1. Second Step . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 6.2.2. Seattle Social Development Project . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 6.2.3. Responding in Peaceful and Positive Ways . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166

7. Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 7.1. Six strategies to address malleable risk factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167

7.1.1. Strengthening school attachment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 7.1.2. Reducing social aggression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 7.1.3. Breaking down codes of silence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 7.1.4. Establishing resources for troubled and rejected students. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 7.1.5. Increasing security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 7.1.6. Increasing communications within school and between the school and agencies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168

hapel Hill,School of Social Work, 325 Pittsboro Street, CB3550, ChapelHill, NC 27599-3550, UnitedStates. Tel.: +1919 962 6538.

l rights reserved.

163T.L. Wike, M.W. Fraser / Aggression and Violent Behavior 14 (2009) 162–169

8. Making sense of what makes no sense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168

1. Introduction

Shootings at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, at Westside Middle School in Jonesboro, Arkansas, at an Amish school in Nickel Mines, Pennsylvania, and at dozens of other elementary, middle, and high schools across the country have shaken a funda- mental belief that children are safe in school. Coupled with incidents in 2007 at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (here- after Virginia Tech), where 32 students were killed, and in 2008 at Northern Illinois University in Dekalb, Illinois, where five students died, shootings in educational settings have galvanized media attention. Once thought to be profoundly safe places, schools and universities must now consider the unthinkable — that someone might enter campus and attempt to harm students and faculty.

School shootings are not new phenomena. They date back to at least 1974, when an 18-year-old honor student set off his school's fire alarm and then shot at the janitors and firefighters who responded to the alarm (Vossekuil, Fein, Reddy, Borum, & Modzeleski, 2002). Although rates of school violence declined steadily in the 1990s, several highly publicized school shootings, involving multiple homi- cides in both public and higher education settings, have raised concerns that current procedures may be insufficient to ensure the safety of school and university environments.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of school shootings, an extreme form of school violence. We place emphasis on public secondary education but, where possible, we draw inferences to shootings in higher education. We discuss the individual char- acteristics of perpetrators and the vulnerabilities of schools where shootings have occurred. The paper concludes by reviewing plausible prevention strategies.

1.1. The prevalence of school shootings

The School-Associated Violent Deaths Study (SAVD) conducted by the Centers for Disease Control reports that between 1992 and 2006, rates of school homicides involving a single victim decreased, while rates of school homicides involving more than one victim (multiple-victim homicides) remained stable (Centers for Disease Control [CDC], 2008). Other studies report similar declines in single- victim incidents, but note that there was an increase in multiple- victim incidents between 1992 and 1999 (Anderson et al., 2001; Department of Health and Human Services [DHHS], 2001). The SAVD study found that during the period from July 1999 to June 2006, 116 students were killed in 109 school-associated events. Of these homicides, 65% included gunshot wounds, and eight involved more than one victim. Seventy-eight percent of these events occurred on an elementary, middle, or high school campus (CDC, 2008). SAVD did not include homicides occurring on college and university campuses. Although data suggest that shootings are no more prevalent today than 10 years ago, recent mass shooting events resulting in many deaths have drawn attention to the possibility of violence in school settings; and they have heightened public concern that students and teachers are especially vulnerable to violent acts (e.g., Kiefer, 2005).

On balance, school shootings are rare occurrences, and, because they have a low prevalence, they are hard to study using the survey and observational methods that characterize much developmental science and criminology. Based largely on retrospective case analyses, and drawing more broadly on theories of aggressive behavior and delinquency, various perspectives on school violence have been

advanced to explain shootings. One perspective suggests that violent messages in popular songs, video games, television shows, and movies increase aggressive behavior, reduce normative constraints, and promote violence (Anderson & Bushman, 2001; Newman, 2004; Robinson, Wilde, Navracruz, Farish Haydel, & Varady, 2001). Another perspective focuses on the intersection of developmental risk factors for aggressive behavior and school environments where policies and practices create—often inadvertently—social dynamics that reinforce exclusion and hostility (Farmer, Farmer, Estell, & Hutchins, 2007; Hyman & Perone, 1998; Thompson & Kyle, 2005). Still other perspectives based on social learning and deviancy training theories argue that media coverage of high profile shooting incidents, such as Columbine and Virginia Tech, creates a contagion effect, stimulating those at risk of perpetrating a school shooting to imitate the actions of other school shooters (Newman, 2004; O'Toole, 2000). Thus, because shootings are low-frequency phenomena, understanding them is often placed in the theoretical context of more prevalent forms of violence.

To be sure, violence in schools is usually defined more than school shootings. During the 2005–2006 academic year (AY), 78% of public schools experienced one or more violent incidents, with 17% experiencing one or more serious violent incidents. Serious violent incidents include rape, sexual battery other than rape, physical attack or fight with a weapon, threat of physical attack with a weapon, and robbery with or without a weapon (U.S. Department of Education, 2007). In a recent report, 6% percent of students ages 12 to 18 years reported that they were afraid of either being attacked at school or on the way to and from school (CDC, 2005a). Fear is more prevalent among younger, urban, and minority students (Cully, Conkling, Emshoff, Blakely, & Gorman, 2006). Often used as an indicator of the risk for school violence, the percentage of students who carry any weapon to school, including guns, increased from 17.1% to 18.5% in 2005 (CDC, 2005b); however, during the same year, students who carried a gun to school decreased from 6.1% to 5.4% (CDC, 2005a). These data included students who carried weapons for self-protec- tion. Therefore, although carrying a weapon poses a greater risk for violence, it may not represent intent to victimize others.

Even though school violence is not rare, acts of serious violence in schools, such as shootings, are infrequent and the risk of violent victimization appears to be decreasing (DeVoe, Peter, Noonan, Snyder, & Baum, 2005). In the AY 1999–2000, 20% of students reported experiencing a serious violent incident (U.S. Department of Education, 2005) compared to 17% in AY 2005–2006 (U.S. Department of Education, 2007). The odds that a high-school student will be a victim of homicide or commit suicide in school are no greater than 1 in 1 million (Vossekuil et al., 2002), and school-related homicides comprise only 1% of all homicides in the United States (CDC, 2006). However, although shootings are statistically rare, polls report that more than 50% of parents with school-age children and 75% of high- school students believe that a school shooting could happen in their communities (e.g., Juvonen, 2001; Kiefer, 2005).

2. Following Columbine

Following the tragedy at Columbine High School in 1999, the U.S. Secret Service and U.S. Department of Education commissioned the Safe School Initiative, a collaborative study that examined 37 shootings occurring in U.S. schools between 1974 and 2000 (Vossekuil et al., 2002). The Safe School final report examined behavioral factors involved in school shootings, and attempted to identify risk factors for

164 T.L. Wike, M.W. Fraser / Aggression and Violent Behavior 14 (2009) 162–169

use in efforts toward preempting an attack and strengthening prevention (Vossekuil et al., 2002). An additional report released by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) focused on the character- istics of perpetrators and assessment of threat (O'Toole, 2000). Both efforts sought to dispel school shooting myths, especially misinforma- tion about the characteristics of school shooters.

These reports suggested that no single risk profile could be used to identify potential school shooters (Vossekuil et al., 2002). Although shooters have some shared characteristics, profiling, the reports argued, would produce many errors. Many more students would fit a putative profile than those at true risk for perpetrating a school shooting, and conversely, some shooters would likely not be identified. For example, a 14-year-old female in Williamsport, Pennsylvania, who shot a classmate during lunch in the cafeteria, would not have been identified as being at risk. Though she was alienated from school, teased by peers, and on medications for depression — all risk factors that elevate the potential for violence — she was not White and male, two risk factors in profiles based on case analyses of the characteristics of shooters.

3. Factors associated with school shootings

Although predicting violence on the basis of individual char- acteristics is difficult, much has been learned from recent studies of school shootings. Understanding these factors holds the potential to inform the design of school-level prevention programs. At perhaps the simplest plane of analysis, school shootings can be classified by the type of offender. Some shootings, such as those at West- side Middle School and Columbine High School, involve students who act against peers and faculty. However, other shootings have involved adults who used the school as a setting in which to commit violent acts. This was seen in the Amish school shooting in Nickel Mines, Pennsylvania, where a 32-year-old milk truck driver entered a one-room schoolhouse and held five girls hostage, event- ually executing them before killing himself. The gunman indicated that his actions were not directly related to the school or to the Amish community, but were motivated instead by a painful incident in his childhood. When adults enter schools and violently victimize students and staff, risk factors differ from incidents that involve student shooters. School and peer factors may influence a student perpetrator, but have little or no bearing on school shootings committed by adults.

Even though shootings committed by students differ from those committed by adults, two risk factors appear to characterize both kinds of events. The first, perpetrators often have had a fascination with weapons and they have all had access to guns. The second is disclosure of assault plans, referred to as leakage. The perpetrators of many shootings have provided clues about their plans.

3.1. Access to weapons

All perpetrators of shootings have had ready access to weapons. Shootings could not happen without gun access. When the perpe- trator of the Williamsport shooting was asked if she thought that not having access to a gun would have prevented her attack, she replied that having a gun probably contributed (ABC News, 2001). Although limiting gun access would likely not stop those who are committed to an attack, limited access complicates the process and, in many states, brings to bear an added level of scrutiny that may deter a potential shooting.

Funded under the 1993 Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act, the National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) was created in 1998. The database contains criminal records from all states and mental health records from 22 states. By law, the NICS is to be checked whenever an attempt is made to purchase a weapon from a federal firearms licensee (Federal Bureau of Investigation,

2007). For a potential shooter, the added time required by background checks may promote recovery from a dysregulated (i.e., impaired) mental state and may increase the chances for intervention by peers, parents, or others. However, the NICS is porous and, as in the case of the perpetrator of the Virginia Tech assault, a determined, emotionally regulated killer is likely to find a way to purchase weapons.

3.2. Leakage

School shootings are rarely impulsive. Most school shooters plan their assaults and provide clues or warning signs that they are contemplating an attack (Vossekuil et al., 2002). The perpetrators of the Columbine shooting planned their attack for over a year, during which they gave many warning signs. For example, a story written for an English class by one of the perpetrators described a shooting spree by an assassin in a black trench coat (CBS News, 2001). At Virginia Tech, the violent writings and threatening behavior of the student who ultimately became the shooter prompted an English professor to have him removed from class. More recently, a teenager in Finland killed eight people in an attack on his high school (Cable News Network [CNN], 2007a). Authorities reported that he had posted notes and videos on a public internet video site, referencing the upcoming attack. Leakage is a keystone risk factor for a school shooting, and the CDC (2006b) reports that almost 50% of attackers have given some kind of warning.

4. What is known about school shooters?

Besides access to weapons and leakage of plans, what else is known about school shooters? At the individual level, shooters appear to lack skill in solving social problems. They do not actively cope with adversity and seem to accumulate losses and social failures (O'Toole, 2000). Over time, they develop negative schemata and scripts in which others are perceived as having hostile intent. Feeling rejected and persecuted, they tend to isolate themselves from peers or to associate with other alienated peers (Verlinden, Hersen, & Thomas, 2000). This is a potentially dangerous pattern when coupled with a fascination with weapons, anger at peers, and victimization by bullies or others.

4.1. Fascination with weapons

Among other factors that characterize the perpetrators of school shootings is fascination with guns, bombs, and other explosives. The perpetrators of the violence at Columbine High School appear to have been deeply involved with violent video games and guns. The duo hoarded bombs, explosives, and guns in their homes for a year while they planned their attack. Writings found after the attack contained references to death, violence, superiority, and hate (Meadows, 2006). More recently, acting on a tip from students, police in Plymouth Meeting outside Philadelphia, arrested a 14-year- old dropout who, with his parents' assistance, had amassed swords, pistols, a 9 mm semiautomatic rifle, grenades, bomb-instructional manuals, black powder used in bomb making, and videos of the Columbine attack. According to reports, his anger and alienation were conjoined with plans to attack his former school, and his parents' angst over their son's school failures appear to have pro- duced poor decisions in trying to indulge his fantasies (though his parents did not know of his plans to attack his school; Chernoff & Vitagliano, 2007).

4.2. Depression, anger, and suicidal ideation

Research on school shooters has shown several commonalities in temperament, including poor control of anger, lack of empathy, and a

165T.L. Wike, M.W. Fraser / Aggression and Violent Behavior 14 (2009) 162–169

combined sense of persecution, righteous indignation, and super- iority (O'Toole, 2000; Verlinden et al., 2000). Many school shooters have evidenced symptoms of depression and thoughts of suicide. Indeed, Vossekuil et al. (2002) reported that three-fourths of attackers had indicated thoughts of suicide or attempts at suicide before the attack. In addition, in at least 12 shooting events since 1996, shooters have ended attacks with suicide (Pearson Education, 2006).

4.3. Rejection by peers and failed relationships

Rejection by peers may weakly predict violent behavior, including school shootings. Studies show that peer rejection is a developmental correlate of anxiety, depression, aggression, antisocial behavior, and other poor adolescent outcomes (Dodge et al., 2003; Nansel et al., 2001, Nansel et al., 2004). For example, Dodge et al. (2003) found that peer rejection in elementary school interacts with aggressive behavior to exacerbate antisocial behavior. In addition to rejection by peers, the dissolution of romantic relationships—a form of peer rejection—is correlated with depression and loneliness (La Greca & Harrison, 2005). Retrospective case analyses have identified failed peer relationships and humiliation as precursors of many shooting events (O'Toole, 2000; Verlinden et al., 2000). Indeed, three-quarters of shooters studied in the Safe School Initiative experienced some form of peer rejection (Vossekuil et al., 2002), including romantic break- ups. Leary, Kowalski, Smith, and Phillips (2003) conducted case studies of 15 school shootings that occurred between 1995 and 2001. In 46% of the cases, shooters experienced recent rejection in the form of a dissolved romantic relationship or unrequited love. In half of these cases, the victims of shootings were those who rejected the perpetrator (Leary et al., 2003). To be sure, peer rejection and failed romances are common in adolescence. However, for some high-risk adolescents, experiencing acute rejection may exacerbate an existing problem or contribute to a threshold effect after which normative functioning is compromised.

4.4. Victimization by peers

Overall, student perpetrators tend to have lower social status with peers, and they are more likely to have been victimized by peers. That is, more than being passively rejected or ignored by peers, they have been teased, taunted, or bullied. The Safe School Initiative found that 71% of attackers had experienced bullying and harassment (Vossekuil et al., 2002). In a media interview one month after she shot a classmate, one teen perpetrator claimed she had been taunted and teased by classmates in a previous public school. After her parents removed her from that school, the teasing continued at her new school and may have precipitated the shooting (ABC News, 2001). Leary et al. (2003) found that in 12 out of 15 shooting incidents, perpetrators had been the victims of some form of teasing, ostracism, or rejection by peers. In a similar case study, Verlinden et al. (2000) found that across nine school shooting incidents, all perpetrators had experienced some form of teasing or felt isolated and marginalized by peers.

Although peer victimization is widely reported as a risk factor for many kinds of antisocial behavior, the relative importance of peer victimization in school shootings is unclear (Cully et al., 2006; Dodge et al., 2003; Leary et al., 2003; Verlinden et al., 2000). A specific event could trigger a shooting. On the other hand, because peer victimization is widespread in schools (Nansel, Overpeck, Haynie, Ruan, & Scheidt, 2003; Nansel et al., 2004), peer victimiza- tion is probably best thought of as significant contextual risk that elevates alienation and anger. It appears that adolescents who lack capacity to negotiate peer conflicts or to rebound from peer-related traumas may be at greater risk. Thus, if peer victimization functions to elevate risk, it marks high risk school social dynamics that

probably operate in combination with many other risk factors (Farmer et al., 2007).

5. What is known about the schools?

School conditions also appear correlated with shootings. Shootings appear more likely in schools characterized by a high degree of social stratification, low bonding and attachment between teachers and students, and few opportunities for involvement. High risk school cultures are unresponsive to the needs of students, provide rewards and recognition for only an elite few, and create social dynamics that promote disrespectful behavior, bullying, and peer harassment (O'Toole, 2000).

5.1. School bonding

In nearly all school shootings, perpetrators appear to have felt little attachment to their schools, teachers, or peers. School attachment and bonding are often found to predict developmental outcomes. For example, Catalano, Haggerty, Oesterle, Fleming, and Hawkins (2004) found that school bonding, defined as having close attachments to those at school and feeling invested in school, resulted in higher academic achievement and lower incidence of substance use, high risk sexual behavior, and violence. Large and highly socially stratified schools, with hierarchies of students where prestige accrues princi- pally to an in-group, may be at greatest risk. School size can also affect level of connectedness or bonding. Schools that are larger in size face special challenges in engaging students and sustaining a climate that encourages attachment and bonding (Wilson, 2004).

5.2. Codes of silence

Changing a school's climate to promote school bonding may help to reduce codes of silence, a term that refers to an unspoken agreement among students that they should not share information about each other with teachers, administrators, or parents. Codes of silence mark environments where distrust prevails. In schools with codes of silence, students feel little sense of involvement with faculty, and they have little sense that they can affect policies or influence programs. Breaking down codes of silence is imperative in opening lines of communication between students, teachers, and staff about possible threats to safety.

6. Prevention and intervention strategies

In response to recent shootings, government agencies, researchers, policy makers, and school administrators have implemented a variety of programs and policies aimed at reducing the threat of school violence. Graphic media coverage combined with the shocking nature of shootings have created a climate of heightened awareness among parents, teachers, and students. Many prevention and intervention strategies—some controversial—have resulted from this wide-spread public concern. For example, one school district in Burleson, Texas implemented its own “counterattack” plan. The district adopted a policy of teaching students to fight back in the event of a shooting. The school district trained students to throw books, pencils, and chairs at an armed intruder (Von Fremd, 2003). After public concern about the strategy, the school district has since changed its policy and no longer implements the training (“Burleson Changes Stance,” 2006). In the same vein, however, a bill introduced by a Wisconsin legislator proposed to allow teachers to keep concealed weapons in the classroom (Lasee, 2006). The proposal received only a lukewarm response. Though controversial, these responses illustrate the degree of alarm and the willingness of school districts to consider a broad range of prevention strategies.

School shootings engender deep public concern. They violate strongly held cross-cultural beliefs about the sanctity of childhood and

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the obligation of society to protect children from harm. Though shootings are so rare as to make testing alternative prevention strategies very difficult, two main prevention and intervention approaches are beginning to emerge from case studies and discourse among experts. The first aims to influence facility security, create changes in the vulnerability of facilities to intrusion, and to increase the capacity to respond at the moment of threat. The second seeks to transform the school climate and increase school attachment and bonding (Cully et al., 2006).

6.1. Interventions to strengthen security

A disturbing feature of school shootings is that sometimes heavily armed students have succeeded in carrying into schools undetected guns, ammunition, and explosives. As a result, increasing security and limiting access are often identified as high priorities in deterring school violence. Many schools limit access and egress, and many conduct routine or random searches of school bags and lockers. Some schools have installed metal detectors, although these efforts are more common in large, urban schools (Juvonen, 2001). Recent reductions in the numbers of students who carry guns to school (CDC, 2005a) may be a reflection of these changes.

In addition, the introduction of police in the role of school resource officers (SROs) into the school environment is a related effort to increase deterrence; to provide the capability of responding quickly to crises; and to afford a visible sense of security to students, teachers, staff, and parents. At the same time, the activities of SROs are often focused on increasing bonding at schools. Although the presence of a uniformed police officer may help to create a sense of safety at school, it is unknown whether an officer's presence may also contribute to an atmosphere of fear, which could adversely affect the school climate (Juvonen, 2001). Most schools appear to regard SROs as contributing to security, and in at least one instance (Orange High School in Hillsborough, North Carolina) a SRO was credited with disarming a shooter before major injuries occurred (Rocha, 2006).

Complementing changes in the ease of access to schools and the growing presence of SROs, many school districts have adopted policies that concomitantly reinforce prosocial behavior and provide added resources for needy or disruptive students. These policies range from anti-bullying and dress code policies to referral and support for youths who are alienated or victimized. Such policy changes also include an expanded use of suspension or expulsion. Many school districts have developed magnet, alternative, and charter schools that offer educa- tional programs for youths who cannot benefit from routine class- room settings (Quinn, Poirier, Faller, Gable, & Tonelson, 2006). The impact of these programs on school violence is unclear but they provide an additional resource for students.

6.2. Interventions to strengthen the school climate

Interventions aimed at increasing school bonding and connected- ness focus on fostering trust between staff and students, increasing student involvement, and eliminating social stratification. Activities often center on reducing peer rejection, strengthening school attachment, and breaking down codes of silence. Although these programs take different forms, they typically include school policies that promote participation in extracurricular activities, rules prohibit- ing bullying and other forms of social aggression, and protocols for training students and teachers in problem-solving methods to promote conflict resolution. The latter may include programs to mediate disputes among peers, to strengthen social skills, and to promote social or character development. Examples of these programs include Second Step (Frey, Nolen, Edstrom, & Hirschstein, 2005), the Seattle Social Development Project (Catalano et al., 2004), and Re- sponding in Peaceful and Positive Ways (Farrell, Meyer, & Daulberg, 1996).

6.2.1. Second Step The Second Step program uses group modeling, anger manage-

ment, and group discussion to increase students' social competence, decision-making ability, goal setting, and empathy levels. The program is designed for preschool through middle-school students and is implemented through the classroom (Committee for Children, 2007). Lessons are based on interpersonal situations and include presentation of photographic images depicting specific social situa- tions. Trained facilitators or teachers then guide discussion related to the situation. The program provides training for teachers in admin- istering the program, and both the content and number of lessons are adjusted for student age.

The Committee for Children and the University of Washington collaborated on a 2-year study to assess the effectiveness of Second Step in a sample of 15 schools that involved a total of 1253 students in eight intervention schools and seven control schools. The results indicated that students who participated in Second Step were 42% less aggressive and 37% more likely to choose positive social goals as compared to their counterparts in the control group schools. More- over, Second Step participants required 41% less adult intervention in minor conflicts, and showed 78% greater improvement in teacher ratings of social competence (Frey et al., 2005). An independent study of the Second Step program and five other social and character education programs is currently funded by the U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences.

6.2.2. Seattle Social Development Project The Seattle Social Development Project (SSDP) is one of the first

elementary-school delinquency prevention projects. A longitudinal research study, SSDP began in 1981. The purpose of the project was to reduce the risk factors that contribute to delinquency and drug use. Classroom based, SSDP promoted social competence, prosocial beha- vior, and school bonding (Catalano et al., 2004). A longitudinal follow- up study of 605 participants found that, when compared with nonparticipants, SSDP participants who received the full intervention program functioned significantly better on 7 of 8 work and school outcomes: (a) constructive engagement at school or work; (b) high school completion; (c) 2 years or more of college; (d) school integration; (e) employment status; (f) job responsibility; (g) total years at present job; and (h) constructive self-efficacy. Moreover, SSDP participants reported better regulation of emotions and fewer symp- toms of social phobia and suicidal thoughts (Hawkins, Kosterman, Catalano, Hill, & Abbott, 2005; Hawkins et al., 2007).

6.2.3. Responding in Peaceful and Positive Ways The classroom-based Responding in Peaceful and Positive Ways (RIPP)

program focuses on teaching conflict resolution skills. The problem- solving curriculum was delivered over 3 years to middle-school youth (grades 6, 7, and 8). RIPP curriculum centers on stereotypes, beliefs, attributions, and scripts that contribute to violence (Farrell et al., 1996; Farrell, Meyer, & White, 2001). In the Richmond, Virginia public school system, a sample of 626 sixth graders from three regular education classrooms were randomly assigned into either a treatment condition that receivedRIPP orcomparison(notreatment) condition.The majority of the sample was African American (96%), and both conditions had equal numbers of boys and girls. Compared to students who received RIPP, students in the comparison group were 4.9 times more likely to have an in-school suspension and 2.5 times more likely to have a fight- related injury. Students in the intervention group showed greater knowledge of problem-solving skills (adjusted means=8.9 vs. 7.0, pb .001; Farrell et al., 2001).

A variety of other programs use similar approaches including FAST Track (Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group [CPPRG], 2002, 2006, 2007); PATHS (Kam, Greenberg, & Kusche, 2004); Mak- ing Choices (Fraser et al., 2005); and Life Skills (Botvin, Griffin, & Nichols, 2006), and have evidence supporting their effectiveness.

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Some of these programs involve complex teacher, parent, and school-level elements that require extensive organizational commit- ments. Other programs are classroom-based curricula that may be adopted by teachers as a part of routine instruction. These class- room-based programs tend to require minimal parent involvement and they have lower school burden. Though they may be as effective as more comprehensive programs (Wilson & Lipsey, 2007), their long-term effects are less certain. The multilayered, more complex programs, such as SSDP, FAST Track, and Life Skills, have been shown to affect distal outcomes in adolescence and young adulthood (Botvin et al., 2006; CPPRG, 2007; Hawkins et al., 2007). However, although many programs have shown efficacy in reducing aggressive behavior and delinquency, no program effect has been demonstrated effective on relatively rarely occurring events such as school shootings or bombings.

7. Discussion

More is known about school shootings in which the shooter is a student rather than an adult exploiting the vulnerability of the school setting. On balance, adult shooters appear to select a school as a convenient setting in which to commit mass violence. Much of the emerging knowledge about shootings is derived from case studies of shooting events and, because shootings in which a student is the perpetrator are more frequent, we are beginning to make sense of these seemingly nonsensical events.

This emerging body of research, which is primarily characterized by case studies, case comparison, and anecdotal media reports, has given rise to an overarching strategy. As a first step, risk factors that are subject to change by altering conditions and processes within schools and neighborhoods must be identified. Once identified, the second step involves matching these risk factors to procedures designed to affect change, such as strategies that alter school ingress and egress, routines that formalize referral protocols with local mental health authorities with expertise in working with potentially violent students, and processes that open the lines of communication among students, teachers, administrators, and parents. These strategies should be based on the best information currently available and grounded in the literature of prevention science.

A number of malleable risk factors have been identified. Risk factors at the student level include alienation from school, rejection and victimization by peers, access to guns, practicing with guns, and leakage of plans. Furthermore, these individual level factors themselves have known predictors. For example, poor social problem-solving skills is predictive of relational problems with peers, low school involvement is related to alienation, and exposure to violent media is related to views about the use of weapons to resolve disputes (Cauffman, Feldman, Waterman, & Steiner, 1998; Moore, Petrie, Braga, & McLaughlin, 2003; Nansel et al., 2003; Rudatsikira, Singh, Job, & Knutsen, 2007). Risk factors that have been identified at the school level include high social stratification; low school bonding; inconsistent rule enforcement; poor security (including monitoring and communication); norms supporting social aggression (including bullying); and ill-defined response systems (including procedures for teachers who are alarmed by the behavior or work of students). Similar to the process used in the Communities That Care Prevention Operating System (Catalano, 2007), a process of identifying risks and matching those risks to discrete interventions is recommended. This process should produce a multi level response, including collaboration among educational, juvenile justice, and mental health authorities.

7.1. Six strategies to address malleable risk factors

From the literature, six strategies have emerged that could reduce the vulnerability of schools to a shooting event: (a) strengthening

school attachment; (b) reducing social aggression; (c) breaking down codes of silence; (d) establishing resources (e.g., screening, assess- ment, and intervention) for troubled and rejected students; (e) increasing security; and (f) bolstering communications within the school and between the school and community agencies. If imple- mented successfully, programs based on these six strategies are likely to reduce social stratification, increase school bonding, and provide early intervention to ostracized and angry students who, if exposed to other risk factors, may have a higher likelihood of violence. However, these six strategies are likely to affect student shooters more than adult shooters, for whom the central school-based deterrent may only be the physical security of a potential target.

7.1.1. Strengthening school attachment Strengthening school attachment entails increasing the invest-

ment of students and staff in the school community. No shooting has involved a student who was attached and committed to school. Large, academically competitive schools with high levels of social stratifica- tion appear to be especially vulnerable to poor school attachment. Developing curricular and extracurricular programs with wide participation by students contributes to a sense of belonging, which, in turn, decreases alienation and reduces hostility that can motivate individuals' depression and anger.

7.1.2. Reducing social aggression Unlike physical aggression, social aggression (e.g., teasing,

taunting, humiliation, and bullying) has curried less attention in prevention efforts. However, research suggests that social aggression is an important predictor of developmental outcomes for both victims and perpetrators (Crick & Grotpeter, 1995; Galen & Under- wood, 1997; La Greca & Harrison, 2005; Rudatsikira et al., 2007). The impact of social aggression is easily underestimated because of its covert nature. Although social aggression is clearly related to low school attachment, high social stratification, peer rejection, and peer victimization, the question of how to change these social dynamical patterns of aggression remains unanswered.

Some social skills training programs, such as Making Choices, have demonstrated positive effects on social aggression in elementary- school students (Fraser et al., 2005), and bullying preventions programs appear to produce positive effects on social aggression in middle- and high-school students (Orpinas & Horne, 2006). Though teachers may witness socially aggressive behavior in the classroom, social aggression occurs more often in informal settings where teachers are not present. Social and character development programs that more broadly address norms for peer relations and expectations for peer-related behavior may offer promise.

7.1.3. Breaking down codes of silence Codes of silence not only provide protection for potential

shooters but also characterize school climates of mistrust. Students are more likely to report concerns about fellow students if (a) a school provides an anonymous mechanism for voicing concerns, (b) students' concerns produce visible action, and (c) disclosures are treated discreetly.

7.1.4. Establishing resources for troubled and rejected students A concerted effort is needed to address the social and emotional

needs of students. Community mental health systems need to work closely with schools to develop protocols for assessing the mental health needs of students, especially those that show evidence of suicidal ideation, depression, and anger. Establishing routine and emergency modes of communication — especially high priority referral protocols — could reduce the likelihood of students falling between the cracks and acting out against the school. Ethical and legal considerations (e.g., what constitutes a breach of confidenti- ality, and when is that breach necessary) should be clarified in

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advance and in writing by schools and mental health agencies. Collaboration among mental health agencies and school personnel can provide students with the resources they need to stay involved in the school environment.

7.1.5. Increasing security Increasing security by adding to human resources or altering the

physical environment can reduce vulnerability and enhance connect- edness. Although there are no systematic evaluations of the effects of SROs, anecdotal evidence has suggested that “target hardening” strategies such as altering ingress and egress, installing metal detectors, and increasing security alters perceptions of the threat of detection and produces a deterrent effect. In addition, increasing the human resources dedicated to security may have an indirect effect on vulnerability. As a symbolic representation of school commitment to safety, the presence of a SRO may increase confidence and decrease feelings of vulnerability for teachers, students, and parents (Finn, 2006). This increased perception of school security, in turn, has the potential to bolster school attachment and promote breaking down codes of silence.

7.1.6. Increasing communications within school and between the school and agencies

Because most school shooters leak information prior to an attack, increasing communication within the school and the school commu- nity may provide authorities with sufficient early warning to save lives. In the event of an attack, rapid communication can assist in instructing students to take cover or to evacuate safely to secure campus locations. In addition, effective communication may help to identify the location of an attacker and to disrupt a developing event. Ideally, two-way communication is needed but even one-way communication may be effective. For example, during a recent school shooting in a Cleveland high school, the principal used the school intercom to announce a “code blue,” meaning that the school was under attack. Students hearing the announcement were able to avoid the shooter by taking cover (CNN, 2007b).

The increased accessibility and use of text messaging via cell phones may also provide a venue to quickly alert the school community of a possible shooting. Mass text message alert systems are under consideration by many colleges and universities in which a large percentage of students, teachers, and administrators own personal cell phones, most with text messaging capabilities. Utilizing a line of communication that is already normative could be a powerful tool in disseminating important lifesaving information.

More broadly, protocols for communicating and assessing threat potential should be established. In universities and high schools, English faculty teach required courses and are often exposed to a majority of students. This interaction allows these faculty unusual opportunities to identify troubled and potentially violent students because essays and compositions can reflect the mental state of the writer. Prior to the Columbine and Virginia Tech shootings, English teachers sought assistance and made referrals that, if properly evaluated, might have averted disasters.

Guidelines should be developed that outline referral and assess- ment procedures for students whose writings may present leakage or whose class behavior may be alienating or intimidating to either faculty or other students. These guidelines should support teachers in making judgments that must counterbalance privacy and academic freedom with public safety. In addition, the ethical and legal vulnerabilities of teachers who choose not to report need to be described, and an evaluative procedure for assessing teacher referrals should be established. This procedure might, for example, involve discreet and rapid review by a panel of experts from school, juvenile justice, and mental health authorities. Successful implementation depends upon collaboration and creating safe, supportive, and confidential structures for teachers.

8. Making sense of what makes no sense

Fortunately, school shootings are rare events. However, each time one occurs, it displays the unsettling susceptibility of schools and universities to acts of violence. Although events are unique, patterns across events have emerged. From case comparisons, media reports, and expert testimony, we described six strategies to strengthen school bonding, to identify troubled and potentially violent youths, and to respond rapidly in the face of a threat. Much more could be said about rapid response, about Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams, and about evacuation as efforts to reduce injuries (e.g., Browman, 2001). However, we have focused on the social and psychological conditions that, if addressed, could reduce vulner- ability and strengthen school experiences for all children.

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